AFRO-AMERICAN INTERESTS
Neither voyage to Africa was financially profitable. Cuffe did not
make either visit with that end in view. But he was careful to make
use of every opportunity to reduce the expense of the trip. An undated
item in his letters says property to the value of $1337.15 was landed
from the _Traveller_ and placed in charge of Thomas Wainer. Blue
cloth, cassimere and flannels bought through William and Richard
Rathbone of Liverpool were imported when Cuffe made his first voyage
to Sierra Leone. Peter and Alexander Howard of New Bedford shared
equally with Cuffe in this transaction. The estimated value of the
goods was $2300; the profit to each party was $439.93.[45]
Cuffe imported camwood and squills when he returned in 1816, but
neither sold well. Abner Gifford made a small sale of camwood in
Albany but the bulk of it was sold by Hicks Jenkins and Company
of New York. Peleg Howland and Sons and Swift and Barnes, both of
Poughkeepsie, purchased some of the camwood.
The _Traveller_, however, was kept busy. In 1816 and 1817 she carried
freight along the Atlantic coast and made several voyages to the West
Indies. Tuite and Amie, a firm in Port au Prince, was a correspondent
of Cuffe. Tuite at one time seems to have lived at Bridgeport and
to have established a line of Quaker connections. While Cuffe had
business dealings with a number of houses the ones most frequently
referred to are Josiah Crodler and Company of Boston, Hicks Jenkins
and Company of New York and William Roth, Jr., and Company of New
Bedford. At the time of his death Cuffe was constructing salt works at
Westport.
Cuffe never allowed his own private business affairs to engulf his
interests in Sierra Leone. He wrote frequently to the colonists that
he took over and he kept in close touch with the Friendly Society. He
gave them financial advice, quoted prices, and promised another visit
when satisfactory arrangement could be made with either the London
African Institution or the British Government. He expressed the wish
that an additional port might be selected for a settlement because,
from the rumors of insurrection in the South, "many will be glad to
find some place where they could send them."[46]
He exhorted the Friendly Society as a whole to "stand fast, grow
strong, be respectable, and be active to suppress the slave trade." To
its secretary, James Wise, he gave this special message:
"As thou art one of the main spokes in the great wheel in which
the Friendly Society are upheld I earnestly instruct thee to stand
firm for her support for if she falls and comes to naught, it will
be a deadly blow to Africa. I am a well wisher to her prosperity
and could I be the means of her firm establishment I think I
should consent to be made use of in any way which might be for her
advancement. I instruct thee to endeavor that she, the Friendly
Society, may not give up her commercial pursuits, for that is the
greatest outlet to her national advancement.--I forsee this to be
the means of improving both your country and nation."[47]
The African Institutions at Philadelphia and New York were as dear to
his heart as the Friendly Society. He kept in close touch with both
of them. "I wish these institutions," he said, "to be brought as much
under action as possible; by these means the colored people of these
large cities would be more awakened than from an individual, and a
stranger, and thereby prevailed upon for their own good."[48]
The secretary of the New York African Institution was Peter Williams,
Jr., a rector of the St. Phillip's Episcopal Church. Cuffe constantly
spurred him on to greater activity in the organization. He should
write Governor McCarthy of Sierra Leone expressing interest in Cuffe's
mission; he should cooperate with the Abolition Society in New York
in its efforts to secure information leading to the capture of slave
traders; he should open up a correspondence with the Friendly Society.
Cuffe counted on the help of the Institution to break up the slave
trade. He expressed to Samuel C. Aiken, of Andover, the view that
general manumission could never occur until this trade was really
stopped. He reported that in 1815 two hundred sail cleared from
Savannah for this traffic. Six vessels had been brought in by the
forces in Sierra Leone. If the road could be kept open between Africa
and America, it would help the authorities in Sierra Leone. "I
believe," he continued, "if there could be mercantile correspondence
opened between the African race in America and Africa it would have
good tendency to keep open this communication and acquaint them
with each other. It would employ their children; and if religious
characters wished to visit that country they would obtain a
passage."[49] William Allen had asked him again to come to England
to help keep communication open between London and Sierra Leone. In
harmony with the invitation Rathbone Hodgson Company of Liverpool
wrote, "It will give us much pleasure to learn that you are embarking
for England."
