390 B. Jülg, _Kalmückische Märchen_ (Leipsic, 1866), No. 12, pp. 58

_sqq._

M113 The external soul in Tartar poems.

391 Anton Schiefner, _Heldensagen der Minussinschen Tataren_ (St.

Petersburg, 1859), pp. 172-176.

392 A. Schiefner, _op. cit._ pp. 108-112.

393 A. Schiefner, _op. cit._ pp. 360-364; A. Castren, _Vorlesungen über

die finnische Mythologie_ (St. Petersburg, 1857), pp. 186 _sq._

394 A. Schiefner, _op. cit._ pp. 189-193. In another Tartar poem

(Schiefner, _op. cit._ pp. 390 _sq._) a boy’s soul is shut up by his

enemies in a box. While the soul is in the box, the boy is dead;

when it is taken out, he is restored to life. In the same poem (p.

384) the soul of a horse is kept shut up in a box, because it is

feared the owner of the horse will become the greatest hero on

earth. But these cases are, to some extent, the converse of those in

the text.

M114 The external soul in a Mongolian story and Tartar poems.

395 Schott, “Ueber die Sage von Geser-Chan,” _Abhandlungen der

königlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin_, 1851, p. 269.

396 W. Radloff, _Proben der Volkslitteratur der türkischen Stämme

Süd-Sibiriens_, ii. (St. Petersburg, 1868), pp. 237 _sq._

397 W. Radloff, _op. cit._ ii. 531 _sqq._

398 W. Radloff, _op. cit._ iv. (St. Petersburg, 1872) pp. 88 _sq._

399 W. Radloff, _op. cit._ i. (St. Petersburg, 1866) pp. 345 _sq._

M115 The external soul in a Chinese story.

400 J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, iv. (Leyden,

1901) pp. 105 _sq._

M116 The external soul in a story told by the Khasis of Assam.

401 Major P. R. T. Gurdon, _The Khasis_ (London, 1907), pp. 181-184.

M117 The external soul in a Malay poem. Bidasari and the golden fish.

402 G. A. Wilken, “De betrekking tusschen menschen- dieren- en

plantenleven naar het volksgeloof,” _De Indische Gids_, November

1884, pp. 600-602; _id._, “De Simsonsage,” _De Gids_, 1888, No. 5,

pp. 6 _sqq._ (of the separate reprint); _id._, _Verspreide

Geschriften_ (The Hague, 1912), iii. 296-298, 559-561. Compare L. de

Backer, _L’Archipel Indien_ (Paris, 1874), pp. 144-149. The Malay

text of the long poem was published with a Dutch translation and

notes by W. R. van Hoëvell (“Sjaïr Bidasari, een oorspronkelijk

Maleisch Gedicht, uitgegeven en van eene Vertaling en Aanteekeningen

voorzien,” _Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van

Kunsten en Wetenschappen_, xix. (Batavia, 1843) pp. 1-421).

M118 The external soul in a story told in Nias.

403 J. T. Nieuwenhuisen en H. C. B. von Rosenberg, “Verslag omtrent het

eiland Nias,” _Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van

Kunsten en Wetenschappen_, xxx. (Batavia, 1863) p. 111; H.

Sundermann, “Die Insel Nias,” _Allgemeine Missions-Zeitschrift_, xi.

(1884) p. 453; _id._, _Die Insel Nias und die Mission daselbst_

(Barmen, 1905), p. 71. Compare E. Modigliani, _Un Viaggio a Nías_

(Milan, 1890), p. 339.

M119 The external soul in a Hausa story. The king whose life was in a

box. The helpful animals.

404 Major A. J. N. Tremearne, _Hausa Superstitions and Customs_ (London,

1913), pp. 131 _sq._ The original Hausa text of the story appears to

be printed in Major Edgar’s _Litafi na Tatsuniyoyi na Hausa_ (ii.

27), to which Major Tremearne refers (p. 9).

M120 The external soul in a South Nigerian story. The external soul in a

story told by the Ba-Ronga of South Africa. The Clan of the Cat.

405 Major A. G. Leonard, _The Lower Niger and its Tribes_ (London,

1906), pp. 319-321.

406 Henri A. Junod, _Les Chants et les Contes des Ba-ronga_ (Lausanne,

N.D.), pp. 253-256; _id._, _The Life of a South African Tribe_

(Neuchatel, 1912-1913), i. 338 _sq._

M121 The external soul in stories told by the North American Indians. The

ogress whose life was in a hemlock branch.

407 J. Curtin, _Myths and Folk-tales of the Russians, Western Slavs, and

Magyars_ (London, 1891), p. 551. The writer does not mention his

authorities.

408 G. B. Grinnell, _Pawnee Hero Stories and Folk-tales_ (New York,

1889), pp. 121 _sqq._, “The Bear Man.”

409 Washington Matthews, “The Mountain Chant: a Navajo Ceremony,” _Fifth

Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1887), pp.

406 _sq._

410 Franz Boas, “The Social Organization and the Secret Societies of the

Kwakiutl Indians,” _Report of the United States National Museum for

1895_ (Washington, 1897), p. 373.

M122 The external soul in folk-custom.

M123 The soul removed from the body as a precaution in seasons of danger.

Souls of people collected in a bag at a house-warming. Soul of a

woman put in a chopping-knife at childbirth.

_ 411 Taboo and the Perils of the Soul_, pp. 63 _sq._

412 B. F. Matthes, _Bijdragen tot de Ethnologie van Zuid-Celebes_ (The

Hague, 1875), p. 54.

413 A. C. Kruijt, “Een en ander aangaande het geestelijk en

maatschappelijk leven van den Poso-Alfoer,” _Mededeelingen van wege

het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xxxix. (1895) pp. 23 _sq._;

_id._, “Van Paloppo naar Posso,” _Mededeelingen van wege het

Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xlii. (1898) p. 72. As to the

_lamoa_ in general, see A. C. Kruijt, _op. cit._ xl. (1896) pp. 10

_sq._

414 A. C. Kruijt, “Het koppensnellen der Toradja’s van Midden-Celebes,

en zijne beteekenis,” _Verslagen en Mededeelingen der koninklijke

Akademie der Wetenschappen_, Afdeeling Letterkunde, iv. Reeks, iii.

(Amsterdam, 1899) pp. 201 _sq._; _id._, “Het ijzer in

Midden-Celebes,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van

Nederlandsch- Indië_, liii. (1901) pp. 156 _sq._ Both the

interpretations in the text appear to be inferences drawn by Mr.

Kruijt from the statement of the natives, that, if they did not hang

up these wooden models in the smithy, “the iron would flow away and

be unworkable” (“_zou het ijzer vervloeien en onbewerkbaar

worden_”).

M124 Soul of a child put for safety in an empty coco-nut or a bag. Souls

of people in ornaments, horns, a column, and so forth. The souls of

Egyptian kings in portrait statues. A man’s life bound up with the

fire in his lodge.

415 A. H. B. Agerbeek, “Enkele gebruiken van de Dajaksche bevolking der

Pinoehlanden,” _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en

Volkenkunde_, li. (1909) pp. 447 _sq._

416 J. A. Jacobsen, _Reisen in die Inselwelt des Banda-Meeres_ (Berlin,

1896), p. 199.

417 In a long list of female ornaments the prophet Isaiah mentions (iii.

20) “houses of the soul” (בת הנפש) or (שפנה תב), which modern

scholars suppose to have been perfume boxes, as the Revised English

Version translates the phrase. The name, literally translated

“houses of the soul,” suggests that these trinkets were amulets of

the kind mentioned in the text. See my article, “Folk-lore in the

Old Testament,” _Anthropological Essays presented to E. B. Tylor_

(Oxford, 1907), pp. 148 _sqq._ In ancient Egyptian tombs there are

often found plaques or palettes of schist bearing traces of paint;

some of them are decorated with engravings of animals or historical

scenes, others are modelled in the shape of animals of various

sorts, such as antelopes, hippopotamuses, birds, tortoises, and

fish. As a rule only one such plaque is found in a tomb, and it lies

near the hands of the mummy. It has been conjectured by M. Jean

Capart that these plaques are amulets or soul-boxes, in which the

external souls of the dead were supposed to be preserved. See Jean

Capart, _Les Palettes en schiste de L’Égypte primitive_ (Brussels,

1908), pp. 5 _sqq._, 19 _sqq._ (separate reprint from the _Revue des

Questions Scientifiques_, avril, 1908). For a full description of

these plaques or palettes, see Jean Capart, _Les Débuts de l’Art en

Égypte_ (Brussels, 1904), pp. 76 _sqq._, 221 _sqq._

418 Miss Alice Werner, in a letter to the author, dated 25th September

1899. Miss Werner knew the old woman. Compare _Contemporary Review_,

lxx. (July-December 1896), p. 389, where Miss Werner describes the

ornament as a rounded peg, tapering to a point, with a neck or notch

at the top.

419 Rev. James Macdonald, _Religion and Myth_ (London, 1893), p. 190.

Compare Dudley Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_ (London, 1904), p. 83:

“The natives occasionally fix ox-horns in their roofs and say that

the spirit of the chief lives in these horns and protects the hut;

these horns also protect the hut from lightning, though not in

virtue of their spiritual connections. (They are also used simply as

ornaments.)” No doubt amulets often degenerate into ornaments.

420 R. Thurnwald, “Im Bismarckarchipel und auf den Salomo-inseln,”

_Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, xlii. (1910) p. 136. As to the

Ingniet, Ingiet, or Iniet Society see P. A. Kleintitschen, _Die

Küstenbewohner der Gazellehalbinsel_ (Hiltrup bei Münster, N.D.),

pp. 354 _sqq._; R. Parkinson, _Dreissig Jahre in der Südsee_

(Stuttgart, 1907), pp. 598 _sqq._

421 G. Cedrenus, _Historiarum Compendium_, p. 625B, vol. ii. p. 308, ed.

Im. Bekker (Bonn, 1838-1839).

422 Alexandre Moret, _Du caractère religieux de la Royauté Pharaonique_

(Paris, 1902), pp. 224 _sqq._ As to the Egyptian doctrine of the

spiritual double or soul (_ka_), see A. Wiedemann, _The Ancient

Egyptian Doctrine of the Immortality of the Soul_ (London, 1895),

pp. 10 _sqq._; A. Erman, _Die ägyptische Religion_ (Berlin, 1905),

p. 88; A. Moret, _Mystères Égyptiens_ (Paris, 1913), pp. 199 _sqq._

423 F. Mason, “Physical Character of the Karens,” _Journal of the

Asiatic Society of Bengal_, 1866, Part ii. No. 1, p. 9.

_ 424 A Narrative of the Captivity and Adventures of John Tanner, during

Thirty Years’ Residence among the Indians_, prepared for the press

by Edwin James, M.D. (London, 1830), pp. 155 _sq._ The passage has

been already quoted by Sir John Lubbock (Lord Avebury) in his

_Origin of Civilisation_4 (London, 1882), p. 241.

M125 Strength of people supposed to reside in their hair.

425 François Valentijn, _Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indiën_ (Dordrecht and

Amsterdam, 1724-1726), ii. 143 _sq._; G. A. Wilken, “De Simsonsage,”

_De Gids_, 1888, No. 5, pp. 15 _sq._ (of the separate reprint);

_id._, _Verspreide Geschriften_ (The Hague, 1912), iii. 569 _sq._

426 J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes

en Papua_ (The Hague, 1886), p. 137.

M126 Witches and wizards shaved to deprive them of their power.

427 J. G. Dalyell, _The darker Superstitions of Scotland_ (Edinburgh,

1834), pp. 637-639; C. de Mensignac, _Recherches ethnographiques sur

la Salive et le Crachat_ (Bordeaux, 1892), p. 49 note.

428 W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_

(Westminster, 1896), ii. 281.

429 W. Crooke, _op. cit._ ii. 281 _sq._

430 B. de Sahagun, _Histoire des choses de la Nouvelle Espagne_,

traduite par D. Journdanet et R. Siméon (Paris, 1880), p. 274.

M127 Life of a person supposed to be bound up with that of a tree or

plant. Birth-trees in Africa.

431 Above, pp. 102, 110, 117 _sq._, 135, 136.

432 Walter E. Roth, _North Queensland Ethnography, Bulletin, No. 5,

Superstition, Magic, and Medicine_ (Brisbane, 1903), p. 27.

433 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), p. 202.

434 G. Duloup, “Huit jours chez les M’Bengas,” _Revue d’Ethnographie_,

ii. (1883), p. 223; compare P. Barret, _L’Afrique Occidentale_

(Paris, 1888), ii. 173.

435 Fr. Kunstmann, “Valentin Ferdinand’s Beschreibung der Serra Leoa,”

_Abhandlungen der histor. Classe der könig. Bayer. Akad. der

Wissenschaften_, ix. (1866) pp. 131 _sq._

436 Bruno Gutmann, “Feldbausitten und Wachstumsbräuche der Wadschagga,”

_Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, xlv. (1913), p. 496.

437 C. Velten, _Sitten und Gebräuche der Suaheli_ (Göttingen, 1903), pp.

8 _sq._ In Java it is customary to plant a tree, for example, a

coco-nut palm, at the birth of a child, and when he grows up he

reckons his age by the age of the tree. See _Annales de la

Propagation de la Foi_, iii. (Lyons and Paris, 1830) pp. 400 _sq._

438 A. Bastian, _Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango-Küste_ (Jena,

1874-1875), i. 165.

439 Rev. J. Macdonald, _Religion and Myth_ (London, 1893), p. 178.

440 H. Trilles, _Le Totémisme chez les Fân_ (Münster i. W., 1912), p.

570.

441 Rev. John H. Weeks, _Among Congo Cannibals_ (London, 1913), p. 295.

442 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), pp. 52, 54 _sq._

Compare _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 295 _sq._;

and for other examples of burying the afterbirth or navel-string at

the foot of a tree or planting a young tree over these remains, see

_id._, pp. 182 _sqq._ In Kiziba, a district to the west of Lake

Victoria Nyanza, the afterbirth is similarly regarded as a sort of

human being. Hence when twins are born the people speak of four

children instead of two, reckoning the two afterbirths as two

children. See H. Rehse, _Kiziba, Land und Leute_ (Stuttgart, 1910),

p. 117. The conception of the afterbirth and navel-string as

spiritual doubles of the child with whom they are born is held very

firmly by the Kooboos, a primitive tribe of Sumatra. We are told

that among these people “a great vital power is ascribed to the

navel-string and afterbirth; because they are looked upon as brother

or sister of the infant, and though their bodies have not come to

perfection, yet their soul and spirit are just as normal as those of

the child and indeed have even reached a much higher stage of

development. The navel-string (_oeri_) and afterbirth (_tĕm-boeni_)

visit the man who was born with them thrice a day and thrice by

night till his death, or they hover near him (‘_zweven voorbij hem

heen_’). They are the good spirits, a sort of guardian angels of the

man who came into the world with them and who lives on earth; they

are said to guard him from all evil. Hence it is that the Kooboo

always thinks of his navel-string and afterbirth (_oeri-tĕmboeni_)

before he goes to sleep or to work, or undertakes a journey, and so

on. Merely to think of them is enough; there is no need to invoke

them, or to ask them anything, or to entreat them. By not thinking

of them a man deprives himself of their good care.” Immediately

after the birth the navel-string and afterbirth are buried in the

ground close by the spot where the birth took place; and a ceremony

is performed over it, for were the ceremony omitted, the

navel-string and afterbirth, “instead of being a good spirit for the

newly born child, might become an evil spirit for him and visit him

with all sorts of calamities out of spite for this neglect.” The

nature of the ceremony performed over the spot is not described by

our authority. The navel-string and afterbirth are often regarded by

the Kooboos as one; their names are always mentioned together. See

G. J. van Dongen, “De Koeboe in de Onderafdeeling Koeboe-streken der

Residentie Palembang,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde

van Nederlandsch-Indië_, lxiii. (1910) pp. 229 _sq._

443 Franz Stuhlmann, _Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika_ (Berlin,

1894), p. 653.

M128 Birth-trees among the Papuans, Maoris, Fijians, Dyaks, and others.

444 A. Bastian, _Ein Besuch in San Salvador_ (Bremen, 1859), pp. 103

_sq._; _id._, _Der Mensch in der Geschichte_ (Leipsic, 1860), iii.

193.

445 R. Taylor, _Te Ika a Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants_2

(London, 1870), p. 184; Dumont D’Urville, _Voyage autour du monde et

à la recherche de La Pérouse sur la corvette Astrolabe_, ii. 444.

446 W. T. L. Travers, “Notes of the traditions and manners and customs

of the Mori-oris,” _Transactions and Proceedings of the New Zealand

Institute_, ix. (1876) p. 22.

447 The late Rev. Lorimer Fison, in a letter to me dated May 29th, 1901.

Compare _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 184.

448 N. Annandale, “Customs of the Malayo-Siamese,” _Fasciculi

Malayenses_, Anthropology, part ii. (a) (May, 1904), p. 5.

449 B. F. Matthes, _Bijdragen tot de Ethnologie van Zuid-Celebes_ (The

Hague, 1875), p. 59.

450 R. van Eck, “Schetsen van het eiland Bali,” _Tijdschrift voor

Nederlandsch Indië_, N.S., ix. (1880) pp. 417 _sq._

451 G. A. Wilken, “De Simsonsage,” _De Gids_, 1888, No. 5, p. 26 (of the

separate reprint); _id._, _Verspreide Geschriften_ (The Hague,

1912), iii. 562.

452 M. C. Schadee, “Het familieleven en familierecht der Dajaks van

Landak en Tajan,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van

Nederlandsch-Indië_, lxiii. (1910) p. 416.

453 F. Grabowsky, “Die Theogenie der Dajaken auf Borneo,”

_Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie_, v. (1892) p. 133.

454 J. Perham, “Manangism in Borneo,” _Journal of the Straits Branch of

the Royal Asiatic Society_, No. 19 (Singapore, 1887), p. 97; _id._,

in H. Ling Roth, _The Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo_

(London, 1896), i. 278.

M129 Birth-trees in Europe. Marriage oaks. Trees with which the fate of

families or individuals is thought to be bound up. The Edgewell oak.

The old tree at Howth Castle. The oak of the Guelphs.

455 Angelo de Gubernatis, _Mythologie des Plantes_ (Paris, 1878-1882),

i. pp. xxviii. _sq._

456 W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 50; H. Ploss, _Das Kind_2 (Leipsic,

1884), i. 79.

457 K. Bartsch, _Sagen, Märchen und Gebräuche aus Mecklenburg_ (Vienna,

1879-1880), ii. p. 43, § 63.

458 F. S. Krauss, “Haarschurgodschaft bei den Südslaven,”

_Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie_, vii. (1894) p. 193.

459 Karl Haupt, _Sagenbuch der Lausitz_ (Leipsic, 1862-1863), ii. 129,

No. 207.

460 “Heilige Haine und Bäume der Finnen,” _Globus_, lix. (1891) p. 350.

Compare K. Rhamm, “Der heidenische Gottesdienst des finnischen

Stammes,” _Globus_, lxvii. (1891) p. 344.

461 Thomas Moore, _Life of Lord Byron_, i. 101 (i. 148, in the collected

edition of Byron’s works, London, 1832-1833).

462 J. G. Lockhart, _Life of Sir Walter Scott_ (First Edition), vi. 283

(viii. 317, Second Edition, Edinburgh, 1839).

463 Sir Walter Scott’s _Journal_ (First Edition, Edinburgh, 1890), ii.

282, with the editor’s note.

464 Letter of Miss A. H. Singleton to me, dated Rathmagle House, Abbey

Leix, Ireland, 24th February, 1904.

465 P. Wagler, _Die Eiche in alter und neuer Zeit_, ii. (Berlin, 1891)

pp. 85 _sq._

M130 The Life-tree of the Manchu dynasty.

_ 466 Die Woche_, Berlin, 31 August, 1901, p. 3, with an illustration

shewing the garden and the tree.