James Forten seems to have been the leading spirit in the African
Institution at Philadelphia. It was no less eager than the sister
one in New York to diffuse knowledge about Africa, to help civilize
its inhabitants, and to help substitute a beneficial commerce for
the slave trade. The Institution had among the members an African
Prince, a grandson of King Lurker, who reigned about fifty leagues
south of Sierra Leone. He was about eight years old and had been
secured by the local Abolition Society in order to educate him. James
Forten hoped that his return to Africa would serve to open up a
correspondence between King Lurker and the Friendly Society which
would be very advantageous to the Sierra Leone colony. Forten reported
the Institution greatly concerned over the will of Samuel Gist because
there was no asylum for the blacks whom he desired to free and whom he
finally colonized in Brown County, Ohio.
Neither organization, however, was lively enough to please Cuffe. He
feared that their inactivity might cause the mission in Africa to
fail. Rather than see the seed planted in Africa perish, he wrote
William Allen that he would bestow some further labor; he would come
to England if necessary and be used there.
Cuffe had another important purpose in connection with colonization.
From the time that he built a schoolhouse at Westport to his death
he was interested in the cause of education both in Africa and
in America. He said: "I am one of those who rejoice to see good
institutions established for the instruction and reformation of our
fellow creatures.... I approve of the plan for educating young men of
color. I think such characters would be useful in Africa." Teachers
were sought out for schools in Sierra Leone and passage for them on
the _Traveller_ was always ready. He contributed to teachers' salaries
and was interested in putting children in private boarding schools.
Prospect for establishing a school for blacks in Charleston, South
Carolina, was laid before Cuffe by Samuel R. Fisher of Philadelphia.
The information was a solicitation for advice and financial help.
Naturally, as soon as he returned from Sierra Leone, his
correspondence increased. He received many inquiries about that
country and to all he gave kind and considerate reply. Dr. Jedekiah
Morse of Boston wants to know what offices are held by men of color.
There are sheriffs, constables, clerks of court, and jurors; and there
is a colored printer. But "Africa calls for men of character to fill
stations in the Legislature."
"What does it cost to go to Africa?" asked Thomas Fay, of Providence.
"Does there exist any arrangement under the auspices of the African
Institution for the payment of passage for those unable to meet this
expense?" And the answer comes that it costs about one hundred dollars
per person and that there is no arrangement at present with the
African Institution. But if you go you must set your face against the
slave trade; prepare as do the Irish who come to America.
Peter Williams, Jr., of New York, upon being reminded that there is no
time to lose if a mercantile line of business is established between
Africa and the United States, makes this inquiry, "Any news from
England on colonization? A carpenter here ready to settle in Sierra
Leone if his passage paid."
Cuffe wants to know whether James Forten, of Philadelphia, could tell
him the cost of a rice mill? Could he refer him to a man who would
manage a sawmill; to another who was a good watch repairer? "What are
the African news?" asks James Forten. "And can you give me information
about Cuffe Johnson who claims he sailed with you twelve years ago
and was marked with a mold on his left breast?" Thomas Ash, merchant
and employer of Forten, inquires if ebony wood may be obtained on the
Gaboon River and reports his intention to make an expedition there.
John James wants Cuffe to visit Philadelphia and clear up unfavorable
reports about the Sierra Leone Mission. Several wish to emigrate and
they must be saved for Africa. And Cuffe sends to Peter Williams, Jr.,
of New York for the minutes of Perry Locke and a communication from
Governor McCarthy so that he may have documentary evidence to submit
to his colored brethren at Philadelphia. "I think it is time," says
Cuffe to Forten, "some steps were taken to prevent insurrection."[50]
From Wilmington, Delaware, William Gibbons sends the respect and
friendship of his wife and family and asks how many Negroes are in
Sierra Leone? How far has the colony civilized the natives? What about
the moral, religious, civil and political situation?
The colonists who were taken out in 1815 wrote many letters to Cuffe
and to their "Dear Friends and Brethren" in America. Friend Gwinn
had lost a leg; Samuel Hews and Mrs. Thomas Jarvis were dead. Would
Cuffe bring two Bibles when he came over again? Would the American
Government purchase a small tract in Sherbro? It is a splendid site
for a colony and camwood, palm oil and a little ivory are available
there.