M131 The myrtle-trees of the patricians and plebeians at Rome. The oak of

the Vespasian family.

467 Pliny, _Natur. Hist._ xv. 120 _sq._

468 Suetonius, _Divus Vespasianus_, 5.

M132 Life of persons supposed to be bound up with that of the cleft trees

through which in their youth they were passed as a cure for rupture.

In England ruptured children are passed through cleft ash-trees.

_ 469 The Gentleman’s Magazine_, 1804, p. 909; John Brand, _Popular

Antiquities of Great Britain_ (London, 1882-1883), iii. 289.

470 Gilbert White, _The Natural History of Selborne_, Part II. Letter 28

(Edinburgh, 1829), pp. 239 _sq._; Francis Grose, _A Provincial

Glossary_ (London, 1811), p. 290; J. Brand, _op. cit._ iii. 287-292;

R. Hunt, _Popular Romances of the West of England_3 (London, 1881),

pp. 415, 421; W. G. Black, _Folk-medicine_ (London, 1883), pp. 67

_sq._; W. Wollaston Groome, “Suffolk Leechcraft,” _Folk-lore_, vi.

(1895) pp. 123 _sq._; E. S. Hartland, in _Folk-lore_, vii. (1896)

pp. 303-306; _County Folk-lore, Suffolk_, edited by Lady E. C.

Gurdon (London, 1893) pp. 26-28; Beatrix A. Wherry, “Miscellaneous

Notes from Monmouthshire,” _Folk-lore_, xvi. (1905) p. 65; Marie

Trevelyan, _Folk-lore and Folk-stories of Wales_ (London, 1909), p.

320. Sometimes the tree was an oak instead of an ash (M. Trevelyan,

_l.c._). To ensure the success of the cure various additional

precautions are sometimes recommended, as that the ash should be a

maiden, that is a tree that has never been topped or cut; that the

split should be made east and west; that the child should be passed

into the tree by a maiden and taken out on the other side by a boy;

that the child should always be passed through head foremost (but

according to others feet foremost), and so forth. In Surrey we hear

of a holly-tree being used instead of an ash (_Notes and Queries_,

Sixth Series, xi. Jan.-Jun. 1885, p. 46).

M133 The practice in Sussex.

471 “Some West Sussex superstitions lingering in 1868, collected by

Charlotte Latham, at Fittleworth,” _Folk-lore Record_, i. (1878) pp.

40 _sq._

M134 Sick children passed through cleft trees, especially oaks, as a cure

in Germany, France, Denmark, Sweden, and Greece.

472 For the custom in Germany and Austria, see J. Grimm, _Deutsche

Mythologie_,4 ii. 975 _sq._; A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche

Volksaberglaube_2 (Berlin, 1869), p. 317, § 503; A. Kuhn und W.

Schwartz, _Nord-deutsche Sagen, Märchen und Gebräuche_ (Leipsic,

1848), pp. 443 _sq._; J. F. L. Woeste, _Volksüberlieferungen in der

Grafschaft Mark_ (Iserlohn, 1848), p. 54; E. Meier, _Deutsche Sagen,

Sitten und Gebräuche aus Schwaben_ (Stuttgart, 1852), p. 390, § 56;

F. Panzer, _Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie_ (Munich, 1848-1855),

ii. 301; _Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des Königreichs Bayern_,

ii. (Munich, 1863) p. 255; J. A. E. Köhler, _Volksbrauch,

Aberglauben, Sagen und andre alte Ueberlieferungen im Voigtlande_

(Leipsic, 1867), pp. 415 _sq._; L. Strackerjan, _Aberglaube und

Sagen aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg_ (Oldenburg, 1867), i. 72 _sq._,

§ 88; K. Bartsch, _Sagen, Märchen und Gebräuche aus Mecklenburg_

(Vienna, 1879-1880), ii. 290 _sq._, § 1447; J. Haltrich, _Zur

Volkskunde der Siebenbürger Sachsen_ (Vienna, 1885), p. 264; P.

Wagler, _Die Eiche in alter und neuer Zeit_, i. (Wurzen, 1891) pp.

21-23. As to the custom in France, see Marcellus, _De medicamentis_,

xxxiii. 26 (where the tree is a cherry); J. B. Thiers, _Traité des

Superstitions_ (Paris, 1679), pp. 333 _sq._; A. de Nore, _Coutumes,

Mythes et Traditions des Provinces de France_ (Paris and Lyons,

1846), p. 231; L. J. B. Bérenger-Féraud, in _Bullétins de la Société

d’Anthropologie de Paris_, iv. série, i. (1890) pp. 895-902; _id._,

_Superstitions et Survivances_ (Paris, 1896), i. 523 _sqq._ As to

the custom in Denmark and Sweden, see J. Grimm, _Deutsche

Mythologie_,4 ii. 976; H. F. Feilberg, “Zwieselbäume nebst

verwandtem Aberglauben in Skandinavien,” _Zeitschrift des Vereins

für Volkskunde_, vii. (1897) pp. 42 _sqq._ In Mecklenburg it is

sometimes required that the tree should have been split by lightning

(K. Bartsch, _l.c._). The whole subject of passing sick people

through narrow apertures as a mode of cure has been well handled in

an elegant little monograph (_Un Vieux Rite médical_, Paris, 1892)

by Monsieur H. Gaidoz, who rightly rejects the theory that all such

passages are symbols of a new birth. But I cannot agree with him in

thinking that the essence of the rite consists in the transference

of the disease from the person to the tree; rather, it seems to me,

the primary idea is that of interposing an impassable barrier

between a fugitive and his pursuing foe, though no doubt the enemy

thus left behind is apparently supposed to adhere to the further

side of the obstacle (whether tree, stone, or what not) through

which he cannot pass. However, the sympathetic relation supposed to

exist between the sufferer and the tree through which he has been

passed certainly favours the view that he has left some portion of

himself attached to the tree. But in this as in many similar cases,

the ideas in the minds of the persons who practise the custom are

probably vague, confused, and inconsistent; and we need not attempt

to define them precisely. Compare also R. Andree, _Ethnographische

Parallelen und Vergleiche_ (Stuttgart, 1878), pp. 31 _sq._; E. S.

Hartland, _The Legend of Perseus_ (London, 1894-1896), ii. 146

_sq._; L. J. B. Bérenger-Féraud, _Superstitions et Survivances_

(Paris, 1896), i. 523-540.

473 L. Strackerjan, _l.c._; K. Bartsch, _l.c._

474 E. Meier, _l.c._; _Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des Königreichs

Bayern_, ii. 255; A. Wuttke, _l.c._

475 H. F. Feilberg, “Zwieselbäume nebst verwandtem Aberglauben in

Skandinavien,” _Zeitschrift des Vereins für Volkskunde_, vii. (1897)

p. 44.

476 J. Theodore Bent, _The Cyclades_ (London, 1885), pp. 457 _sq._

M135 Sympathetic relation thought to exist between the child and the tree

through which it has been passed. The disease is apparently thought

to be left behind on the farther side of the cleft tree.

477 H. Ploss, _Das Kind_2 (Leipsic, 1884), ii. 221.

478 R. Baier, “Beiträge von der Insel Rügen,” _Zeitschrift für deutsche

Mythologie und Sittenkunde_, ii. (1855) p. 141.

M136 Creeping through cleft trees to get rid of spirits in Armenia and

Nias. Among the Bella Coola Indians mourners creep through cleft

trees to get rid of the ghost.

479 Manuk Abeghian, _Der armenische Volksglaube_ (Leipsic, 1899), p. 58.

480 Fr. Kramer, “Der Götzendienst der Niasser,” _Tijdschrift voor

Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxxiii. (1890) pp. 478-480; H.

Sundermann, _Die Insel Nias und die Mission daselbst_ (Barmen,

1905), pp. 81-83. According to the latter writer the intention of

passing through the cleft stick is “to strip off from himself (_von

zich abzustreifen_) the last spirit that may have followed him.” The

notion that the sun causes death by drawing away the souls of the

living is Indian. See _The Satapatha Brâhmana_, ii. 3. 3. 7-8,

translated by Julius Eggeling, Part I. (Oxford, 1882) p. 343

(_Sacred Books of the East_, vol. xii.): “Now yonder burning (sun)

doubtless is no other than Death; and because he is Death, therefore

the creatures that are on this side of him die. But those that are

on the other side of him are the gods, and they are therefore

immortal.... And the breath of whomsoever he (the sun) wishes he

takes and rises, and that one dies.”

481 Fr. Boas, in _Seventh Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada_,

p. 13 (separate reprint from the _Report of the British

Association_, Cardiff meeting, 1891). The Shuswap Indians of the

same region also fence their beds against ghosts with a hedge of

thorn bushes. See _Taboo and the Perils of the Soul_, p. 142.

M137 The Madangs of Borneo creep through a cleft stick after a funeral in

order to rid themselves of the ghost.

482 C. Hose, “In the heart of Borneo,” _The Geographical Journal_, xvi.

(1900) pp. 45 _sq._ Compare C. Hose and W. McDougall, _The Pagan

Tribes of Borneo_ (London, 1912), ii. 36 _sq._, where, after

describing the ceremony of passing through the cloven stick, the

writers add: “In this way the Kayans symbolically prevent any of the

uncanny influences of the graveyard following the party back to the

house; though they do not seem to be clear as to whether it is the

ghosts of the dead, or the _Toh_ of the neighbourhood, or those

which may have contributed to his death, against whom these

precautions are taken.”

M138 The cleft stick or tree through which a person passes is a barrier

to part him from a dangerous foe; the closing of the cleft is like

shutting the door in the face of a pursuer. But combined with this

in the case of ruptured patients seems to be the idea that the

rupture heals sympathetically as the cleft in the tree closes.

Analogous Roman cure for dislocation.

483 Cato, _De agri cultura_, 159 (pp. 106 sq. ed. H. Keil, Leipsic,

1884): “_Luxum siquod est, hac cantione sanum fiet. Harundinem

prende tibi viridem P. III. aut quinque longam, mediam diffinde, et

duo homines teneant ad coxendices. Incipe cantare in alio s. f.

moetas vaeta daries dardaries asiadarides una petes, usque dum

coeant. Motas vaeta daries dardares astataries dissunapiter, usque

dum coeant. Ferrum insuper jactato. Ubi coierint et altera alteram

tetigerint, id manu prehende et dextera sinistra praecide, ad luxum

aut ad fracturam alliga, sanum fiet._” The passage is obscure and

perhaps corrupt. It is not clear whether “_usque dum coeant_” and

“_ubi coierint_” refer to the drawing together of the bones or of

the split portions of the reed, but apparently the reference is to

the reed. The charm is referred to by Pliny, _Nat. Hist._, xvii.

267: “_Quippe cum averti grandines carmine credant plerique, cujus

verba inserere non equidem serio ausim, quamquam a Catone proditis

contra luxata membra jungenda harundinum fissurae._” Compare J.

Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 i. 186, ii. 1031 _sq._

M139 Other examples of creeping through narrow openings after a death.

484 Pinabel, “Notes sur quelques peuplades dépendant du Tong-King,”

_Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_, Septième Série, v. (Paris,

1884) p. 430; A. Bourlet, “Funérailles chez les Thay,” _Anthropos_,

viii. (1913) p. 45.

485 S. Krascheninnikow, _Beschreibung des Landes Kamtschatka_ (Lemgo,

1766), pp. 268, 282.

486 N. Adriani en Alb. C. Kruijt, “Van Posso naar Parigi, Sigi en

Lindoe,” _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche

Zendelinggenootschap_, xlii. (1898) p. 502. The poles are of a

certain plant or tree called _bomba_.

487 Alb. C. Kruijt, “Eenige ethnografische aanteekeningen omtrent de

Toboengkoe en de Tomori,” _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche

Zendelinggenootschap_, xliv. (1900) p. 223.

M140 The intention of the custom probably is to escape from the ghost of

the dead.

488 For examples of these ceremonies I may refer to my article, “On

certain burial customs as illustrative of the primitive theory of

the soul,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xv. (1886)

pp. 64 _sqq._

M141 Passing through an archway in order to escape from demons. Crawling

under an arch of bramble as a cure for various maladies. Crawling

under arches of various sorts as a cure or preventive of sickness.

489 S. Krascheninnikow, _Beschreibung des Landes Kamtschatka_ (Lemgo,

1766), pp. 277 _sq._

490 W. H. Furness, _Folk-lore in Borneo, a Sketch_, p. 28 (Wallingford,

Pennsylvania, 1899, privately printed). Compare _id._, _The

Home-life of Borneo Head-hunters_ (Philadelphia, 1902), p. 28: “Here

a halt for final purification was made. An arch of boughs about five

feet high was erected on the beach, and beneath it a fire was

kindled, and then Tama Bulan, holding a young chicken, which he

waved and brushed over every portion of the arch, invoked all evil

spirits which had been accompanying us, and forbade them to follow

us further through the fire. The fowl was then killed, its blood

smeared all over the archway and sprinkled in the fire; then, led by

Tama Bulan, the whole party filed under the arch, and as they

stepped over the fire each one spat in it vociferously and

immediately took his place in the boats.”

491 T. F. Thiselton Dyer, _English Folk-lore_ (London, 1884), pp. 171

_sq._; W. G. Black, _Folk-medicine_ (London, 1883), p. 70; R. Hunt,

_Popular Romances of the West of England_, Third Edition (London,

1881), pp. 412, 415; Marie Trevelyan, _Folk-lore and Folk-stories of

Wales_ (London, 1909), p. 320.

492 A. de Nore, _Coutumes, Mythes et Traditions des Provinces de France_

(Paris and Lyons, 1846), p. 152; H. Gaidoz, _Un Vieux Rite médical_

(Paris, 1892), pp. 7 _sq._

493 A. Strausz, _Die Bulgaren_ (Leipsic, 1898), p. 414.

494 A. Strausz, _op. cit._ p. 404. As to the Bulgarian custom of

creeping through a tunnel in a time of epidemic, see above, vol. i.

pp. 282-284.

_ 495 Last Journals of David Livingstone in Central Africa_ (London,

1874), i. 60.

M142 Custom in Uganda of causing a sick man to pass through a cleft stick

or a narrow opening in the doorway.

496 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), p. 343. Compare _id._,

“Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,” _Journal of the

Anthropological Institute_, xxxi. (1901) p. 126; id., “Further Notes

on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,” _Journal of the

Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902) pp. 42 _sq._

M143 Similar custom practised by the Kai of New Guinea and the Looboos of

Sumatra for the purpose of giving the slip to spiritual pursuers.

497 Ch. Keysser, “Aus dem Leben der Kaileute,” in R. Neuhauss’s _Deutsch

Neu-Guinea_, iii. (Berlin, 1911) pp. 141 _sq._

498 J. Kreemer, “De Loeboes in Mandailing,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal-

Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indie_, lxvi. (1912) p. 327.

M144 Passing through cleft sticks in connexion with puberty and

circumcision.

499 Hermann Tönjes, _Ovamboland, Land, Leute, Mission_ (Berlin, 1911),

pp. 139 _sq._ The writer was unable to ascertain the meaning of the

rite; the natives would only say that it was their custom.

500 A. Karasek, “Beiträge zur Kenntnis der Waschambo,”

_Baessler-Archiv_, i. (Leipsic and Berlin, 1911) p. 192.

M145 Crawling through a ring or hoop as a cure or preventive of disease.

Passing sheep through a hoop of rowan. Milking a cow through a

natural wooden ring or a “witch’s nest.” Passing sick persons or

animals through a ring of yarn. Passing diseased children through a

coil. Passing through a hemlock ring during an epidemic. Passing

through a ring of red-hot iron to escape an evil spirit.

501 H. F. Feilberg, “Zwieselbäume nebst verwandtem Aberglauben in

Skandinavien,” _Zeitschrift des Vereins für Volkskunde_, vii. (1897)

pp. 49 _sq._

502 H. F. Feilberg, _op. cit._ p. 44.

503 J. G. Dalyell, _The Darker Superstitions of Scotland_ (Edinburgh,

1834), p. 121; Ch. Rogers, _Social Life in Scotland_ (Edinburgh,

1884-1886), iii. 239.

504 John Ramsay of Ochtertyre, _Scotland and Scotsmen in the Eighteenth

Century_, edited by A. Allardyce, (Edinburgh and London, 1888), ii.

454. Immediately after mentioning this custom the writer adds: “And

in Breadalbane it is the custom for the dairymaid to drive the

cattle to the sheals with a wand of that tree [the rowan] cut upon

the day of removal, which is laid above the door until the cattle be

going back again to the winter-town. This was reckoned a

preservative against witchcraft.” As to the activity of witches and

fairies on Hallowe’en and the first of May, see above, vol. i. pp.

226 _sqq._, 295; _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 52

_sqq._; J. G. Campbell, _Superstitions of the Highlands and Islands

of Scotland_ (Glasgow, 1900), p. 18; _id._, _Witchcraft and Second

Sight in the Highlands and Islands of Scotland_ (Glasgow, 1902), p.

270. As to the power of the rowan-tree to counteract their spells,

see W. Gregor, _Notes on the Folk-lore of the North-East of

Scotland_ (London, 1881), p. 188; J. C. Atkinson, _Forty Years in a

Moorland Parish_ (London, 1891), pp. 97 _sqq._; _The Scapegoat_, pp.

266 _sq._

505 L. Strackerjan, _Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg_

(Oldenburg, 1867), i. p. 364, § 241.

506 L. Strackerjan, _op. cit._ i. p. 364, § 240.

507 Lieutenant-Colonel H. W. G. Cole, “The Lushais,” in _Census of

India_, 1911, vol. iii. _Assam_, Part i. _Report_ (Shillong, 1912),

p. 140.

508 Franz Boas, in _Eleventh Report on the North-Western Tribes of

Canada_, pp. 3 _sq._ (separate reprint from the _Report of the

British Association for the Advancement of Science_, Liverpool

meeting, 1896).

509 Rev. G. E. White, Dean of Anatolia College, _Survivals of Primitive

Religion among the People of Asia Minor_, p. 12 (paper read before

the Victoria Institute or Philosophical Society of Great Britain, 6

Adelphi Terrace, Strand, London).

M146 Crawling through holed stones as a cure in Scotland and Cornwall.

510 John Ramsay, _Scotland and Scotsmen in the Eighteenth Century_,

edited by Alex. Allardyce (Edinburgh, 1888), ii. 451 _sq._

511 J. G. Campbell, _Witchcraft and Second Sight in the Highlands and

Islands of Scotland_ (Glasgow, 1902), p. 100.

512 Mr. James S. Greig, in a letter to me dated Lindean, Perth Road,

Dundee, 17th August, 1913.

513 W. Borlase, _Antiquities, historical and monumental, of the County

of Cornwall_ (London, 1769), pp. 177 _sq._

514 Robert Hunt, _Popular Romances of the West of England_, Third

Edition (London, 1881), pp. 176, 415.

M147 Crawling through holed stones as a cure in France.

515 Thomas-de-Saint-Mars, “Fête de Saint Estapin,” _Mémoires de la

Société Royale des Antiquaires de France_, i. (1817) pp. 428-430.

516 J. Deniker, “Dolmen et superstitions,” _Bulletins et Mémoires de la

Société d’Anthropologie de Paris_, v. série, i. (1900) p. 111.

Compare H. Gaidoz, _Un Vieux Rite médical_ (Paris, 1892), pp. 26

_sq._; G. Fouju, “Légendes et Superstitions préhistoriques,” _Revue

des Traditions Populaires_, xiv. (1899) pp. 477 _sq._

M148 Crawling through holed stones as a cure in Bavaria, Austria, and

Greece.

517 F. Panzer, _Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie_ (Munich, 1848-1855),

ii. 48 § 61.

518 F. Panzer, _op. cit._ ii. 431 _sq._

519 Marie Andree-Eysn, _Volkskundliches aus dem

bayrisch-österreichischen Alpengebiet_ (Brunswick, 1910), pp. 1, 9,

with the illustrations on pp. 10, 11.

520 F. Panzer, _Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie_, ii. 431.

521 J. Theodore Bent, _The Cyclades_ (London, 1885), p. 437.

M149 Crawling through holed stones as a cure in Asia Minor. Passing

through various narrow openings as a cure or preventive in India and

Ireland.

522 E. H. Carnoy et J. Nicolaides, _Traditions populaires de l’Asie

Mineure_ (Paris, 1889), p. 338.

523 Rev. George E. White (of Marsovan, Turkey), _Present Day Sacrifices

in Asia Minor_, p. 3 (reprinted from _The Hartford Seminary Record_,

February 1906).

_ 524 Central Provinces, Ethnographic Survey_, vii. _Draft Articles on

Forest Tribes_ (Allahabad, 1911), p. 46.

525 So my friend Dr. G. W. Prothero informs me in a letter.

_ 526 Census of India, 1911_, vol. xiv. _Punjab_, Part i. _Report_, by

Pandit Harikishan Kaul (Lahore, 1912), p. 302.

M150 Crawling through holes in the ground as a cure for disease. Passing

through the yoke of a chariot as a cure for skin disease.

527 H. Gaidoz, _Un Vieux Rite médical_ (Paris, 1892), p. 10.

528 H. Gaidoz, _op. cit._ p. 21.

529 H. Gaidoz, _Un Vieux Rite médical_ (Paris, 1892), p. 21. Compare J.

Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 ii. 975 _sq._

530 H. F. Feilberg, “Zwieselbäume nebst verwandtem Aberglaube in

Skandinavien,” _Zeitschrift des Vereins für Volkskunde_, vii. (1897)

p. 45.

531 H. Gaidoz, _Un Vieux Rite médical_ (Paris, 1892), pp. 22 _sq._,

referring to Nyrop, in _Dania_, i. No. 1 (Copenhagen, 1890), pp. 5

_sqq._

532 Rev. John Campbell, _Travels in South Africa, Second Journey_

(London, 1822), ii. 346. Among the same people “when a person is

ill, they bring an ox to the place where he is laid. Two cuts are

then made in one of its legs, extending down the whole length of it.

The skin in the middle of the leg being raised up, the operator

thrusts in his hand, to make way for that of the sick person, whose

whole body is afterwards rubbed over with the blood of the animal.

The ox after enduring this torment is killed, and those who are

married and have children, as in the other case, are the only

partakers of the feast.” (J. Campbell, _op. cit._ ii. 346 _sq._).

Here the intention seems to be not so much to transfer the disease

to the ox, as to transfuse the healthy life of the beast into the

veins of the sick man. The same is perhaps true of the Welsh and

French cure for whooping-cough, which consists in passing the little

sufferer several times under an ass. See J. Brand, _Popular

Antiquities of Great Britain_ (London, 1882-1883), iii. 288; L. J.

B. Bérenger-Féraud, in _Bulletins de la Société d’Anthropologie de

Paris_, Quatrième Série, i. (1890) p. 897; _id._, _Superstitions et

Survivances_ (Paris, 1896), i. 526. The same cure for whooping-cough

“is also practised in Ireland; only here the sufferer is passed

round, that is, over and under, the body of an ass” (letter of Miss

A. H. Singleton to me, dated Rathmagle House, Abbey-Leix, Ireland,

24th February 1904). But perhaps the intention rather is to give the

whooping-cough to the animal; for it might reasonably be thought

that the feeble whoop of the sick child would neither seriously

impair the lungs, nor perceptibly augment the stentorian bray, of

the donkey.

533 H. Oldenberg, _Die Religion des Veda_ (Berlin, 1894), p. 495.

According to a fuller account, Indra drew her through three holes,

that of a war-chariot, that of a cart, and that of a yoke. See W.

Caland, _Altindisches Zauberritual_ (Amsterdam, 1900), p. 31 note 5.

M151 Passing under a yoke or arch as a rite of initiation.

534 Dr. E. Werner, “Im westlichen Finsterregebirge und an der Nordküste

von Deutsch-Neuginea,” _Petermanns Mitteilungen_, lv. (1909) pp. 74

_sq._ Among some tribes of South-Eastern Australia it was customary

at the ceremonies of initiation to bend growing saplings into arches

and compel the novices to pass under them; sometimes the youths had

to crawl on the ground to get through. See A. W. Howitt, “On some

Australian ceremonies of Initiation,” _Journal of the

Anthropological Institute_, xiii. (1884) p. 445; _id._, _Native

Tribes of South-East Australia_ (London, 1904), p. 536.

M152 The ancient Roman custom of passing enemies under a yoke was

probably in origin a ceremony of purification rather than of

degradation.

535 Livy iii. 28, ix. 6, x. 36; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquit.

Roman._ iii. 22. 7. The so-called yoke in this case consisted of two

spears or two beams set upright in the ground, with a third spear or

beam laid transversely across them. See Livy iii. 28; Dionysius

Halicarnasensis, _l.c._

536 Livy i. 26: “_Itaque, ut caedes manifesta aliquo tamen piaculo

lueretur, imperatum patri, ut filium expiaret pecunia publica. Is

quibusdam piacularibus sacrificiis factis, quae deinde genti

Horatiae tradita sunt, transmisso per viam tigillo capite adoperto

velut sub jugum misit juvenem. Id hodie quoque publice semper

refectum manet; sororium tigillum vocant_;” Festus, _s.v._ “Sororium

Tigillum,” pp. 297, 307, ed. C. O. Müller (Leipsic, 1839); Dionysius

Halicarnasensis, _Antiquit. Roman._ iii. 22. The position of the

beam is described exactly by the last of these writers, who had

evidently seen it. According to Festus, the yoke under which

Horatius passed was composed of three beams, two uprights, and a

cross-piece. The similarity of the ceremony to that which was

exacted from conquered foes is noted by Dionysius Halicarnasensis as

well as by Livy. The tradition of the purification has been rightly

explained by Dr. W. H. Roscher with reference to the custom of

passing through cleft trees, holed stones, and so on. See W. H.

Roscher, _Ausführliches Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_,

ii. (Leipsic, 1890-1897) col. 21. Compare G. Wissowa, _Religion und

Kultus der Römer_2 (Munich, 1912), p. 104.

M153 Similarly the passage of a victorious Roman army under a triumphal

arch may have been intended to purify the men from the stain of

bloodshed by interposing a barrier between the slayers and the angry

ghosts of the slain.

_ 537 Taboo and the Perils of the Soul_, pp. 165 _sqq._

538 Pliny, _Natur. Histor._ xv. 135: “_Quia suffimentum sit caedis

hostium et purgatio_.”

539 Cicero, _In Pisonem_, xxiii. 55; Josephus, _Bellum Judaicum_, vii.

5. 4.

540 It was not till after I had given this conjectural explanation of

the “Sister’s Beam” and the triumphal arch at Rome that I read the

article of Mr. W. Warde Fowler, “Passing under the Yoke” (_The

Classical Review_, March 1913, pp. 48-51), in which he quite

independently suggests practically the same explanation of both

these Roman structures. I have left my exposition, except for one or

two trivial verbal changes, exactly as it stood before I was aware

that my friend had anticipated me in both conjectures. The closeness

of the coincidence between our views is a welcome confirmation of

their truth. As to the _Porta Triumphalis_, the exact position of

which is uncertain, Mr. Warde Fowler thinks that it was not a gate

in the walls, but an archway standing by itself in the Campus

Martius outside the city walls. He points out that in the oldest

existing triumphal arch, that of Augustus at Ariminum, the most

striking part of the structure consists of two upright Corinthian

pillars with an architrave laid horizontally across them; and he

ingeniously conjectures that we have here a reminiscence of the two

uprights and the cross-piece, which, if our theory is correct, was

the original form both of the triumphal arch and of the yoke.

M154 Belief in a sympathetic relation between a man and an animal such

that the fate of the one depends on that of the other. The external

souls of Yakut shamans in animals. Sympathetic relation between

witches and hares.

541 Professor V. M. Mikhailoviskij, “Shamanism in Siberia and European

Russia,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxiv. (1895)

pp. 133, 134.

542 Th. Parkinson, _Yorkshire Legends and Traditions_, Second Series

(London, 1889), pp. 160 _sq._

543 See above, vol. i. pp. 315 _sqq._

544 B. F. Matthes, _Makassaarsch-Hollandsch Woordenboek_ (Amsterdam,

1859), _s.v._ _soemāñgá_, p. 569; G. A. Wilken, “Het animisme bij de

volken van den Indischen Archipel,” _De Indische Gids_, June 1884,

p. 933; _id._, _Verspreide Geschriften_ (The Hague, 1912), iii. 12.

M155 Melanesian conception of the _tamaniu_, a person’s external soul

lodged in an animal or other object.

545 R. H. Codrington, D.D., _The Melanesians_ (Oxford, 1891), pp. 250

_sq._ Compare _id._, “Notes on the Customs of Mota, Banks Islands,”

_Transactions and Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria_,

xvi. (1880) p. 136.

M156 Sympathetic relation between a man and his _tamaniu_ (external

soul).

546 W. H. R. Rivers, “Totemism in Polynesia and Melanesia,” _Journal of

the Royal Anthropological Institute_, xxxix. (1909) p. 177. Dr.

Rivers cites a recent case of a man who had a large lizard for his

_tamaniu_. The animal lived in the roots of a big banyan-tree; when

the man was ill, the lizard also seemed unwell; and when the man

died, the tree fell, which was deemed a sign that the lizard also

was dead.

M157 Soul of a Melanesian doctor in an eagle-hawk and a rat.

547 George Brown, D.D., _Melanesians and Polynesians_ (London, 1910), p.

177. The case was known to Dr. Brown, who made notes of it. The part

of Melanesia where it happened was probably the Duke of York Island

or New Britain.

548 “Totemismus auf den Marshall-Inseln (Südsee),” _Anthropos_, viii.

(1913) p. 251.

M158 The theory of an external soul lodged in an animal is very prevalent

in West Africa. The soul of a chief in a hippopotamus or a black

snake. Belief of the Fans that every wizard unites his life to that

of a wild animal by a rite of blood brotherhood.

549 Much of the following evidence has already been cited by me in

_Totemism and Exogamy_, ii. 593 _sqq._

550 Herbert Ward, _Five Years with the Congo Cannibals_ (London, 1890),

p. 53.

_ 551 Notes Analytiques sur les Collections ethnographiques du Musée du

Congo_, i. (Brussels, 1902-1906) p. 150.

552 Father H. Trilles, “Chez les Fangs,” _Les Missions Catholiques_,

xxx. (1898) p. 322; _id._, _Le Totémisme chez les Fâṅ_ (Münster i.

W. 1912), pp. 473 _sq._

553 Father H. Trilles, _Le Totémisme chez les Fâṅ_ (Münster i. W. 1912),

pp. 167 _sq._, 438 _sq._, 484-489. The description of the rite of

blood-brotherhood contracted with the animal is quoted by Father

Trilles (pp. 486 _sq._) from a work by Mgr. Buléon, _Sous le ciel

d’Afrique, Récits d’un Missionnaire_, pp. 88 _sqq._ Father Trilles’s

own observations and enquiries confirm the account given by Mgr.

Buléon. But the story of an alliance contracted between a man or

woman and a ferocious wild beast and cemented by the blood of the

high contracting parties is no doubt a mere fable devised by wizards

and witches in order to increase their reputation by imposing on the

credulity of the simple.

M159 Belief of the natives of the Cross River that they stand in a vital

relation to certain wild animals, so that when the animal dies the

man dies also.

554 Alfred Mansfeld, _Urwald-Dokumente, vier Jahre unter den

Crossflussnegern Kameruns_ (Berlin, 1908), pp. 220 _sq._

M160 Similar belief of the Balong in the Cameroons.

555 J. Keller (missionary), “Ueber das Land und Volk der Balong,”

_Deutsches Kolonialblatt_, 1 Oktober 1895, p. 484; H. Seidel,

“Ethnographisches aus Nordost Kamerun,” _Globus_, lxix. (1896) p.

277.

M161 Belief of the Ibos in external human souls which are lodged in

animals.

556 John Parkinson, “Note on the Asaba People (Ibos) of the Niger,”

_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxvi. (1906) pp. 314

_sq._

557 Charles Partridge, _Cross River Natives_ (London, 1905), pp. 225

_sq._

M162 Belief of the negroes of Calabar that every person has an external

or bush soul lodged in a wild beast.

558 Miss Mary H. Kingsley, _Travels in West Africa_ (London, 1897), pp.

459-461. The lamented authoress was kind enough to give me in

conversation (1st June 1897) some details which do not appear in her

book; among these are the statements, which I have embodied in the

text, that the bush soul is never a domestic animal, and that when a

man knows what kind of creature his bush soul is, he will not kill

an animal of that species and will strongly object to any one else

doing so. Miss Kingsley was not able to say whether persons who have

the same sort of bush soul are allowed or forbidden to marry each

other.

M163 Further particulars as to the Calabar belief in bush souls.

559 John Parkinson, “Notes on the Efik Belief in ‘Bush-soul,’ ” _Man_,

vi. (1906) pp. 121 _sq._, No. 80. Mr. Henshaw is a member of the

highest grade of the secret society of Egbo.

560 Rev. Hugh Goldie, _Calabar and its Mission_, New Edition (Edinburgh

and London, 1901), pp. 51 _sq._ Compare Major A. G. Leonard, _The

Lower Niger and its Tribes_ (London, 1906), p. 217: “When Efik or

waterside Ibo see a dead fish floating in the water of the kind

called _Edidim_ by the former and _Elili_ by the latter—a variety of

the electric species—they believe it to be a bad omen, generally

signifying that some one belonging to the house will die, the man

who first sees it becoming the victim according to Ibo belief. The

only reason that is assigned for this lugubrious forecast is the

fact that one of the souls of the departed is in the dead fish—that,

in fact, the relationship or affinity existing between the soul

essence that had animated the fish and that of one of the members of

the household was so intimate that the death of the one was bound to

effect the death of the other.”

M164 Belief of the Ekoi of Southern Nigeria in external souls lodged in

animals. Case of a chief whose external soul was in a buffalo.

561 P. Amaury Talbot, _In the Shadow of the Bush_ (London, 1912), pp.

80-87. The Ekoi name for a man who has the power of sending out his

spirit into the form of some animal is _efumi_ (_id._, p. 71 note).

A certain chief named Agbashan, a great elephant hunter, is believed

to have the power of transforming himself into an elephant; and “a

man of considerable intelligence, educated in England, the brother

of a member of the Legislative Council for one of the West African

Colonies, offered to take oath that he had seen Agbashan not only in

his elephant form, but while actually undergoing the metamorphosis”

(_id._, pp. 82 _sq._). In this case, therefore, the man seems to

have felt no scruples at hunting the animals in one of which his own

bush soul might be lodged.

M165 Belief of other tribes of Nigeria in external souls lodged in

animals.

562 Letter of Mr. P. Amaury Talbot to me, dated Eket, North Calabar,

Southern Nigeria, April 3d, 1913.

563 Miss Mary H. Kingsley, _Travels in West Africa_ (London, 1897), pp.

538 _sq._

564 C. H. Robinson, _Hausaland_ (London, 1896), pp. 36 _sq._

565 J. F. J. Fitzpatrick (Assistant Resident, Northern Nigeria), “Some

Notes on the Kwolla District and its Tribes,” _Journal of the

African Society_, No. 37, October, 1910, p. 30.

566 Extract from a Report by Captain Foulkes to the British Colonial

Office. My thanks are due to Mr. N. W. Thomas for sending me the

extract and to the authorities of the Colonial Office for their

permission to publish it.

_ 567 The Daily Graphic_, Tuesday, October 7th, 1902, p. 3.

M166 The conception of an external soul lodged in an animal appears to be

absent in South Africa.

568 Rev. W. C. Willoughby, “Notes on the Totemism of the Becwana,”

_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxv. (1905) p. 300. The

writer adds that he found a similar belief as to the sympathetic

relation between a wounded crocodile and the man who wounded it very

general among the Wanyamwezi, who, in 1882, were living under

Mirambo about two hundred miles south of Lake Victoria Nyanza and a

hundred miles east of Lake Tanganyika.

569 F. Speckmann, _Die Hermannsburger Mission in Africa_ (Hermannsburg,

1876) p. 167. Compare David Leslie, _Among the Zulus and Amatongas_,

Second Edition (Edinburgh, 1875) pp. 47 _sq._; “The Kaffirs believe

that after death their spirits turn into a snake, which they call

_Ehlose_, and that every living man has two of these familiar

spirits—a good and a bad. When everything they undertake goes wrong

with them, such as hunting, cattle-breeding, etc., they say they

know that it is their enemies who are annoying them, and that they

are only to be appeased by sacrificing an animal; but when

everything prospers, they ascribe it to their good _Ehlose_ being in

the ascendant”; _id._, _op. cit._ p. 148: “When in battle two men

are fighting, their snakes (_Mahloze_) are poetically said to be

twisting and biting each other overhead. One ‘softens’ and goes

down, and the man, whose attendant it is, goes down with it.

Everything is ascribed to _Ehlose_. If he fails in anything, his

_Ehlose_ is bad; if successful, it is good.... It is this thing

which is the inducing cause of everything. In fact, nothing in Zulu

is admitted to arise from natural causes; everything is ascribed to

witchcraft or the _Ehlose_.”

It is not all serpents that are _amadhlozi_ (plural of _idhlozi_),

that is, are the transformed spirits of the dead. Serpents which are

dead men may easily be distinguished from common snakes, for they

frequent huts; they do not eat mice, and they are not afraid of

people. If a man in his life had a scar, his serpent after his death

will also have a scar; if he had only one eye, his serpent will have

only one eye; if he was lame, his serpent will be lame too. That is

how you can recognise So-and-So in his serpent form. Chiefs do not

turn into the same kind of snakes as ordinary people. For common

folk become harmless snakes with green and white bellies and very

small heads; but kings become boa-constrictors or the large and

deadly black _mamba_. See Rev. Henry Callaway, M.D., _The Religions

System of the Amazulu_, Part ii. (Capetown, London, etc., 1869) pp.

134 _sq._, 140, 196-202, 205, 208-211, 231. “The _Ehlose_ of Chaka

and other dead kings is the Boa-constrictor, or the large and deadly

black Mamba, whichever the doctors decide. That of dead Queens is

the tree Iguana” (David Leslie, _op. cit._ p. 213). Compare Rev.

Joseph Shooter, _The Kafirs of Natal and the Zulu Country_ (London,

1857), pp. 161 _sq._; W. R. Gordon, “Words about Spirits,” (_South

African_) _Folk-lore Journal_, ii. (Cape Town, 1880) pp. 101-103; W.

Grant, “Magato and his Tribe,” _Journal of the Anthropological

Institute_, xxxv. (1905) p. 270. A word which is sometimes

confounded with _idhlozi_ is _itongo_ (plural _amatongo_); but the

natives themselves when closely questioned distinguish between the

two. See Dudley Kidd, _Savage Childhood, a Study of Kafir Children_

(London, 1906), pp. 14 _sq._, 281-286. The notion that the spirits

of the dead appear in the form of serpents is widespread in Africa.

See _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, pp. 73 _sqq._ Dr. F. B.

Jevons has suggested that the Roman _genius_, the guardian-spirit

which accompanied a man from birth to death (Censorinus, _De die

natali_, 3) and was commonly represented in the form of a snake, may

have been an external soul. See F. B. Jevons, _Plutarch’s Romane

Questions_ (London, 1892) pp. xlvii. _sq._; _id._, _Introduction to

the History of Religion_ (London, 1896), pp. 186 _sq._; L. Preller,

_Römische Mythologie_3 (Berlin, 1881-1883), ii. 195 _sqq._; G.

Wissowa, _Religion und Kultus der Römer_2 (Munich, 1912), pp. 176

_sq._

M167 The conception of an external soul lodged in an animal occurs among

the Indians of Central America, some of whom call such a soul a

_nagual_.