And Cuffe writes back: "The camwood is stored in New York, six
families in Boston and a considerable number in New York want to go
over. They must wait and see how things turn out. There will be no
voyage really soon for there is no arrangement made with the London
African Institution or the British Government. May Perry Locke get on
with his friends in religion. Let George Davis and others meet their
financial obligations promptly."
An incident which created no little concern among Cuffe's friends
in New Bedford, Philadelphia and New York was the appearance of a
colored man who claimed to be a relative of the Captain. He made his
appearance in New Bedford late in 1816, where he claimed to be a
minister, and the son of Richard Allen. He sat in the pulpit with the
local minister and had sittings with the Negroes. Soon he left for
Boston with false letters from William Rotch setting forth that he was
a brother-in-law of Paul Cuffe and that his home was in New York. He
was now using the name Samuel Bailey. He bought nine hundred dollars
worth of goods on his credentials and came very near making away with
the purchase.
The imposter next appeared in New Bedford, where, on the initiative
of William Rotch, he was arrested. Unfortunately, however, he escaped
from prison. From New Bedford he made his way to New York where he
presented false letters of credit to the extent of $10,000. Here
he was brought before the authorities and was requested to leave
the State. He went to Albany and was employed by Ira Porter for one
month. To disguise himself better he had made a plain suit, Quaker
style, and then absconded on one of Porter's fine black horses, worth
$200. He rode him to York, introduced himself as Paul Cuffe and found
hospitality at the home of Joseph Jessop. Although he attended meeting
on the first day, nevertheless suspicions were aroused as to his real
self. His conduct and pretentions while at York are further set forth
by a contemporary in the following language:
"An African pretending to be the son of the _Celebrated_ Paul
Cuffe, came here about eight or ten days ago. He was received
as Paul Cuffe, in this place, and entertained by members of the
Society of Friends. He said he was on his way to Congress, for the
purpose of soliciting aid in a project he had on foot, to colonize
Sierra Leone, or the _Leone Country_, on the west coast of Africa.
He said he had been the first man that put a yoke on a pair of
oxen in Sierra Leone.
"He tarried in this place several days, and though he is an artful
fellow, he told in the course of his conversation upon the Sierra
Leone project some inconsistent stories. He said, for instance,
that he would lay a memorial before Congress embracing a view of
his Sierra Leone business. One of the Friends advised him to have
a sufficient number of copies printed to supply all the members.
This, he said, was already done and he had them along with him. On
his being pressed to show one of them he could not make it appear
that he told a straight story. This gave rise to a suspicion that
he was not a _Real_ Cuffe, of the Cape Cod breed. He proceeded
from this place to Baltimore. Letters were sent from here giving
intelligence of the suspiciousness of his character.
"The letters were read to him at Baltimore, upon which he came
back to this place to clear up his character. He appears not to
have done it to the satisfaction of his friends here, as they
took him before a magistrate and had him committed to the care
of Robert Wilson. On his examination it appeared that he could
neither read nor write, but at the same time exhibited proof
of a keenness of intellect seldom met with in persons of his
color. The real celebrated Paul Cuffe resides in the State of
Massachusetts in the vicinity of Cape Cod at the entrance to
Boston Bay."[51]
What was the upshot of the matter is not known but the significance of
the affair is well pointed out by the Real Cuffe in a letter to the
impostor:
"I think it looks as though thou art arrested from thy labors,
and thy words do follow thee. How canst thou, a sinful impostor,
call me thy father when I never saw thee to my knowledge. It
appears that thou art a scribe, but hath missput the name that
thee presumed to assume. It is a great pity that thou who hath
been so well treated should make such ill use of it. This I speak
to thy shame. The great evil that thou hast embarked upon is not
only against me as an individual. It is a national concern. It
is a stain to the whole community of the African race. Wilt thou
consider, thou imposter, the great number thou hast lifted thy
head against, would not it have been good that thou had never been
born. Let me tell thee that the manumission of 1,500,000 slaves
depends on the faithfulness of the few who have obtained their
freedom, yea, it is not only those who are in bondage, but the
whole community of the African race, which are according to best
accounts 30,000,000. If nothing better can be obtained from thee
than the fruit that thou produced, let me intreat thee to petition
for a prison for life; Awake thou imposter unto righteousness and
pray God to forgive thee, if happily thou may find firgiveness
before the door of mercy is closed against thee. Thus thou hast
the advise of one who wishes well to all mankind."
PAUL CUFFE.[52]