570 H. H. Bancroft, _The Native Races of the Pacific Coast_ (London,

1875-1876), i. 661. The words quoted by Bancroft (p. 662, note),

“_Consérvase entre ellos la creencia de que su vida está unida à la

de un animal, y que es forzoso que mueran ellos cuando éste muere_,”

are not quite accurately represented by the statement of Bancroft in

the text. Elsewhere (vol. ii. p. 277) the same writer calls the

“second self” of the Zapotecs a “_nagual_, or tutelary genius,”

adding that the fate of the child was supposed to be so intimately

bound up with the fortune of the animal that the death of the one

involved the death of the other. Compare Daniel G. Brinton,

“Nagualism, a Study in American Folk-lore and History,” _Proceedings

of the American Philosophical Society held at Philadelphia_, vol.

xxxiii. No. 144 (Philadelphia, January, 1894), pp. 11-73. According

to Professor E. Seler the word _nagual_ is akin to the Mexican

_naualli_, “a witch or wizard,” which is derived from a word meaning

“hidden” with reference to the power attributed to sorcerers of

transforming themselves into animals. See E. Seler, “Altmexikanische

Studien, II.” _Veröffentlichungen aus dem Königlichen Museum für

Völkerkunde_, vi. heft 2/4 (Berlin, 1899), pp. 52-57.

571 Otto Stoll, _Die Ethnologie der Indianerstämme von Guatemala_

(Leyden, 1889), p. 57.

572 Thomas Gage, _A New Survey of the West Indies_, Third Edition

(London, 1677), p. 334. The same writer relates how a certain Indian

named Gonzalez was reported to have the power of turning himself

into a lion or rather a puma. Once when a Spaniard had shot a puma

in the nose, Gonzalez was found with a bruised face and accused the

Spaniard of having shot him. Another Indian chief named Gomez was

said to have transformed himself into a puma, and in that shape to

have fought a terrific battle with a rival chief named Lopez, who

had changed himself into a jaguar. See Gage, _op. cit._ pp. 383-389.

573 Antonio de Herrera, _General History of the Vast Continent and

Islands of America_, translated by Capt. John Stevens (London,

1725-1726), iv. 138 _sq._ The Spanish original of Herrera’s history,

a work based on excellent authorities, was first published at Madrid

in 1601-1615. The Indians of Santa Catalina Istlavacan still receive

at birth the name of some animal, which is commonly regarded as

their guardian spirit for the rest of their life. The name is

bestowed by the heathen priest, who usually hears of a birth in the

village sooner than his Catholic colleague. See K. Scherzer, “Die

Indianer von Santa Catalina Istlávacana (Frauenfuss), ein Beitrag

zur Culturgeschichte der Urbewohner Central-Amerikas,”

_Sitzungsberichte der philos. histor. Classe der kais. Akademie der

Wissenschaften_ (Vienna), xviii. (1856) p. 235.

574 Otto Stoll, _Die Ethnologie der Indianerstämme von Guatemala_

(Leyden, 1889), pp. 57 _sq._; _id._, _Suggestion und Hypnotism_2

(Leipsic, 1904), p. 170.

M168 In some tribes of South-Eastern Australia the lives of the two sexes

are thought to be bound up with the lives of two different kinds of

animals, as bats and owls.

575 A. W. Howitt, “Further Notes on the Australian Class Systems,”

_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xviii. (1889) pp. 57

_sq._ Compare _id._, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_

(London, 1904), pp. 148, 150. It is very remarkable that among the

Kurnai these fights had a special connexion with marriage. When

young men were backward of taking wives, the women used to go out

into the forest and kill an emu-wren, which was the men’s “brother”;

then returning to the camp they shewed the dead bird to the men. The

result was a fight between the young men and the young women, in

which, however, lads who were not yet marriageable might not take

part. Next day the marriageable young men went out and killed a

superb warbler, which was the women’s “sister,” and this led to a

worse fight than before. Some days afterwards, when the wounds and

bruises were healed, one of the marriageable young men met one of

the marriageable young women, and said, “Superb warbler!” She

answered, “Emu-wren! What does the emu-wren eat?” To which the young

man answered, “He eats so-and-so,” naming kangaroo, opossum, emu, or

some other game. Then they laughed, and she ran off with him without

telling any one. See L. Fison and A. W. Howitt, _Kamilaroi and

Kurnai_ (Melbourne, Sydney, Adelaide, and Brisbane, 1880), pp. 201

_sq._; A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, pp.

149, 273 _sq._ Perhaps this killing of the sex-totem before marriage

may be related to the pretence of killing young men and bringing

them to life again at puberty. See below, pp. 225 _sqq._

576 Gerard Krefft, “Manners and Customs of the Aborigines of the Lower

Murray and Darling,” _Transactions of the Philosophical Society of

New South Wales_, 1862-65, pp. 359 _sq._

577 A. W. Howitt, “Further Notes on the Australian Class Systems,”

_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xviii. (1889) pp. 56

_sq._

578 A. W. Howitt, _op. cit._ p. 57; _id._, _Native Tribes of South-East

Australia_, p. 150.

579 A. W. Howitt, “On the Migrations of the Kurnai Ancestors,” _Journal

of the Anthropological Institute_, xv. (1886) p. 416.

580 C. W. Schürmann, “The Aboriginal Tribes of Port Lincoln,” in _Native

Tribes of South Australia_ (Adelaide, 1879), p. 241. Compare G. F.

Angas, _Savage Life and Scenes in Australia and New Zealand_

(London, 1847), i. 109.

581 A. W. Howitt, “Further Notes on the Australian Class Systems,”

_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xviii. (1889) p. 58.

Compare _id._, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_ (London,

1904), pp. 148-151.

582 James Dawson, _Australian Aborigines_ (Melbourne, Sydney, and

Adelaide, 1881), p. 52.

M169 Bats regarded as the brothers of men, and owls as the sisters of

women.

583 See _Totemism and Exogamy_, i. 47 _sq._ It is at least remarkable

that both the creatures thus assigned to the two sexes should be

nocturnal in their habits. Perhaps the choice of such creatures is

connected with the belief that the soul is absent from the body in

slumber. On this hypothesis bats and owls would be regarded by these

savages as the wandering souls of sleepers. Such a belief would

fully account for the reluctance of the natives to kill them. The

Kiowa Indians of North America think that owls and other night birds

are animated by the souls of the dead. See James Mooney, “Calendar

History of the Kiowa Indians,” _Seventeenth Annual Report of the

Bureau of American Ethnology_, Part i. (Washington, 1898) p. 237.

584 A. L. P. Cameron, “Notes on some Tribes of New South Wales,”

_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xiv. (1885) p. 350 note

1; A. W. Howitt, “On the Migrations of the Kurnai Ancestors,”

_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xv. (1886) p. 416;

_id._, “Further Notes on the Australian Class Systems,” _Journal of

the Anthropological Institute_, xviii. (1889) p. 57.

585 L. Fison and A. W. Howitt, _Kamilaroi and Kurnai_, pp. 194, 201,

_sq._, 215; _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xv. 416,

xviii. 56 _sq._; A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East

Australia_ (London, 1904), pp. 148-151.

586 The following suggestion as to the origin of totemism was made in

the first edition of this book (published in 1890) and is here

reprinted without any substantial change. In the meantime much

additional evidence as to the nature and prevalence of totemism has

come to light, and with the new evidence my opinions, or rather

conjectures, as to the origin of the institution have repeatedly

changed. If I here reprint my earliest conjecture, it is partly

because I still think it may contain an element of truth, and partly

because it serves as a convenient peg on which to hang a collection

of facts which are much more valuable than any theories of mine. The

reader who desires to acquaint himself more fully with the facts of

totemism and with the theories that have been broached on the

subject, will find them stated at length in my _Totemism and

Exogamy_ (London, 1910). Here I will only call attention to the

Arunta legend that the ancestors of the tribe kept their spirits in

certain sacred sticks and stones (_churinga_), which bear a close

resemblance to the well-known bull-roarers, and that when they went

out hunting they hung these sticks or stones on certain sacred poles

(_nurtunjas_) which represented their totems. See Baldwin Spencer

and F. J. Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_ (London,

1899), pp. 137 _sq._, 629. This tradition appears to point to a

custom of transferring a man’s soul or spirit temporarily to his

totem. Conversely when an Arunta is sick he scrapes his _churinga_

and swallows the scrapings, as if to restore to himself the

spiritual substance deposited in the instrument. See Baldwin Spencer

and F. J. Gillen, _op. cit._ p. 135 note 1.

M170 Sex totems and clan totems may both be based on the notion that men

and women keep their external souls in their totems, whether these

are animals, plants, or what not.

587 (Sir) George Grey, _Journals of Two Expeditions of Discovery in

North-West and Western Australia_ (London, 1841), ii. 228 _sq._

588 L. Fison and A. W. Howitt, _Kamilaroi and Kurnai_, p. 169. According

to Dr. Howitt, it is a serious offence to kill the totem of another

person “with intent to injure him” (_Journal of the Anthropological

Institute_, xviii. (1889) p. 53). Such an intention seems to imply a

belief in a sympathetic connexion between the man and the animal.

Similarly the Siena of the Ivory Coast, in West Africa, who have

totemism, believe that if a man kills one of his totemic animals, a

member of his totemic clan dies instantaneously. See Maurice

Delafosse, “Le peuple Siéna ou Sénoufo,” _Revue des Études

Ethnographiques et Sociologiques_, i. (1908) p. 452.

M171 The savage may imagine his life to be bound up with that of more

animals than one at the same time; for many savages think that every

person has more souls than one.

589 According to Plato, the different parts of the soul were lodged in

different parts of the body (_Timaeus_, pp. 69C-72D), and as only

one part, on his theory, was immortal, Lucian seems not unnaturally

to have interpreted the Platonic doctrine to mean that every man had

more than one soul (_Demonax_, 33).

590 J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, iv. (Leyden,

1901) pp. 3 _sq._, 70-75.

591 Le sieur de la Borde, “Relation de l’Origine, Mœurs, Coustumes,

Religion, Guerres et Voyages des Caraibes sauvages des Isles

Antilles de l’Amerique,” p. 15, in _Recueil de divers Voyages faits

en Afrique et en l’Amerique_ (Paris, 1684).

592 Washington Matthews, _The Hidatsa Indians_ (Washington, 1877), p.

50.

593 H. Ling Roth, “Low’s Natives of Borneo,” _Journal of the

Anthropological Institute_, xxi. (1892) p. 117; W. W. Skeat, _Malay

Magic_ (London, 1900), p. 50.

594 A. C. Kruijt, “Een en ander aangaande het geestelijk en

maatschappelijk leven van den Poso-Alfoer,” _Mededeelingen van wege

het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xxxix. (1895) pp. 3 _sq._

595 A. Bastian, _Die Völker des östlichen Asien_, iii. (Jena, 1867) p.

248.

596 In some tribes, chiefly of North American Indians, every man has an

individual or personal totem in addition to the totem of his clan.

This personal totem is usually the animal of which he dreamed during

a long and solitary fast at puberty. See _Totemism and Exogamy_, i.

49-52, iii. 370-456, where the relation of the individual or

personal totem (if we may call it so) to the clan totem is

discussed. It is quite possible that, as some good authorities

incline to believe, the clan totem has been developed out of the

personal totem by inheritance. See Miss Alice C. Fletcher, _The

Import of the Totem_, pp. 3 _sqq._ (paper read before the American

Association for the Advancement of Science, August 1887, separate

reprint); Fr. Boas, “The Social Organization and the Secret

Societies of the Kwakiutl Indians,” _Report of the United States

National Museum for 1895_ (Washington, 1897), pp. 323 _sq._,

336-338, 393. In the bush souls of the Calabar negroes (see above,

pp. 204 _sqq._) we seem to have something like the personal totem on

its way to become hereditary and so to grow into the totem of a

clan.

M172 The Battas of Sumatra, who have totemism, believe that every person

has a soul which is always outside of his body.

597 J. B. Neumann, “Het Pane- en Bila-stroomgebied op het eiland

Sumatra,” _Tijdschrift van het Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig

Genootschap_, Tweede Serie, dl. iii. Afdeeling, meer uitgebreide

artikelen, No. 2 (1886), pp. 311 _sq._; _id._, dl. iv. No. 1 (1887),

pp. 8 _sq._; Van Hoëvell, “Iets over ’t oorlogvoeren der Batta’s,”

_Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch Indië_, N.S., vii. (1878) p. 434; G.

A. Wilken, _Verspreide Geschriften_ (The Hague, 1912), i. 296, 306

_sq._, 309, 325 _sq._; L. de Backer, _L’Archipel Indien_ (Paris,

1874), p. 470; Col. Yule, in _Journal of the Anthropological

Institute_, ix. (1880) p. 295; Joachim Freiherr von Brenner, _Besuch

bei den Kannibalen Sumatras_ (Würzburg, 1894), pp. 197 _sqq._; P. A.

L. E. van Dijk, “Eenige aanteekeningen omtrent de verschillenden

stammen (_Margas_) en de stamverdeling bij de Battaks,” _Tijdschrift

voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxxviii. (1895) pp. 296

_sq._; M. Joustra, “Naar het landschap Goenoeng,” _Mededeelingen van

wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xlv. (1901) pp. 80

_sq._; _id._, “Het leven, de zeden en gewoonten der Bataks,”

_Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_,

xlvi. (1902) pp. 387 _sqq._; J. E. Neumann, “Kemali, Pantang, en

Rĕboe bij de Karo-Bataks,” _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en

Volkenkunde_, xlviii. (1906) p. 512. See further _Totemism and

Exogamy_, ii. 185 _sqq._

598 B. Hagen, “Beiträge zur Kenntniss der Battareligion,” _Tijdschrift

voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxviii. (1883) p. 514. J.

B. Neumann (_op. cit._ dl. iii. No. 2, pp. 299) is the authority for

the seven souls. According to another writer, six out of the seven

souls reside outside of the body; one of them dwells in heaven, the

remaining five have no definite place of abode, but are so closely

related to the man that were they to abandon him his health would

suffer. See J. Freiherr von Brenner, _Besuch bei den Kannibalen

Sumatras_, pp. 239 _sq._ A different account of Batta psychology is

given by Mr. Westenberg. According to him, each Batta has only one

_tendi_ (not three or seven of them); and the _tendi_ is something

between a soul and a guardian spirit. It always resides outside of

the body, and on its position near, before, behind, above, or below,

the welfare of its owner is supposed in great measure to depend. But

in addition each man has two invisible guardian spirits (his _kaka_

and _agi_) whose help he invokes in great danger; one is the seed by

which he was begotten, the other is the afterbirth, and these he

calls respectively his elder and his younger brother. Mr.

Westenberg’s account refers specially to the Karo-Battas. See C. J.

Westenberg, “Aanteekeningen omtrent de godsdienstige begrippen der

Karo-Bataks,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van

Nederlandsch Indië_, xli. (1892) pp. 228 _sq._

M173 If a totem is the receptacle in which a man keeps his external soul,

it is no wonder that savages should conceal the secret from

strangers.

599 Compare Ch. Hose and W. McDougall, _The Pagan Tribes of Borneo_

(London, 1912), ii. 90 _sqq._: “An important institution among some

of the Ibans, which occurs but in rare instances among the other

peoples, is the _ngarong_ or secret helper. The _ngarong_ is one of

the very few topics in regard to which the Ibans display any

reluctance to speak freely. So great is their reserve in this

connection that one of us lived for fourteen years on friendly terms

with Ibans of various districts without ascertaining the meaning of

the word _ngarong_, or suspecting the great importance of the part

played by the notion in the lives of some of these people. The

_ngarong_ seems to be usually the spirit of some ancestor or dead

relative, but not always so, and it is not clear that it is always

conceived as the spirit of a deceased human being. This spirit

becomes the special protector of some individual Iban, to whom in a

dream he manifests himself, in the first place in human form, and

announces that he will be his secret helper.... When, as is most

commonly the case, the secret helper takes on the form of some

animal, all individuals of that species become objects of especial

regard to the fortunate Iban; he will not kill or eat any such

animal, and he will as far as possible restrain others from doing

so.” Thus the _ngarong_ or secret helper of the Ibans closely

resembles what I have called the individual or personal totem.

600 It is not merely the personal name which is often shrouded in

mystery (see _Taboo and the Perils of the Soul_, pp. 318 _sqq._);

the names of the clans and their subdivisions are objects of

mysterious reverence among many, if not all, of the Siouan tribes of

North America, and are never used in ordinary conversation. See J.

Owen Dorsey, “Osage Traditions,” _Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau

of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1888), p. 396. Among the Yuin of

South-Eastern Australia “the totem name was called _Budjan_, and it

was said to be more like _Joïa_, or magic, than a name; and it was

in one sense a secret name, for with it an enemy might cause injury

to its bearer by magic. Thus very few people knew the totem names of

others, the name being told to a youth by his father at his

initiation” (A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_,

London, 1904, p. 133).

M174 This view of totemism may help to explain the rite of death and

resurrection which forms part of many initiatory ceremonies among

savages.

601 Theodor Benfey, _Pantschatantra_ (Leipsic, 1859), i. 128 _sq._

Similarly a man of the Kulin tribe in Victoria was called Kurburu,

that is, “native bear,” because the spirit of a native bear was

supposed to have entered into him when he killed the animal, and to

have endowed him with its wonderful cleverness. This I learn from

Miss E. B. Howitt’s _Folklore and Legends of some Victorian Tribes_

(chapter vi.), which I have been privileged to see in manuscript.

Among the Chiquites Indians of Paraguay sickness was sometimes

accounted for by supposing that the soul of a deer or a turtle had

entered into the patient. See _Lettres Édifiantes et Curieuses_,

Nouvelle Édition, viii. (Paris, 1781) p. 339. We have seen (pp. 213

_sq._) that the Indians of Honduras made an alliance with the animal

that was to be their _nagual_ by offering some of their own blood to

it. Conversely the North American Indian kills the animal which is

to be his personal totem, and thenceforth wears some part of the

creature as an amulet (_Totemism and Exogamy_, i. 50). These facts

seem to point to the establishment of a blood covenant, involving an

interchange of life between a man and his personal totem or

_nagual_; and among the Fans of West Africa, as we saw (above, p.

201), such a covenant is actually supposed to exist between a

sorcerer and his _elangela_.

M175 The rite of death and resurrection among the Wonghi of New South

Wales.

602 A. L. P. Cameron, “Notes on some Tribes of New South Wales,”

_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xiv. (1885) pp. 357

_sq._ Compare A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_

(London, 1904), pp. 588 _sq._

M176 Use of the bull-roarer at initiatory ceremonies in Australia. The

sound of the bull-roarer compared to thunder. Belief of the Dieri

that by sounding a bull-roarer a newly initiated young man produces

a supply of edible snakes and lizards.

603 Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central

Australia_ (London, 1899), pp. 213, 453.

604 A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_ (London,

1904), p. 538. As to Daramulun (of whose name Thuremlin is no doubt

only a dialectical variation) see _id._, pp. 407, 493, 494 _sq._,

497, 499, 500, 507, 523 _sq._, 526, 528, 529 _sq._, 535, 540, 541,

585 _sq._, 587; _id._, “On some Australian Ceremonies of

Initiation,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xiii.

(1884) pp. 442, 443, 446, 447, 448, 450, 451, 452, 455, 456, 459. On

the bull-roarer see Andrew Lang, _Custom and Myth_ (London, 1884),

pp. 29-44; J. D. E. Schmeltz, _Das Schwirrholz_ (Hamburg, 1896); A.

C. Haddon, _The Study of Man_ (London and New York, 1898), pp.

277-327; J. G. Frazer, “On some Ceremonies of the Central Australian

Aborigines,” _Proceedings of the Australasian Association for the

Advancement of Science for the Year 1900_ (Melbourne, 1901), pp.

317-322. The religious or magical use of the bull-roarer is best

known in Australia. See, for example, L. Fison and A. W. Howitt,

_Kamilaroi and Kurnai_ (Melbourne, Sydney, Adelaide, and Brisbane,

1880), pp. 267-269; A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East

Australia_, pp. 354, 509 _sq._, 514, 515, 517, 569, 571, 575, 578,

579, 582, 583, 584, 589, 592, 594, 595, 606, 659 _sq._, 670, 672,

696, 715; Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen, _Native Tribes of

Central Australia_ (London, 1899), pp. 246, 344, 347; W. Baldwin

Spencer, _Introduction to the Study of Certain Native Tribes of the

Northern Territory_ (_Bulletin of the Northern Territory_, No. 2)

(Melbourne, 1912), pp. 19 _sq._, 23, 24, 31 _sq._, 37 _sqq._; A. R.

Brown, “Three Tribes of Western Australia,” _Journal of the Royal

Anthropological Institute_, xliii. (1913) pp. 168, 174; R.

Pettazzoni, “Mythologie Australienne du Rhombe,” _Revue de

l’Histoire des Religions_, lxv. (1912) pp. 149-170. But in the essay

just referred to Mr. Andrew Lang shewed that the instrument has been

similarly employed not only by savages in various parts of the

world, but also by the ancient Greeks in their religious mysteries.

In the Torres Straits Islands it is used both at the initiation of

young men and as a magical instrument. See _Reports of the Cambridge

Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits_, v. (Cambridge, 1904)

pp. 217, 218, 219, 328, 330-333, 346, 352. In various parts of New

Guinea it is sounded at the initiation of young men and is carefully

concealed from women; the sound is thought to be the voice of a

spirit. See Rev. J. Chalmers, _Pioneering in New Guinea_ (London,

1887), p. 85; _id._, “Toaripi,” _Journal of the Anthropological

Institute_, xxvii. (1898) p. 329; Rev. J. Holmes, “Initiation

Ceremonies of Natives of the Papuan Gulf,” _Journal of the

Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902) pp. 420, 424 _sq._; O.

Schellong, “Das Barlum-fest der Gegend Finsch-hafens,”

_Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie_, ii. (1889) pp. 150 _sq._,

154 _sq._; F. Grabowsky, “Der Bezirk von Hatzfeldthafen und seine

Bewohner,” _Petermanns Mitteilungen_, xli. (1895) p. 189; B. Hagen,

_Unter den Papua’s_ (Wiesbaden, 1899), pp. 188 _sq._; Max Krieger,

_Neu-Guinea_ (Berlin, preface dated 1899), pp. 168 _sqq._; J.

Vetter, in _Mitteilungen der Geographischen Gesellschaft zu Jena_,

xi. (1892) p. 105; K. Vetter, in _Nachrichten über Kaiser

Wilhelms-Land und den Bismarck-Archipel, 1897_ (Berlin), p. 93; R.

Neuhauss, _Deutsch Neu-Guinea_ (Berlin, 1911), pp. 36, 297, 403, 406

_sq._, 410-412, 494 _sqq._; Otto Reche, _Der Kaiserin-Augusta-Fluss_

(Hamburg, 1913), pp. 349 _sqq._ (_Ergebnisse der Südsee-Expedition

1908-1910_, herausgegeben von G. Thilenius). It is similarly used at

the circumcision-festivals in the French Islands, to the west of New

Britain (R. Parkinson, _Dreissig Jahre in der Südsee_, Stuttgart,

1907, pp. 640 _sq._), and it is employed at mysteries or mourning

ceremonies in Bougainville and other Melanesian Islands. See R.

Parkinson, _op. cit._ pp. 658 _sq._; _id._, _Zur Ethnographie der

Nordwestlichen Salomo Inseln_ (Berlin, 1899), p. 11; R. H.

Codrington, _The Melanesians_ (Oxford, 1891), pp. 98 _sq._, 342.

Among the Minangkabauers of Sumatra the bull-roarer (_gasiĕng_) is

used by a rejected lover to induce the demons to carry off the soul

of the jilt and so drive her mad. It is made of the frontal bone of

a brave or skilful man, and some of the intended victim’s hair is

attached to it. See J. L. van der Toorn, “Het animisme bij den

Minangkabauer in der Padangsche Bovenlanden,” _Bijdragen tot de

Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch Indië_, xxxix. (1890)

pp. 55 _sq._ Among the Yoruba-speaking negroes of the Slave Coast in

West Africa, particularly at Abeokuta, the sound of the bull-roarer

is supposed to be the voice of a great bogey named Oro, whose

votaries compose a secret society under the name of Ogboni. When the

sound of the bull-roarer is heard in the streets, every woman must

shut herself up in her house and not look out of the window under

pain of death. See R. F. Burton, _Abeokuta and the Cameroons

Mountains_ (London, 1863), i. 197 _sq._;, Missionary Chautard, in

_Annales de la Propagation de la Foi_, lv. (Lyons, 1883) pp.

192-198; Missionary Baudin, “Le Fétichisme,” _Les Missions

Catholiques_, xvi. (1884) p. 257; P. Bouche, _La Côte des Esclaves

et le Dahomey_ (Paris, 1885), p. 124; Mrs. R. B. Batty and Governor

Moloney, “Notes on the Yoruba Country,” _Journal of the

Anthropological Institute_, xix. (1890) pp. 160-164; A. B. Ellis,

_The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West Africa_

(London, 1894), pp. 110 _sq._; R. H. Stone, _In Afric’s Forest and

Jungle_ (Edinburgh and London, 1900), p. 88; L. Frobenius, _Die

Masken und Geheimbünde Afrikas_ (Halle, 1898), pp. 95 _sqq._ (_Nova

Acta, Abh. der Kaiserl. Leop.-Carol. Deutschen Akademie der

Naturforscher_, vol. lxxiv. No. 1). Among the Nandi of British East

Africa and the Bushongo of the Congo region bull-roarers are sounded

by men to frighten novices at initiation. See A. C. Hollis, _The

Nandi_ (Oxford, 1909), pp. 40, 56; E. Torday and T. A. Joyce, _Les

Bushongo_ (Brussels, 1910), p. 82. Among the Caffres of South Africa

and the Boloki of the Upper Congo the bull-roarer is a child’s toy,

but yet is thought to be endowed with magical virtue. See below, p.

232 note 3. Among the Koskimo Indians of British Columbia the sound

of the bull-roarers is supposed to be the voice of a spirit who

comes to fetch away the novices. See Franz Boas, “The Social

Organization and the Secret Societies of the Kwakiutl Indians,”

_Report of the United States National Museum_ (Washington, 1897), p.

610. The bull-roarer is used as a sacred or magical instrument for

the making of rain by the Zuñi and other Pueblo Indians of Arizona

and New Mexico, also by the Navajos and Apaches of the same region,

and by the Utes of Nevada and Utah. See Dr. Washington Matthews,

“The Mountain Chant, a Navajo Ceremony,” _Fifth Annual Report of the

Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1887), pp. 435, 436; Captain J. G.

Bourke, “The Medicine-men of the Apache,” _Ninth Annual Report of

the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1892), pp. 476-479; Mrs.

Matilda Coxe Stevenson, “The Zuñi Indians,” _Twenty-third Report of

the Bureau of American Ethnology_ (Washington, 1904), pp. 115, 117,

128 _sq._, 175, 177, 355. The Guatusos of Costa Rica ascertain the

will of the deity by listening to the humming sound of the

bull-roarer. See Dr. C. Sapper, “Ein Besuch bei den Guatusos in

Costarica,” _Globus_, lxxvi. (1899) p. 352; _id._, “Beiträge zur

Ethnographie des südlichen Mittelamerika,” _Petermanns

Mitteilungen_, xlvii. (1901) p. 36. The Caripunas Indians of the

Madeira River, in Brazil, sound bull-roarers in lamentations for the

dead. See Franz Keller, _The Amazon and Madeira Rivers_ (London,

1874), p. 124. The Bororo of Brazil also swing bull-roarers at their

festivals of the dead; the sound of them is the signal for the women

to hide themselves; it is believed that women and children would die

if they saw a bull-roarer. See K. von den Steinen, _Unter den

Naturvölkern Zentral-Brasilien’s_ (Berlin, 1894), pp. 497-499. The

Nahuqua and other Brazilian tribes use bull-roarers in their masked

dances, but make no mystery of them. See K. von den Steinen, _op.

cit._ pp. 327 _sq._ As to the magical use of the bull-roarer, see

pp. 230 _sqq._

605 A. W. Howitt, “The Dieri and other Kindred Tribes of Central

Australia,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xx. (1891)

p. 83; _id._, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, p. 660. In

the latter passage Dr. Howitt omits the not unimportant particular

that the bull-roarer is swung for this purpose by the young man

_before his wounds are healed_.

606 On the desert nature of Central Australia and the magical-like

change wrought in its fauna and flora by heavy rain, see Baldwin

Spencer and F. J. Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_

(London, 1899), pp. 4 _sq._; _Totemism and Exogamy_, i. 170 _sqq._,

316 _sqq._, 341 _sq._; J. G. Frazer, “Howitt and Fison,”

_Folk-lore_, xx. (1909) pp. 160, 162 _sq._, 164.

M177 The bull-roarer used by the Indians of New Mexico and Arizona to

procure rain. The bull-roarer used in Torres Straits Islands to

produce wind and good crops.

607 Captain J. G. Bourke, “The Medicine-men of the Apache,” _Ninth

Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1892), pp.

476 _sq._

608 Mrs. Matilda Coxe Stevenson, “The Zuñi Indians,” _Twenty-third

Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_ (Washington,

1904), pp. 115, 355.

609 Mrs. Matilda Coxe Stevenson, _op. cit._ p. 175; compare _id._, pp.

128 _sq._, 177.

610 Dr. Washington Matthews, “The Navajo Chant,” _Fifth Annual Report of

the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1887), p. 436; compare _id._,

p. 435, where the sound of the bull-roarer is said to be “like that

of a rain storm.”

611 Karl von den Steinen, _Unter den Naturvölkern Zentral-Brasiliens_

(Berlin, 1894), p. 328.

_ 612 Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres

Straits_, v. (Cambridge, 1904) p. 352.

613 G. McCall Theal, _Kaffir Folk-lore_ (London, 1886), pp. 222 _sq._;

_id._, _Records of South-Eastern Africa_, vii. (1901) p. 456; Dudley

Kidd, _The Essential Kafir_ (London, 1904), p. 333. For an analogous

reason among the Boloki of the Upper Congo the elders do not like

when boys play with bull-roarers, because the sound resembles the

growl of a leopard and will attract these ferocious animals. See

Rev. John H. Weeks, _Among Congo Cannibals_ (London, 1913), p. 157.

614 A. C. Haddon, _Head-hunters, Black, White, and Brown_ (London,

1901), p. 104; _Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition

to Torres Straits_, v. (Cambridge, 1904) pp. 218, 219; Rev. J.

Chalmers, “Notes on the Natives of Kiwai Island,” _Journal of the

Anthropological Institute_, xxxiii. (1903) p. 119.

615 H. Zahn, “Die Jabim,” in R. Neuhauss’s _Deutsch Neu-Guinea_ (Berlin,

1911), iii. 333.

M178 The whirling of bull-roarers by young men with bleeding backs in

Australia seems to have been a rain-making ceremony.

_ 616 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 256-258.

617 This appears to be the view also of Professor K. von den Steinen

(_Unter den Naturvölkern Zentral-Brasiliens_, pp. 327 _sq._), who is

probably right in thinking that the primary intention of the

instrument is to make thunder, and that the idea of making rain is

secondary.

M179 The sound of the bull-roarer at initiation is believed by Australian

women and children to be the voice of a spirit, who carries away the

novices.

618 A. W. Howitt, “On Australian Medicine Men,” _Journal of the

Anthropological Institute_, xvi. (1887) pp. 47 _sq._; compare _id._,

_Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, p. 596.

619 Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central

Australia_, p. 246 note 1; _id._, _Northern Tribes of Central

Australia_ (London, 1904), p. 497. According to the classificatory

system of relationship, which prevails among all the aborigines of

Australia, a man may have, and generally has, a number of women who

stand to him in the relation of mother as well as of sister, though

there need not be a drop of blood in common between them, as we

count kin. This explains the reference in the text to a boy’s

“mothers.”

M180 In some Australian tribes the women believe that lads at initiation

are killed and brought to life again by a spirit, whose voice is

heard in the sound of the bull-roarer.

620 B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_,

pp. 342 _sq._, 498.

621 Spencer and Gillen, _op. cit._ p. 498.

622 Spencer and Gillen, _op. cit._ pp. 366 _sq._, 501.

623 Spencer and Gillen, _op. cit._ pp. 373, 501.

M181 A drama of resurrection from the dead used to be shewn to novices at

initiation in some tribes of New South Wales. Dr. Howitt’s

description of the scene. The seeming dead man in the grave. The

resurrection from the grave.

624 A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, pp. 554-556.

Compare _id._, “On some Australian Ceremonies of Initiation,”

_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xiii. (1884) pp. 453

_sq._

M182 In some Australian tribes a medicine-man at his initiation is

thought to be killed and raised again from the dead.

625 B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_,

pp. 523-525; _id._, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, 480

_sq._, 484, 485, 487, 488; _id._, _Across Australia_ (London, 1912),

ii. 334 _sqq._

626 Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 480

_sq._

627 F. J. Gillen, “Notes on some Manners and Customs of the Aborigines

of the McDonnel Ranges belonging to the Arunta Tribe,” in _Report on

the Work of the Horn Scientific Expedition to Central Australia_,

Part iv. _Anthropology_ (London and Melbourne, 1896), pp. 180 _sq._;

B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_

(London, 1899), pp. 523 _sq._; _id._, _Across Australia_ (London,

1912), ii. 335.

M183 Notable features in the initiation of Australian medicine-men.

628 B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_,

pp. 487, 488; _id._, _Across Australia_, ii. 481 _sq._

M184 Rites of initiation in some tribes of German New Guinea. The novices

thought to be swallowed and disgorged by a monster, whose voice is

heard in the hum of the bull-roarers.

M185 The return of the novices after initiation.

629 As to the initiatory rites among the Yabim, see K. Vetter, in

_Nachrichten über Kaiser Wilhelms-Land und den Bismarck-Archipel_,

1897, pp. 92 _sq._; _id._, in _Mitteilungen der Geographischen

Gesellschaft zu Jena_, xi. (1892) p. 105; _id._, _Komm herüber und

hilf uns!_ ii. (Barmen, 1898) p. 18; _id._, cited by M. Krieger,

_Neu-Guinea_ (Berlin, preface dated 1899), pp. 167-170; O.

Schellong, “Das Barlum-fest der Gegend Finschhafens,”

_Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie_, ii. (1889) pp. 145-162;

H. Zahn, “Die Jabim,” in R. Neuhauss’s _Deutsch Neu-Guinea_ (Berlin,

1911), iii. 296-298. As to the initiatory rites among the Bukaua,

see S. Lehner, “Bukaua,” in R. Neuhauss’s _Deutsch Neu-Guinea_, iii.

402-410; among the Kai, see Ch. Keysser, “Aus dem Kai-Leute,”

_ibid._ pp. 34-40; among the Tami, see G. Bamler, “Tami,” _ibid._

pp. 493-507. I have described the rites of the various tribes more

in detail in _The Belief in Immortality and the Worship of the

Dead_, i. 250-255, 260 _sq._, 290 _sq._, 301 _sq._ In the Bukaua and

Tami tribes the initiation ceremonies are performed not in the

forest but in a special house built for the purpose in the village,

which the women are obliged to vacate till the rites are over.

M186 The monster who is supposed to swallow the novices is apparently

conceived as a ghost or ancestral spirit.

_ 630 The Belief in Immortality and the Worship of the Dead_, i. 250,

251, 255, 261, 290 _sq._, 301. Among the Bukaua not only does the

bull-roarer bear the general name for a ghost (_balum_), but each

particular bull-roarer bears in addition the name of a particular

dead man, and varies in dignity and importance with the dignity and

importance of the deceased person whom it represents. And besides

the big bull-roarers with gruff voices there are little bull-roarers

with shrill voices, which represent the shrill-voiced wives of the

ancient heroes. See S. Lehner, “Bukaua,” in R. Neuhauss’s _Deutsch

Neu-Guinea_, iii. 410-412.

631 R. Pöch, “Vierter Bericht über meine Reise nach Neu-Guinea,”

_Sitzungsberichte der mathematischen-naturwissenschaftlichen Klasse

der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften_ (Vienna), cxv. (1906)

Abteilung i. pp. 901, 902.

M187 The drama of death and resurrection used to be enacted before young

men at initiation in some parts of Fiji.

632 Rev. Lorimer Fison, “The _Nanga_ or Sacred Stone Enclosure of

Wainimala, Fiji,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xiv.

(1885) p. 27. The _Nanga_ or sacred enclosure of stones, with its

sacred rites, was known only to certain tribes of Fiji (the Nuyaloa,

Vatusila, Mbatiwai, and Mdavutukia), who inhabited a comparatively

small area, barely a third, of the island of Viti Levu. As to the

institution in general, see Rev. Lorimer Fison, _op. cit._ pp.

14-31; A. B. Joske, “The Nanga of Viti-levu,” _Internationales

Archiv für Ethnographie_, ii. (1889) pp. 254-266; Basil Thomson,

_The Fijians_ (London, 1908), pp. 146-157. Compare _The Belief in

Immortality and the Worship of the Dead_, i. 427-438.

633 Rev. Lorimer Fison, _op. cit._ p. 26; Basil Thomson, _op. cit._ 147.

634 Rev. Lorimer Fison, _op. cit._ pp. 27 _sq._ The phrase “the

ancestral gods” is used by Mr. Fison, one of our best authorities on

Fijian religion. Mr. Basil Thomson (_op. cit._ p. 157) questions the

accuracy of Mr. Fison’s account of this vicarious sacrifice on the

ground that every youth was regularly circumcised as a matter of

course. But there seems to be no inconsistency between the two

statements. While custom required that every youth should be

circumcised, the exact time for performing the ceremony need not

have been rigidly prescribed; and if a saving or atoning virtue was

attributed to the sacrifice of foreskins, it might be thought

desirable in cases of emergency, such as serious illness, to

anticipate it for the benefit of the sufferer.

635 According to Mr. Fison, the enclosure was divided into three

compartments; Mr. Basil Thomson describes only two, though by

speaking of one of them as the “Middle Nanga” he seems to imply that

there were three. The structure was a rough parallelogram lying east

and west, about a hundred feet long by fifty feet broad, enclosed by

walls or rows of stone slabs embedded endwise in the earth. See

Basil Thomson, _op. cit._ pp. 147 _sq._

M188 Description of the rite. The mimic death. The mimic resurrection.

The sacramental meal. The intention of the rite.

636 A. B. Joske, “The Nanga of Vitilevu,” _Internationales Archiv für

Ethnographie_, ii. (1889) p. 259; Basil Thomson, _The Fijians_, pp.

150 _sq._ According to Mr. Fison (_op. cit._ p. 19) the initiatory

ceremonies were held as a rule only every second year; but he adds:

“This period, however, is not necessarily restricted to two years.

There are always a number of youths who are growing to the proper

age, and the length of the interval depends upon the decision of the

elders.” Perhaps the seeming discrepancy between our authorities on

this point may be explained by Mr. Joske’s statement (p. 259) that

the rites are held in alternate years by two different sets of men,

the Kai Vesina and the Kai Rukuruku, both of whom claim to be

descended from the original founders of the rites. The custom of

dating the New Year by observation of the Pleiades was apparently

universal among the Polynesians. See _The Spirits of the Corn and of

the Wild_, i. 312 _sq._

637 Rev. Lorimer Fison, _op. cit._ pp. 20-23; A. B. Joske, _op. cit._

pp. 264 _sq._; Basil Thomson, _The Fijians_, pp. 150-153. The

sacramental character of the meal is recognized by Mr. Fison, who

says (p. 23) that after the performance of the rites the novices

“are now _Vīlavóu_, accepted members of the _Nanga_, qualified to

take their place among the men of the community, though still only

on probation. As children—their childhood being indicated by their

shaven heads—they were presented to the ancestors, and their

acceptance was notified by what (looking at the matter from the

natives’ standpoint) we might, without irreverance, almost call the

_sacrament_ of food and water, too sacred even for the elders’ hands

to touch.”

M189 Initiatory rite in the island of Rook: pretence that the novices are

swallowed by the devil. Secret society of the Duk-duk in New

Britain. Novices supposed to be killed. The new birth.

638 Paul Reina, “Ueber die Bewohner der Insel Rook,” _Zeitschrift für

allgemeine Erdkunde_, N.F., iv. (1858) pp. 356 _sq._

639 R. Parkinson, _Im Bismarck Archipel_ (Leipsic, 1887), pp. 129-134;

_id._ _Dreissig Jahre in der Südsee_ (Stuttgart, 1907), pp. 567

_sqq._; Rev. G. Brown, “Notes on the Duke of York Group, New

Britain, and New Ireland,” _Journal of the Royal Geographical

Society_, xlvii. (1878) pp. 148 _sq._; H. H. Romilly, “The Islands

of the New Britain Group,” _Proceedings of the Royal Geographical

Society_, N.S., ix. (1887) pp. 11 _sq._; Rev. G. Brown, _ibid._ p.

17; _id._, _Melanesians and Polynesians_ (London, 1910), pp. 60

_sqq._; W. Powell, _Wanderings in a Wild Country_ (London, 1883),

pp. 60-66; C. Hager, _Kaiser Wilhelm’s Land und der Bismarck

Archipel_ (Leipsic, N.D.), pp. 115-128; Hubner, quoted by W. H.

Dall, “On masks, labrets, and certain aboriginal customs,” _Third

Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1884), p.

100; P. A. Kleintitschen, _Die Küstenbewohner der Gazellehalbinsel_

(Hiltrup bei Münster, N.D.), pp. 350 _sqq._; H. Schurtz,

_Altersklassen und Männerbünde_ (Berlin, 1902), pp. 369-377. The

inhabitants of these islands are divided into two exogamous classes,

which in the Duke of York Island have two insects for their totems.

One of the insects is the _mantis religiosus_; the other is an

insect that mimics the leaf of the horse-chestnut tree very closely.

See Rev. B. Danks, “Marriage Customs of the New Britain Group,”

_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xviii. (1889) pp. 281

_sq._; _Totemism and Exogamy_, ii. 118 _sqq._

M190 Initiatory rite in Halmahera: pretence of begetting the novices

anew.

640 J. G. F. Riedel, “Galela und Tobeloresen,” _Zeitschrift für

Ethnologie_, xvii. (1885) pp. 81 _sq._

M191 The Kakian association in Ceram. The rite of initiation: pretence of

killing the novices.

641 The Kakian association and its initiatory ceremonies have often been

described. See François Valentyn, _Oud en nieuw Oost-Indiën_

(Dordrecht and Amsterdam, 1724-1726), iii. 3 _sq._; Von Schmid, “Het

Kakihansch Verbond op het eiland Ceram,” _Tijdschrift voor Neérlands

Indië_ (Batavia, 1843), dl. ii. pp. 25-38; A. van Ekris, “Het

Ceramsche Kakianverbond,” _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche

Zendelinggenootschap_, ix. (1865) pp. 205-226 (repeated with slight

changes in _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_,

xvi. (1867) pp. 290-315); P. Fournier, “De Zuidkust van Ceram,”

_Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xvi. (1867)

pp. 154-156; W. A. van Rees, _Die Pionniers der Beschaving in

Neêrlands Indië_ (Arnheim, 1867), pp. 92-106; G. W. W. C. Baron van

Hoëvell, _Ambon en meer bepaaldelijk de Oeliasers_ (Dordrecht,

1875), pp. 153 _sqq._; Schulze, “Ueber Ceram und seine Bewohner,”

_Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie,

Ethnologie, und Urgeschichte_ (1877), p. 117; W. Joest, “Beiträge

zur Kenntniss der Eingebornen der Insel Formosa und Ceram,” _ibid._

(1882) p. 64; H. von Rosenberg, _Der Malayische Archipel_ (Leipsic,

1878), p. 318; A. Bastian, _Indonesien_, i. (Berlin, 1884) pp.

145-148; J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen

Selebes en Papua_ (The Hague, 1886), pp. 107-111; O. D. Tauern,

“Ceram,” _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, xlv. (1913) pp. 167 _sq._ The

best accounts are those of Valentyn, Von Schmid, Van Ekris, Van

Rees, and Riedel, which are accordingly followed in the text.

M192 The resurrection of the novices.

M193 The secret society of _Ndembo_ in the valley of the Lowe Congo.

642 No reason is assigned for this curious choice of a president. Can it

have been that, because negro children are born pale or nearly

white, an albino was deemed a proper president for a society, all

the initiated members of which claimed to have been born again?

Speaking of the people of the Lower Congo the old English traveller

Andrew Battel observes that “the children of this country are born

white, but change their colour in two days’ time to a perfect black”

(“Adventures of Andrew Battel,” in J. Pinkerton’s _Voyages and

Travels_, xvi. London, 1814, p. 331).

M194 Pretence of death as a preliminary to resurrection.

M195 Seclusion of the novices.

M196 Resurrection of the novices. Pretence of the novices that they have

forgotten everything.

643 Rev. J. H. Weeks, “Notes on some Customs of the Lower Congo People,”

_Folk-lore_, xx. (1909) pp. 189-198; Rev. W. H. Bentley, _Life on

the Congo_ (London, 1887), pp. 78 _sq._; _id._, _Pioneering on the

Congo_ (London, 1900), i. 284-287. Mr. Weeks’s description of the

institution is the fullest and I have followed it in the text. The

custom was in vogue down to recent years, but seems to have been

suppressed chiefly by the exertions of the missionaries. Besides the

_ndembo_ guild there is, or was, in these regions another secret

society known as the _nkimba_, which some writers have confused with

the _ndembo_. The _nkimba_ was of a more harmless character than the

other; indeed it seems even to have served some useful purposes,

partly as a kind of freemasonry which encouraged mutual help among

its members, partly as a system of police for the repression of

crime, its professed object being to put down witchcraft and punish

witches. Only males were admitted to it. Candidates for initiation

were stupefied by a drug, but there was apparently no pretence of

killing them and bringing them to life again. Members of the society

had a home in the jungle away from the town, where the novices lived

together for a period varying from six months to two years. They

learned a secret language, and received new names; it was afterwards

an offence to call a man by the name of his childhood. Instead of

the red dye affected by members of the _ndembo_ guild, members of

the _nkimba_ guild whitened their bodies with pipe clay and wore

crinolines of palm frondlets. See Rev. W. H. Bentley, _Life on the

Congo_, pp. 80-83; _id._, _Pioneering on the Congo_, i. 282-284;

Rev. J. H. Weeks, _op. cit._ pp. 198-201; (Sir) H. H. Johnston, “A

Visit to Mr. Stanley’s Stations on the River Congo,” _Proceedings of

the Royal Geographical Society_, N. S. v. (1883) pp. 572 _sq._; E.

Delmar Morgan, “Notes on the Lower Congo,” _id._, N.S. vi. (1884) p.

193. As to these two secret societies on the Lower Congo, see

further (Sir) H. H. Johnston, “On the Races of the Congo,” _Journal

of the Anthropological Institute_, xiii. (1884) pp. 472 sq.; É.

Dupont, _Lettres sur le Congo_ (Paris, 1889), pp. 96-100; Herbert

Ward, _Five Years with the Congo Cannibals_ (London, 1890), pp. 54

_sq._; _id._ “Ethnographical Notes relating to the Congo Tribes,”

_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxiv. (1895) pp. 288

_sq._; E. J. Glave, _Six Years of Adventure in Congo Land_ (London,

1893), pp. 80-83; L. Frobenius, _Die Masken und Geheimbünde Afrikas_

(Halle, 1898), pp. 43-54 (_Nova Acta. Abh. der Kaiserl. Leop. Carol.

Deutschen Akademie der Naturforscher_, vol. lxxiv. No. 1); H.

Schurtz, _Altersklassen und Männerbünde_ (Berlin, 1902), pp.

433-437; _Notes Annalytiques sur les Collections Ethnographiques du

Musée du Congo_ (Brussels, 1902-1906), pp. 199-206; Ed. de Jonghe,

_Les Sociétés Secrètes au Bas-Congo_ (Brussels, 1907), pp. 15 _sqq._

(extract from the _Revue des Questions Scientifiques_, October

1907). Some of these writers do not discriminate between the two

societies, the _ndembo_ and the _nkimba_. According to our best

authorities (Messrs. Bentley and Weeks) the two societies are quite

distinct and neither of them has anything to do with circumcision,

which is, however, prevalent in the region. See Rev. J. H. Weeks,

“Notes on some Customs of the Lower Congo People,” _Folk-lore_, xx.

(1909) pp. 304 _sqq._ A secret society of the Lower Congo which

Adolf Bastian has described under the name of _quimba_ is probably

identical with the _nkimba_. He speaks of a “Secret Order of those

who have been born again,” and tells us that the candidates “are

thrown into a death-like state and buried in the fetish house. When

they are wakened to life again, they have (as in the Belliparo) lost

their memory of everything that is past, even of their father and

mother, and they can no longer remember their own name. Hence new

names are given them according to the titles or ranks to which they

are advanced.” See A. Bastian, _Die deutsche Expedition an der

Loango-Küste_ (Jena, 1874-1875), ii. 15 _sqq._

M197 Bastian’s account of the ritual of death and resurrection in West

Africa.

644 A. Bastian, _Ein Besuch in San Salvador_ (Bremen, 1859), pp. 82

_sq._

M198 Acquisition of a patron animal or guardian spirit in a dream.

645 A. Bastian, _Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango-Küste_, ii. 183.

Elsewhere Bastian says that about San Salvador lads at puberty are

secluded in the forest and circumcised, and during their seclusion

“each of them is mystically united to the fetish by which his life

is henceforth determined, as the Brahman whispers the secret charm

in the ear of him who has been born again.” See A. Bastian, _Ein

Besuch in San Salvador_ (Bremen, 1859), pp. 85 _sq._

646 H. Trilles, _Le Totémisme chez les Fâṅ_ (Münster i. W., 1912), pp.

479 _sq._ The writer speaks of the guardian spirit as the individual

totem of the young warrior.

M199 Dapper’s account of the ritual of death and resurrection in the

Belli-Paaro society.

647 O. Dapper, _Description de l’Afrique_ (Amsterdam, 1686), pp. 268

_sq._ Dapper’s account has been abridged in the text.

M200 Miss Kingsley on the rites of initiation into secret societies in

West Africa.

648 Miss Mary H. Kingsley, _Travels in West Africa_ (London, 1867), p.

531. Perhaps the smearing with clay may be intended to indicate that

the novices have undergone the new birth; for the negro child,

though born reddish-brown, soon turns slaty-grey (E. B. Tylor,

_Anthropology_, London, 1881, p. 67), which would answer well enough

to the hue of the clay-bedaubed novices.

M201 The _purra_ or _poro_, a secret society of Sierra Leone. The new

birth. The _semo_, a secret society of Senegambia. Death and

resurrection at initiation.

649 Thomas Winterbottom, _An Account of the Native Africans in the

Neighbourhood of Sierra Leone_ (London, 1803), pp. 135 _sq._ Compare

John Matthews, _A Voyage to the River Sierra-Leone_ (London, 1791),

pp. 82-85; J. B. L. Durand, _Voyage au Sénégal_ (Paris, 1802), pp.

183 _sq._ (whose account is copied without acknowledgment from

Matthews). The _purra_ or _poro_ society also exists among the

Timmes of Sierra Leone; in this tribe the novices are sometimes

secluded from their families for ten years in the wood, they are

tattooed on their backs and arms, and they learn a language which

consists chiefly of names of plants and animals used in special

senses. Women are not admitted to the society. See Zweifel et

Moustier, “Voyage aux sources du Niger,” _Bulletin de la Société de

Géographie_ (Paris), VI. Série, xv. (1878) pp. 108 _sq._

650 T. J. Alldridge, _The Sherbro and its Hinterland_ (London, 1901), p.

130. This work contains a comparatively full account of the _purra_

or _poro_ society (pp. 124-131) and of the other secret societies of

the country (pp. 131-149, 153-159). Compare L. Frobenius, _Die

Masken und Geheimbünde Afrikas_ (Halle, 1898), pp. 138-144 (_Nova

Acta, Abh. der Kaiserl. Leop.-Carol. Deutschen Akademie der

Naturforscher_, vol. lxxiv. No. 1).

651 Thomas Winterbottom, _An Account of the Native Africans in the

Neighbourhood of Sierra Leone_ (London, 1803), pp. 137-139. As to

the _semo_ or _simo_ society see further L. Frobenius, _op. cit._

pp. 130-138.

M202 Ritual of the new birth among the Akikuyu of British East Africa.

652 Extract from a letter of Mr. A. C. Hollis to me. Mr. Hollis’s

authority is Dr. T. W. W. Crawford of the Kenia Medical Mission.

653 W. Scoresby Routledge and Katherine Routledge, _With a Prehistoric

People, the Akikuyu of British East Africa_ (London, 1910), p. 152.

Compare C. W. Hobley, “Kikuyu Customs and Beliefs,” _Journal of the

Royal Anthropological Institute_, xl. (1910) p. 441.

654 Mr. A. W. McGregor, of the Church Missionary Society, quoted by W.

S. Routledge and K. Routledge, _With a Prehistoric People_, p. 151,

note. 1. Mr. McGregor “has resided amongst the Akikuyu since 1901.

He has by his tact and kindness won the confidence of the natives,

and is the greatest authority on their language” (_id._, p. xxi).

655 W. S. Routledge and K. Routledge, _op. cit._ p. 151.

M203 Rites of initiation among the Bondeis of East Africa. Rites of

initiation among the Bushongo of the Congo. The first ordeal. The

second ordeal. The last ordeal: the descent from the tree.

656 Rev. G. Dale, “An Account of the principal Customs and Habits of the

Natives inhabiting the Bondei Country,” _Journal of the

Anthropological Institute_, xxv. (1896) p. 189.

657 E. Torday et T. A. Joyce, _Les Bushongo_ (Brussels, 1910), pp.

82-85. As for the title “God on Earth,” applied to the principal

chief or king, see _id._, p. 53.

M204 Rites of initiation among the Indians of Virginia: pretence of the

novices that they have forgotten their former life.

658 (Beverley’s) _History of Virginia_ (London, 1722), pp. 177 _sq._

Compare J. Bricknell, _The Natural History of North Carolina_

(Dublin, 1737), pp. 405 _sq._

M205 Ritual of death and resurrection at initiation into the secret

societies of North America. The medicine-bag as an instrument of

death and resurrection. Ritual of death and resurrection at

initiation among the Dacotas.

659 J. Carver, _Travels through the Interior Parts of North America_,

Third Edition (London, 1781), pp. 271-275. The thing thrown at the

man and afterwards vomited by him was probably not a bean but a

small white sea-shell (_Cypraea moneta_). See H. R. Schoolcraft,

_Indian Tribes of the United States_ (Philadelphia, 1853-1856), iii.

287; J. G. Kohl, _Kitschi-Gami_ (Bremen, 1859), i. 71; _Seventh

Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1891), pp.

191, 215; _Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_

(Washington, 1896), p. 101.

660 J. Carver, _op. cit._ pp. 277 _sq._; H. R. Schoolcraft, _Indian

Tribes of the United States_, iii. 287 (as to the Winnebagoes), v.

430 _sqq._ (as to the Chippeways and Sioux); J. G. Kohl,

_Kitschi-Gami_, i. 64-70 (as to the Ojebways). For a very detailed

account of the Ojebway ceremonies, see W. J. Hoffman, “The Midewiwin

or Grand Medicine Society of the Ojibwa,” _Seventh Annual Report of

the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1891), especially pp. 215

_sq._, 234 _sq._, 248, 265. For similar ceremonies among the

Menomini, see _id._, “The Menomini Indians,” _Fourteenth Annual

Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1896), pp. 99-102;

and among the Omahas, see J. Owen Dorsey, “Omaha Sociology,” _Third

Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1884), pp.

342-346. I have dealt more fully with the ritual in _Totemism and

Exogamy_, iii. 462 _sqq._ Compare also P. Radin, “Ritual and

Significance of the Winnebago Medicine Dance,” _Journal of American

Folk-lore_, xxiv. (1911) pp. 149-208.

661 G. H. Pond, “Dakota superstitions,” _Collections of the Minnesota

Historical Society for the year 1867_ (Saint Paul, 1867), pp. 35,

37-40. A similar but abridged account of the Dakota tradition and

usage is given by S. R. Riggs in his _Dakota Grammar, Texts, and

Ethnography_ (Washington, 1893), pp. 227-229 (_Contributions to

North American Ethnology_, vol. ix.).

M206 Ritual of mimic death among the Indians of Nootka Sound.

_ 662 Narrative of the Adventures and Sufferings of John R. Jewitt_

(Middletown, 1820), p. 119.

_ 663 Id._, p. 44. For the age of the prince, see _id._, p. 35.

664 H. J. Holmberg, “Ueber die Völker des russischen Amerika,” _Acta

Societatis Scientiarum Fennicae_, iv. (Helsingfors, 1856) pp. 292

_sqq._, 328; Ivan Petroff, _Report on the Population, Industries and

Resources of Alaska_, pp. 165 _sq._; A. Krause, _Die

Tlinkit-Indianer_ (Jena, 1885), p. 112; R. C. Mayne, _Four Years in

British Columbia and Vancouver Island_ (London, 1862), pp. 257

_sq._, 268; _Totemism and Exogamy_, iii. 264 _sqq._

M207 Rite of death and resurrection at initiation into the Nootka society

of human wolves. Novice brought back by an artificial totemic animal

among the Niska Indians.

665 Fr. Boas, in _Sixth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada_,

pp. 47 _sq._ (separate reprint from the _Report of the British

Association_, Leeds meeting, 1890); _id._, “The Social Organization

and the Secret Societies of the Kwakiutl Indians,” _Report of the

United States National Museum for 1895_; (Washington, 1897), pp. 632

_sq._ But while the initiation described in the text was into a wolf

society, not into a wolf clan, it is to be observed that the wolf is

one of the regular totems of the Nootka Indians. See Fr. Boas, in

_Sixth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada_, p. 32.

666 Fr. Boas, in _Tenth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada_,

pp. 49 _sq._, 58 _sq._ (separate reprint from the _Report of the

British Association_, Ipswich meeting, 1895). It is remarkable,

however, that in this tribe persons who are being initiated into the

secret societies, of which there are six, are not always or even

generally brought back by an artificial animal which represents

their own totem. Thus while men of the eagle totem are brought back

by an eagle which rises from underground, men of the bear clan

return on the back of an artificial killer-whale which is towed

across the river by ropes. Again, members of the wolf clan are

brought back by an artificial bear, and members of the raven clan by

a frog. In former times the appearance of the artificial totem

animal, or of the guardian spirit, was considered a matter of great

importance, and any failure which disclosed the deception to the

uninitiated was deemed a grave misfortune which could only be atoned

for by the death of the persons concerned in the disclosure.

M208 In these initiatory rites the novice seems to be killed as a man and

restored to life as an animal.

667 See above, p. 213.

668 This is the opinion of Dr. F. Boas, who writes: “The close

similarity between the clan legends and those of the acquisition of

spirits presiding over secret societies, as well as the intimate

relation between these and the social organizations of the tribes,

allow us to apply the same argument to the consideration of the

growth of the secret societies, and lead us to the conclusion that

the same psychical factor that molded the clans into their present

shape molded the secret societies” (“The Social Organization and the

Secret Societies of the Kwakiutl Indians,” _Report of the United

States National Museum for 1895_, p. 662). Dr. Boas would see in the

acquisition of a _manitoo_ or personal totem the origin both of the

secret societies and of the totem clans; for according to him the

totem of the clan is merely the _manitoo_ or personal totem of the

ancestor transmitted by inheritance to his descendants. As to

personal totems or guardian spirits (_manitoos_) among the North

American Indians, see _Totemism and Exogamy_, iii. 370 _sqq._; as to

their secret societies, see _id._, iii. 457 _sqq._; as to the theory

that clan totems originated in personal or individual totems, see

_id._, iv. 48 _sqq._

M209 Honorific totems among the Carrier Indians. Initiatory rites at the

adoption of a honorific totem. Simulated transformation of a novice

into a bear. Pretence of death and resurrection at initiation.

669 A. G. Morice, “Notes, archaeological, industrial, and sociological,

on the Western Dénés,” _Transactions of the Canadian Institute_, iv.

(1892-93) pp. 203-206. The honorific totems of the Carrier Indians

may perhaps correspond in some measure to the sub-totems or

multiplex totems of the Australians. As to these latter see

_Totemism and Exogamy_, i. 78 _sqq._, 133 _sqq._

M210 Significance of these initiatory rites. Supposed invulnerability of

men who have weapons for their guardian spirits.

670 See above, pp. 153 _sq._

671 James Teit, _The Thompson Indians of British Columbia_, p. 357 (_The

Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Memoir of the American Museum of

Natural History_, April, 1900). Among the Shuswap of British

Columbia, when a young man has obtained his personal totem or

guardian spirit, he is supposed to become proof against bullets and

arrows (Fr. Boas, in _Sixth Report of the Committee on the

North-Western Tribes of Canada_, p. 93, separate reprint from the

_Report of the British Association_, Leeds meeting, 1890).

M211 Initiatory rite of the Toukaway Indians.

672 H. R. Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes of the United States_

(Philadelphia, 1853-1856), v. 683. In a letter dated 16th Dec. 1887,

Mr. A. S. Gatschet, formerly of the Bureau of Ethnology, Washington,

wrote to me: “Among the Toukawe whom in 1884 I found at Fort Griffin

[?], Texas, I noticed that they never kill the big or grey wolf,

_hatchukunän_, which has a mythological signification, ‘holding the

earth’ (_hatch_). He forms one of their totem clans, and they have

had a dance in his honor, danced by the males only, who carried

sticks.”

M212 Traces of the rite of death and resurrection among more advanced

peoples.

_ 673 The Laws of Manu_, ii. 169, translated by G. Bühler (Oxford, 1886),

p. 61 (_The Sacred Books of the East_, vol. xxv.); J. A. Dubois,

_Mœurs, Institutions et Cérémonies des Peuples de l’Inde_ (Paris,

1825), i. 125; Monier Williams, _Religious Thought and Life in

India_ (London, 1883), pp. 360 _sq._, 396 _sq._; H. Oldenberg, _Die

Religion des Veda_ (Berlin, 1894), pp. 466 _sqq._

674 Lampridius, _Commodus_, 9; C. W. King, _The Gnostics and their

Remains_, Second Edition (London, 1887), pp. 127, 129. Compare Fr.

Cumont, _Textes et Monuments figurés relatifs aux mystères de

Mithra_, i. (Brussels, 1899) pp. 69 _sq._, 321 _sq._; E. Rohde,

_Psyche_3 (Tübingen and Leipsic, 1903), ii. 400 n. 1; A. Dieterich,

_Eine Mithrasliturgie_ (Leipsic, 1903), pp. 91, 157 _sqq._

M213 The motive for attempting to deposit the soul in a safe place

outside of the body at puberty may have been a fear of the dangers

which, according to primitive notions, attend the union of the

sexes.

M214 Balder’s life or death in the mistletoe.

675 Above, p. 110; compare pp. 107, 120 _sq._, 132, 133.

676 Above, p. 120.

677 Above, p. 106.

678 Above, p. 145. In the myth the throwing of the weapons and of the

mistletoe at Balder and the blindness of Hother who slew him remind

us of the custom of the Irish reapers who kill the corn-spirit in

the last sheaf by throwing their sickles blindfold at it. See

_Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, i. 144. In Mecklenburg a cock

is sometimes buried in the ground and a man who is blindfolded

strikes at it with a flail. If he misses it, another tries, and so

on till the cock is killed. See K. Bartsch, _Sagen, Märchen und

Gebräuche aus Mecklenburg_ (Vienna, 1879-1880), ii. 280. In England

on Shrove Tuesday a hen used to be tied upon a man’s back, and other

men blindfolded struck at it with branches till they killed it. See

T. F. Thiselton Dyer, _British Popular Customs_ (London, 1876), p.

68. W. Mannhardt (_Die Korndämonen_, Berlin, 1868, pp. 16 _sq._) has

made it probable that such sports are directly derived from the

custom of killing a cock upon the harvest-field as a representative

of the corn-spirit. See _Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, i.

277 _sq._ These customs, therefore, combined with the blindness of

Hother in the myth, suggest that the man who killed the human

representative of the oak-spirit was blindfolded, and threw his

weapon or the mistletoe from a little distance. After the Lapps had

killed a bear—which was the occasion of many superstitious

ceremonies—the bear’s skin was hung on a post, and the women,

blindfolded, shot arrows at it. See J. Scheffer, _Lapponia_

(Frankfort, 1673), p. 240.

M215 The view that the mistletoe contained the life of the oak may have

been suggested by the position of the parasite among the boughs.

Indian parallel to Balder and the mistletoe.

679 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxiv. 12; J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 ii.

1010. Compare below, p. 282.

_ 680 The Satapatha Brahmana_, xii. 7. 3. 1-3, translated by J. Eggeling,

Part v. (Oxford, 1900) pp. 222 _sq._ (_The Sacred Books of the

East_, vol. xliv.); Denham Rouse, in _Folk-lore Journal_, vii.

(1889) p. 61, quoting _Taittīrya Brāhmana_, I. vii. 1.

681 Col. E. T. Dalton, “The Kols of Chota-Nagpore,” _Transactions of the

Ethnological Society_, N.S. vi. (1868) p. 36.

M216 Analogous superstitions attaching to a parasitic rowan.

682 Jens Kamp, _Danske Folkeminder_ (Odense, 1877), pp. 172, 65 _sq._,

referred to in Feilberg’s _Bidrag til en Ordbog over Jyske

Almuesmål_, Fjerde hefte (Copenhagen, 1888), p. 320. For a sight of

Feilberg’s work I am indebted to the kindness of the late Rev.

Walter Gregor, M.A., of Pitsligo, who pointed out the passage to me.

683 E. T. Kristensen, _Iydske Folkeminder_, vi. 380, referred to by

Feilberg, _l.c._ According to Marcellus (_De Medicamentis_, xxvi.

115), ivy which springs from an oak is a remedy for stone, provided

it be cut with a copper instrument.

684 A. Kuhn, _Die Herabkunft des Feuers und des Göttertranks_2

(Gütersloh, 1886), pp. 175 _sq._, quoting Dybeck’s _Runa_, 1845, pp.

62 _sq._

685 A. Kuhn, _op. cit._ p. 176.

686 Quoted by A. Kuhn, _op. cit._ pp. 180 _sq._ In Zimbales, a province

of the Philippine Islands, “a certain parasitic plant that much

resembles yellow moss and grows high up on trees is regarded as a

very powerful charm. It is called _gay-u-ma_, and a man who

possesses it is called _nanara gayuma_. If his eyes rest on a person

during the new moon he will become sick at the stomach, but he can

cure the sickness by laying hands on the afflicted part.” See W. A.

Reed, _Negritos of Zambales_ (Manilla, 1904), p. 67 (_Department of

the Interior, Ethnological Survey Publications_, vol. ii. part i.).

Mr. Reed seems to mean that if a man who possesses this parasitic

plant sees a person at the new moon, the person on whom his eye

falls will be sick in his stomach, but that the owner of the

parasite can cure the sufferer by laying his (the owner’s) hands on

his (the patient’s) stomach. It is interesting to observe that the

magical virtue of the parasitic plant appears to be especially

effective at the new moon.

687 A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_2 (Berlin, 1869), p. 97 §

128; L. Lloyd, _Peasant Life in Sweden_ (London, 1870), p. 269. See

above, p. 86.

M217 The fate of the Hays believed to be bound up with the mistletoe on

Errol’s oak.

688 John Hay Allan, _The Bridal of Caölchairn_ (London, 1822), pp. 337

_sq._

689 Rev. John B. Pratt, _Buchan_, Second Edition (Aberdeen, Edinburgh,

and London, 1859), p. 342. “_The corbie roup_” means “the raven

croak.” In former editions of this work my only source of

information as to the mistletoe and oak of the Hays was an extract

from a newspaper which was kindly copied and sent to me, without the

name of the newspaper, by the late Rev. Walter Gregor, M.A., of

Pitsligo. For my acquaintance with the works of J. H. Allan and J.

B. Pratt I am indebted to the researches of my learned friend Mr. A.

B. Cook, who has already quoted them in his article “The European

Sky-God,” _Folk-lore_, xvii. (1906) pp. 318 _sq._

M218 The life of the Lachlins and the deer of Finchra.

690 M. Martin, “Description of the Western Islands of Scotland,” in J.

Pinkerton’s _Voyages and Travels_ (London, 1808-1814), iii. 661.

M219 The Golden Bough seems to have been a glorified mistletoe.

691 See James Sowerby, _English Botany_, xxi. (London, 1805), p. 1470:

“The Misseltoe is celebrated in story as the sacred plant of the

Druids, and the Golden Bough of Virgil, which was Aeneas’s passport

to the infernal regions.” Again, the author of the _Lexicon

Mythologicum_ concludes, “_cum Jonghio nostro_,” that the Golden

Bough “was nothing but the mistletoe glorified by poetical license.”

See _Edda Rhythmica seu Antiquior, vulgo Saemundina dicta_, iii.

(Copenhagen, 1828) p. 513 note. C. L. Rochholz expresses the same

opinion (_Deutscher Glaube und Brauch_, Berlin, 1867, i. 9). The

subject is discussed at length by E. Norden, _P. Vergilius Maro,

Aeneis Buch VI._ (Leipsic, 1903) pp. 161-171, who, however, does not

even mention the general or popular view (_publica opinio_) current

in the time of Servius, that the Golden Bough was the branch which a

candidate for the priesthood of Diana had to pluck in the sacred

grove of Nemi. I confess I have more respect for the general opinion

of antiquity than to dismiss it thus cavalierly without a hearing.

692 Virgil, _Aen._ vi. 203 _sqq._, compare 136 _sqq._ See Note IV. “The

Mistletoe and the Golden Bough” at the end of this volume.

M220 If the Golden Bough was the mistletoe, the King of the Wood at Nemi

may have personated an oak spirit and perished in an oak fire.

_ 693 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 40 _sqq._, ii. 378

_sqq._ Virgil (_Aen._ vi. 201 _sqq._) places the Golden Bough in the

neighbourhood of Lake Avernus. But this was probably a poetical

liberty, adopted for the convenience of Aeneas’s descent to the

infernal world. Italian tradition, as we learn from Servius (on

Virgil, _Aen._ vi. 136), placed the Golden Bough in the grove at

Nemi.

_ 694 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 12.

_ 695 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 186, 366 note 2.

M221 A similar tragedy may have been enacted over the human

representative of Balder in Norway.

696 A custom of annually burning or otherwise sacrificing a human

representative of the corn-spirit has been noted among the

Egyptians, Pawnees, and Khonds. See _Spirits of the Corn and of the

Wild_, i. 238 _sq._, 245 _sqq._, 259 _sq._ We have seen that in

Western Asia there are strong traces of a practice of annually

burning a human god. See _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition,

pp. 84 _sqq._, 98 _sq._, 137 _sq._, 139 _sqq._, 155 _sq._ The Druids

appear to have eaten portions of the human victim (Pliny, _Nat.

Hist._ xxx. 13). Perhaps portions of the flesh of the King of the

Wood were eaten by his worshippers as a sacrament. We have found

traces of the use of sacramental bread at Nemi. See _Spirits of the

Corn and of the Wild_, ii. 94 _sqq._

M222 The name of the Golden Bough may have been applied to the mistletoe

on account of the golden tinge which the plant assumes in withering.

697 It has been said that in Welsh a name for mistletoe is “the tree of

pure gold” (_pren puraur_). See J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,4

ii. 1009, referring to Davies. But my friend Sir John Rhys tells me

that the statement is devoid of foundation.

698 Virgil, _Aen._ vi. 137 _sq._:—

“_Latet arbore opaca_

_ Aureus et foliis et lento vimine ramus._”

699 This suggestion as to the origin of the name has been made to me by

two correspondents independently. Miss Florence Grove, writing to me

from 10 Milton Chambers, Cheyne Walk, London, on May 13th, 1901,

tells me that she regularly hangs up a bough of mistletoe every year

and allows it to remain till it is replaced by the new branch next

year, and from her observation “the mistletoe is actually a golden

bough when kept a sufficiently long time.” She was kind enough to

send me some twigs of her old bough, which fully bore out her

description. Again, Mrs. A. Stuart writes to me from Crear Cottage,

Morningside Drive, Edinburgh, on June 26th, 1901: “As to why the

mistletoe might be called the Golden Bough, my sister Miss Haig

wishes me to tell you that last June, when she was in Brittany, she

saw great bunches of mistletoe hung up in front of the houses in the

villages. The leaves were _bright golden_. You should hang up a

branch next Christmas and keep it till June!” The great hollow oak

of Saint-Denis-des-Puits, in the French province of Perche, is

called “the gilded or golden oak” (_Chêne-Doré_) “in memory of the

Druidical tradition of the mistletoe cut with a golden sickle.” See

Felix Chapiseau, _Le Folk-lore de la Beauce et du Perche_ (Paris,

1902), i. 97. Perhaps the name may be derived from bunches of

withered mistletoe shining like gold in the sunshine among the

branches.

700 H. Gaidoz, “Bulletin critique de la Mythologie Gauloise,” _Revue de

l’Histoire des Religions_, ii. (Paris, 1880) p. 76.

M223 The yellow hue of withered mistletoe may partly explain why the

plant is thought to disclose yellow gold in the earth. Similarly

fern-seed is thought to bloom like gold or fire and to reveal buried

treasures on Midsummer Eve. Sometimes fern-seed is thought to bloom

on Christmas night. The wicked weaver of Rotenburg.

701 See below, pp. 291 _sq._

702 See above, pp. 65 _sq._

703 J. V. Grohmann, _Aberglauben und Gebräuche aus Böhmen und Mähren_

(Prague and Leipsic, 1864), p. 97, § 673.

704 J. V. Grohmann, _op. cit._ p. 97, § 676; A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche

Volksaberglaube_2 (Berlin, 1869), p. 94, § 123; I. V. Zingerle,

_Sitten, Bräuche und Meinungen des Tiroler Volkes_2 (Innsbruck,

1871), p. 158, § 1350.

705 C. Russwurm, “Aberglaube in Russland,” _Zeitschrift für deutsche

Mythologie und Sittenkunde_, iv. (1859), pp. 152 _sq._; Angelo de

Gubernatis, _Mythologie des Plantes_ (Paris, 1878-1882), ii. 146.

706 P. Sébillot, _Traditions et Superstitions de la Haute-Bretagne_

(Paris, 1882), ii. 336; _id._, _Coutumes populaires de la

Haute-Bretagne_ (Paris, 1886), p. 217.

707 J. E. Waldfreund, “Volksgebräuche und Aberglauben in Tirol und dem

Salzburger Gebirg,” _Zeitschrift für deutsche Mythologie und

Sittenkunde_, iii. (1855), p. 339.

708 H. Runge, “Volksglaube in der Schweiz,” _Zeitschrift für deutsche

Mythologie und Sittenkunde_, iv. (1859), p. 175.

709 O. Frh. von Reinsberg-Düringsfeld, _Fest-Kalendar aus Böhmen_

(Prague, N.D.), pp. 311 _sq._ Compare Theodor Vernaleken, _Mythen

und Bräuche des Volkes in Oesterreich_ (Vienna, 1859), pp. 309

_sq._; M. Töppen, _Aberglauben aus Masuren_2 (Danzig, 1867), pp. 72

_sq._ Even without the use of fern-seed treasures are sometimes said

to bloom or burn in the earth, or to reveal their presence by a

bluish flame, on Midsummer Eve; in Transylvania only children born

on a Sunday can see them and fetch them up. See J. Haltrich, _Zur

Volkskunde der Siebenbürger Sachsen_ (Vienna, 1885), p. 287; I. V.

Zingerle, _Sitten, Bräuche und Meinungen des Tiroler Volkes_2

(Innsbruck, 1871), p. 159, §§ 1351, 1352; K. Bartsch, _Sagen,

Märchen und Gebrauche aus Mecklenburg_ (Vienna, 1879-1880), ii. 285,

§ 1431; E. Monseur, _Folklore Wallon_ (Brussels, N.D.), p. 6, §

1789; K. Haupt, _Sagenbuch der Lausitz_ (Leipsic, 1862-1863), i. 231

_sq._, No. 275; A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_2 (Berlin,

1869), p. 76, § 92; F. J. Wiedemann, _Aus dem inneren und äusseren

Leben der Ehsten_ (St. Petersburg, 1876), p. 363.

710 I. V. Zingerle, _op. cit._ p. 103, § 882; _id._, in _Zeitschrift für

deutsche Mythologie und Sittenkunde_, i. (1853), p. 330; W. Müller,

_Beiträge zur Volkskunde der Deutschen in Mähren_ (Vienna and

Olmütz, 1893), p. 265. At Pergine, in the Tyrol, it was thought that

fern-seed gathered with the dew on St. John’s night had the power of

transforming metals (into gold?). See Ch. Schneller, _Märchen und

Sagen aus Wälschtirol_ (Innsbruck, 1867), p. 237, § 23.

711 I. V. Zingerle, _Sitten, Bräuche und Meinungen des Tiroler Volkes_,2

pp. 190 _sq._, § 1573.

712 A. Schlossar, “Volksmeinung und Volksaberglaube aus der deutschen

Steiermark,” _Germania_, N.R., xxiv. (1891) p. 387.

713 Ernst Meier, _Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und Gebräuche aus Schwaben_

(Stuttgart, 1852), pp. 242-244.

M224 The golden or fiery fern-seed appears to be an emanation of the

sun’s fire.

714 J. V. Grohmann, _Aberglauben und Gebräuche aus Böhmen und Mähren_,

p. 97, § 675; W. R. S. Ralston, _Songs of the Russian People_,

Second Edition (London, 1872), p. 98; C. Russwurm, “Aberglaube in

Russland,” _Zeitschrift für deutsche Mythologie und Sittenkunde_,

iv. (1859) p. 152.

715 L. Bechstein, _Deutsches Sagenbuch_ (Leipsic, 1853), p. 430, No.

500; _id._, _Thüringer Sagenbuch_ (Leipsic, 1885), ii. pp. 17 _sq._,

No. 161.

M225 Like fern-seed the mistletoe is gathered at the solstices (Midsummer

and Christmas) and is supposed to reveal treasures in the earth;

perhaps, therefore, it too is deemed an emanation of the sun’s

golden fire. The bloom of the oak on Midsummer Eve.

716 For gathering it at midsummer, see above, pp. 86 _sq._ The custom of

gathering it at Christmas still commonly survives in England. At

York “on the eve of Christmas-day they carry mistletoe to the high

altar of the cathedral, and proclaim a public and universal liberty,

pardon and freedom to all sorts of inferior and even wicked people

at the gates of the city, toward the four quarters of heaven.” See

W. Stukeley, _The Medallic History of Marcus Aurelius Valerius

Carausius, Emperor in Britain_ (London, 1757-1759), ii. 164; J.

Brand, _Popular Antiquities of Great Britain_ (London, 1882-1883),

i. 525. This last custom, which is now doubtless obsolete, may have

been a relic of an annual period of license like the Saturnalia. The

traditional privilege accorded to men of kissing any woman found

under mistletoe is probably another relic of the same sort. See

Washington Irving, _Sketch-Book_, “Christmas Eve,” p. 147 (Bohn’s

edition); Marie Trevelyan, _Folk-lore and Folk-stories of Wales_

(London, 1909), p. 88.

717 A. A. Afzelius, _Volkssagen und Volkslieder aus Schwedens älterer

und neuerer Zeit_ (Leipsic, 1842), i. 41 _sq._; J. Grimm, _Deutsche

Mythologie_,4 iii. 289; L. Lloyd, _Peasant Life in Sweden_ (London,

1870), pp. 266 _sq._ See above, p. 69. In the Tyrol they say that if

mistletoe grows on a hazel-tree, there must be a treasure under the

tree. See J. N. Ritter von Alpenburg, _Mythen und Sagen Tirols_

(Zurich, 1857), p. 398. In East Prussia a similar belief is held in

regard to mistletoe that grows on a thorn. See C. Lemke,

_Volksthümliches in Ostpreussen_ (Mohrungen, 1884-1887), ii. 283. We

have seen that the divining-rod which reveals treasures is commonly

cut from a hazel (above, pp. 67 _sq._).

718 Above, pp. 90-92.

719 Fern-seed is supposed to bloom at Easter as well as at Midsummer and

Christmas (W. R. S. Ralston, _Songs of the Russian People_, pp. 98

_sq._); and Easter, as we have seen, is one of the times when fires

are ceremonially kindled, perhaps to recruit the fire of the sun.

720 Miss C. S. Burne and Miss G. F. Jackson, _Shropshire Folk-lore_

(London, 1883), p. 242.

721 Marie Trevelyan, _Folk-lore and Folk-stories of Wales_ (London,

1909), p. 88.

722 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xvi. 251.

723 Above, pp. 82 _sq._

724 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxxiii. 94: “_Calx aqua accenditur et Thracius

lapis, idem oleo restinguitur, ignis autem aceto maxime et visco et

ovo._”

725 See above, p. 85.

M226 Aeneas and the Golden Bough. Orpheus and the willow.

726 Virgil, _Aen._ vi. 179-209.

727 Virgil, _Aen._ vi. 384-416.

728 Above, pp. 86, 282.

729 Above, p. 85.

730 Pausanias, x. 30. 6.

731 J. Six, “Die Eriphyle des Polygnot,” _Mittheilungen des kaiserlich

deutschen Archaeologischen Instituts, Athenische Abtheilung_, xix.

(1894) pp. 338 _sq._ Compare my commentary on Pausanias, vol. v. p.

385.

732 The sarcophagus is in the Lateran Museum at Rome. See W. Helbig,

_Führer durch die öffentlichen Sammlungen Klassischer Altertümer in

Rom_2 (Leipsic, 1899), ii. 468.

M227 Trees thought by the savage to be the seat of fire because he

elicits it by friction from their wood.

733 See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 19 _sqq._

_ 734 Die Edda_, übersetzt von K. Simrock8 (Stuttgart, 1882), p. 264.

735 S. Powers, _Tribes of California_ (Washington, 1877), p. 171.

736 S. Powers, _Tribes of California_, p. 287.

737 Max Girschner, “Die Karolineninsel Namöluk und ihre Bewohner,”

_Baessler-Archiv_, ii. (1912) p. 141.

738 A. A. Macdonell, _Vedic Mythology_ (Strasburg, 1897), pp. 91 _sq._,

referring to _Rigveda_, vi. 3. 3, x. 79. 7, ii. 1. 14, iii. 1. 13,

x. 1. 2, viii. 43. 9, i. 70. 4, ii. 1. 1. Compare H. Oldenberg, _Die

Religion des Veda_ (Berlin, 1894), pp. 120 _sq._

739 Edward M. Curr, _The Australian Race_ (Melbourne and London,

1886-1887), i. 9, 18.

M228 Trees that have been struck by lightning are deemed by the savage to

be charged with a double portion of fire.

740 James Mooney, “Myths of the Cherokee,” _Nineteenth Annual Report of

the Bureau of American Ethnology_, Part i. (Washington, 1900) p.

422, compare p. 435.

741 James Teit, _The Thompson Indians of British Columbia_, p. 346 (_The

Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Memoir of the American Museum of

Natural History_, April, 1900).

742 J. Teit, _op. cit._ p. 374.

743 The Shuswap Indians of British Columbia entertain a similar belief.

It has been suggested that the fancy may be based on the observation

that cold follows a thunder-storm. See G. M. Dawson, “Notes on the

Shuswap people of British Columbia,” _Transactions of the Royal

Society of Canada_, ix. (1891) Section ii. p. 38.

744 R. Wuttke, _Sächsische Volkskunde_2 (Dresden, 1901), p. 369.

745 Henri A. Junod, _The Life of a South African Tribe_ (Neuchatel,

1912-1913), ii. 291. The Thonga imagine that lightning is caused by

a great bird, which sometimes buries itself in the ground to a depth

of several feet. See H. A. Junod, _op. cit._ ii. 290 _sq._

746 Dr. James A. Chisholm (of the Livingstonia Mission, Mwenzo, N.E.

Rhodesia), “Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Winamwanga and

Wiwa,” _Journal of the African Society_, No. 36 (July, 1910), p.

363.

747 S. Powers, _Tribes of California_ (Washington, 1877), p. 287. The

dread of lightning is prominent in some of the customs observed in

Patiko, a district of the Uganda Protectorate. If a village has

suffered from lightning, ropes made of twisted grass are strung from

peak to peak of the houses to ward off further strokes. And if a

person has been struck or badly shaken, “an elaborate cure is

performed upon him. A red cock is taken, his tongue torn out, and

his body dashed upon the house where the stroke fell. Then the scene

changes to the bank of a small running stream, where the patient is

made to kneel while the bird is sacrificed over the water. A raw egg

is next given to the patient to swallow, and he is laid on his

stomach and encouraged to vomit. The lightning is supposed to be

vomited along with the egg, and all ill effects prevented.” See Rev.

A. L. Kitching, _On the Backwaters of the Nile_ (London, 1912), p.

263.

M229 Theory that the sanctity of the oak and the relation of the tree to

the sky-god were suggested by the frequency with which oaks are

struck by lightning.

748 See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 349 _sqq._

749 W. Warde Fowler, “The Oak and the Thunder-god,” _Archiv für

Religionswissenschaft_, xvi. (1913) pp. 318 _sq._ My friend Mr.

Warde Fowler had previously called my attention to the facts in a

letter dated September 17th, 1912.

750 Dr. W. Schlich’s _Manual of Forestry_, vol. iv. _Forest Protection_,

by W. R. Fisher, Second Edition (London, 1907), pp. 662 _sq._ Mr. W.

Warde Fowler was the first to call the attention of mythologists to

this work.

751 Experiments on the conductivity of electricity in wood go to shew

that starchy trees (oak, poplar, maples, ash, elm, _sorbus_) are

good conductors, that oily trees (beech, walnut, birch, lime) are

bad conductors, and that the conifers are intermediate, the Scotch

pine in summer being as deficient in oil as the starchy trees, but

rich in oil during winter. It was found that a single turn of Holz’s

electric machine sufficed to send the spark through oakwood, but

that from twelve to twenty turns were required to send it through

beech-wood. Five turns of the machine were needed to send the spark

through poplar and willow wood. See Dr. W. Schlich, _Manual of

Forestry_, vol. iv. _Forest Protection_, Second Edition (London,

1907), p. 664. In the tropics lightning is said to be especially

attracted to coco-nut palms. See P. Amaury Talbot, _In the Shadow of

the Bush_ (London, 1913), p. 73.

752 As to the Greek belief and custom, see H. Usener, _Kleine

Schriften_, iv. (Leipsic and Berlin, 1913), “Keraunos,” pp. 471

_sqq._; _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 361. As to

the Roman belief and custom, see Festus, _svv._ _Fulguritum and

Provorsum fulgur_, pp. 92, 229, ed. C. O. Müller (Leipsic, 1839); H.

Dessau, _Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae_, vol. ii. pars i. (Berlin,

1902) pp. 10 _sq._, Nos. 3048-3056; L. Preller, _Römische

Mythologie_3 (Berlin, 1881-1883), i. 190-193; G. Wissowa, _Religion

und Kultus der Römer_2 (Munich, 1912), pp. 121 _sq._ By a curious

refinement the Romans referred lightning which fell by day to

Jupiter, but lightning which fell by night to a god called Summanus

(Festus, p. 229).

M230 This explanation of the Aryan worship of the oak is preferable to

the one formerly adopted by the author.

753 J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 iii. 64, citing a statement that

lightning strikes twenty oaks for one beech. The statistics adduced

by Mr. W. Warde Fowler seem to shew that this statement is no

exaggeration but rather the contrary.

754 W. Warde Fowler, “The Oak and the Thunder-god,” _Archiv für

Religionswissenschaft_, xvi. (1913) pp. 317-320.

_ 755 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 356 _sqq._

756 The suggestion is Mr. W. Warde Fowler’s (_op cit._ pp. 319 _sq._).

M231 The sacredness of mistletoe was perhaps due to a belief that the

plant fell on the tree in a flash of lightning.

757 Pliny, _Natur. Hist._ xvi. 249.

758 See above, p. 85.

759 J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 i. 153. See above, p. 85.

M232 Hence the stroke of mistletoe that killed Balder may have been a

stroke of lightning.

760 This interpretation of Balder’s death was anticipated by W. Schwartz

(_Der Ursprung der Mythologie_, Berlin, 1860, p. 176), who cut the

whole knot by dubbing Balder “the German thunder-and-lightning god”

and mistletoe “the wonderful thunder-and-lightning flower.” But as

this learned writer nursed a fatal passion for thunder and

lightning, which he detected lurking in the most unlikely places, we

need not wonder that he occasionally found it in places where there

were some slight grounds for thinking that it really existed.

M233 The King of the Wood and the Golden Bough.

761 On the relation of the priest to Jupiter, and the equivalence of

Jupiter and Juno to Janus (Dianus) and Diana, see _The Magic Art and

the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 376 _sqq._

M234 Looking back at the end of the journey.

M235 The movement of human thought in the past from magic to religion.

M236 The movement of thought from religion to science.

M237 Contrast between the views of natural order postulated by magic and

by science respectively.

M238 The scientific theory of the world not necessarily final.

M239 The shadow across the path.

762 “I quite agree how humiliating the slow progress of man is, but

every one has his own pet horror, and this slow progress or even

personal annihilation sinks in my mind into insignificance compared

with the idea or rather I presume certainty of the sun some day

cooling and we all freezing. To think of the progress of millions of

years, with every continent swarming with good and enlightened men,

all ending in this, and with probably no fresh start until this our

planetary system has been again converted into red-hot gas. _Sic

transit gloria mundi_, with a vengeance” (_More Letters of Charles

Darwin_, edited by Francis Darwin, London, 1903, i. 260 _sq._).

763 Since this passage was written the hope which it expresses has been

to some extent strengthened by the discovery of radium, which

appears to prolong indefinitely the prospect of the duration of the

sun’s heat, and with it the duration of life on its attendant

planets. See (Sir) George Howard Darwin’s Presidential Address to

the British Association, _Report of the 75th Meeting of the British

Association for the Advancement of Science_ (South Africa, 1905),

pp. 28 _sq._; F. Soddy, _The Interpretation of Radium_, Third

Edition (London, 1912), pp. 240 _sqq._; E. Rutherford, _Radio-active

Substances and their Radiations_ (Cambridge, 1913), pp. 653-656. At

the same time it should be borne in mind that even if the atomic

disintegration and accompanying liberation of energy, which

characterize radium and kindred elements, should prove to be common

in different degrees to all the other elements and to form a vast

and till lately unsuspected store of heat to the sun, this enormous

reserve of fuel would only defer but could not avert that final

catastrophe with which the solar system and indeed the whole

universe is remorselessly threatened by the law of the dissipation

of energy.

M240 The web of thought.

M241 Nemi at evening: the _Ave Maria_ bell.

764 See above, vol. i. pp. 15 _sq._

M242 Snake Stones in the Highlands.

765 Alexander Carmichael, _Carmina Gadelica, Hymns and Incantations with

Illustrative Notes on Words, Rites, and Customs, dying and obsolete:

orally collected in the Highlands and Islands of Scotland and

translated into English_ (Edinburgh, 1900), ii. 312.

M243 Witches as cats among the Oraons.

766 Above, vol. i. pp. 315 _sqq._

767 The late Rev. P. Dehon, S.J., “Religion and Customs of the Uraons,”

_Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, vol. i. No. 9 (Calcutta,

1906), p. 141.

M244 African parallels to Balder.

M245 The worshipful ghost in the cave.

M246 The man who could only be killed by the stalk of a gourd.

768 “Every clan (_Familienstamm_) has a definite thing which is

forbidden to all the members of the clan, whether it be a particular

kind of meat, or a certain fish, or as here the stalk of a gourd.”

769 “The place in Nguu, where the ghost is said to dwell.”

770 “In Ukami.”

771 C. Velten, _Schilderungen der Suaheli_ (Göttingen, 1901), pp.

195-197.

M247 The man who could only be killed by a splinter of bamboo.

772 Miss Alice Werner, _The Natives of British Central Africa_ (London,

1906), p. 82. In a letter Miss Werner tells me that she learned

these particulars at Blantyre in 1893, and that the chief lived in

the neighbourhood of Mlanje.

773 Rev. Henry Rowley, _Twenty Years in Central Africa_ (London, N.D.),

pp. 36 _sqq._ For a reference to this and all the other works cited

in this Note I am indebted to the kindness of Miss Alice Werner.

774 Rev. David Clement Scott, _A Cyclopaedic Dictionary of the Mang’anja

Language spoken in British Central Africa_ (Edinburgh, 1892), p.

315.

M248 The man who could only be killed by a copper needle.

775 Edward Steere, _Swahili Tales_ (London, 1870), pp. 441-453. The

young man in the story is spoken of now as the nephew and now as the

son of the man he murdered. Probably he was what we should call a

nephew or brother’s son of his victim; for under the classificatory

system of relationship, which seems to prevail among the Bantu

stock, to whom the Swahili belong, a man regularly calls his

paternal uncle his father.

M249 These stories confirm the view that Balder may have been a real man

who was deified after death.

776 Above, vol. i. pp. 104 _sq._

M250 Two species of mistletoe, the _Viscum album_ and the _Loranthus

europaeus_. Common mistletoe (_Viscum album_).

777 Virgil, Aen. vi. 205 _sqq._:—

“_Quale solet silvis brumali frigore viscum_

_ Fronde virere nova, quod non sua seminat arbos,_

_ Et croceo fetu teretis circumdare truncos:_

_ Talis erat species auri frondentis opaca_

_ Ilice, sic leni crepitabat bractea vento._”

778 W. Schlich, _Manual of Forestry_, vol. iv. _Forest Protection_, by

W. R. Fisher, M.A., Second Edition (London, 1907), p. 412. French

peasants about Coulommiers think that mistletoe springs from birds’

dung. See H. Gaidoz, “Bulletin critique de la Mythologie Gauloise,”

_Revue de l’Histoire des Religions_, ii. (1880) p. 76. The ancients

were well aware that mistletoe is propagated from tree to tree by

seeds which have been voided by birds. See Theophrastus, _De Causis

Plantarum_, ii. 17. 5; Pliny, _Naturalis Historia_, xvi. 247. Pliny

tells us that the birds which most commonly deposited the seeds were

pigeons and thrushes. Can this have been the reason why Virgil

(_Aen._ vi. 190 _sqq._) represents Aeneas led to the Golden Bough by

a pair of doves?

779 James Sowerby, _English Botany_, xxi. (London, 1805) p. 1470.

780 C. Fraas, _Synopsis Plantarum Florae Classicae_ (Munich, 1845), p.

152.

781 H. O. Lenz, _Botanik der alten Griechen und Römer_ (Gotha, 1859), p.

597, quoting Pollini.

782 J. Lindley and T. Moore, _The Treasury of Botany_, New Edition

(London, 1874), ii. 1220. A good authority, however, observes that

mistletoe is “frequently to be observed on the branches of old

apple-trees, hawthorns, lime-trees, oaks, etc., where it grows

parasitically.” See J. Sowerby, _English Botany_, xxi. (London,

1805) p. 1470.

_ 783 Encyclopaedia Britannica_, Ninth Edition, x. 689, _s.v._

“Gloucester.”

784 H. Gaidoz, “Bulletin critique de la Mythologie Gauloise,” _Revue de

l’Histoire des Religions_, ii. (1880) pp. 75 _sq._

785 Angelo de Gubernatis, _La Mythologie des Plantes_ (Paris,

1878-1882), ii. 216 _sq._ As to the many curious superstitions that

have clustered round mandragora, see P. J. Veth, “De Mandragora,”

_Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie_, vii. (1894) pp. 199-205;

C. B. Randolph, “The Mandragora of the Ancients in Folk-lore and

Medicine,” _Proceedings of the American Academy of Arts and

Sciences_, vol. xl. No. 12 (January, 1905), pp. 487-537.

_ M251 Loranthus europaeus._

786 W. Schlich, _Manual of Forestry_, vol. iv. _Forest Protection_,

Second Edition (London, 1907), pp. 415-417.

787 E. B. Stebbing, “The Loranthus Parasite of the Moru and Ban Oaks,”

_Journal and Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, New

Series, v. (Calcutta, 1910) pp. 189-195. The _Loranthus vestitus_

“is a small branching woody plant with dirty yellowish green leaves

which are dark shining green above. It grows in great clumps and

masses on the trees, resembling a giant mistletoe. The fruit is

yellowish and fleshy, and is almost sessile on the stem, which it

thickly studs” (_ib._, p. 192). The writer shews that the parasite

is very destructive to oaks in India.

788 H. O. Lenz, _Botanik der alten Griechen und Römer_ (Gotha, 1859), p.

598, notes 151 and 152.

789 C. Fraas, _Synopsis Plantarum Florae Classicae_ (Munich, 1845), p.

152.

790 H. O. Lenz, _Botanik der alten Griechen und Römer_ (Gotha, 1859),

pp. 599 _sq._

M252 Both sorts of mistletoe known to the ancients and designated by

different words.

791 Theophrastus, _Historia Plantarum_, iii. 7. 5, iii. 16. 1, _De

Causis Plantarum_, ii. 17; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xvi. 245-247. Compare

Dioscorides, _De materia medica_, ii. 93 (103), vol. i. pp. 442

_sq._, ed. C. Sprengel (Leipsic, 1829-1830), who uses the form

_ixos_ instead of _ixia_. Both Dioscorides (_l.c._) and Plutarch

(_Coriolanus_, 3) affirm that mistletoe (_ixos_) grows on the oak

(δρῦς); and Hesychius quotes from Sophocles’s play _Meleager_ the

expression “mistletoe-bearing oaks” (ἰξοφόρους δρύας, Hesychius,

_s.v._).

M253 Doubts as to the identification of the ancient names for mistletoe.

792 Theophrastus, _Opera quae supersunt omnia_, ed. Fr. Wimmer (Paris,

1866), pp. 537, 545, 546, _s.vv._ ἰξία, στελίς, ὑφέαρ.

793 F. Fraas, _Synopsis Plantarum Florae Classicae_ (Munich, 1845), p.

152.

794 H. O. Lenz, _Botanik der alten Griechen und Römer_ (Gotha, 1859), p.

597, notes 147 and 148.

795 Theophrastus, _De Causis Plantarum_, ii. 17. 2, ἐπεὶ τό γε τὴν μὲν

ἀείφυλλον εἶναι τῶν ἰξιῶν (τὴν δὲ φυλλοβόλον) οὐθὲν ἄτοπον, κἂν ἡ

μὲν (ἐν) ἀιφύλλοις ἡ δὲ ἐν φυλλοβόλοις ἐμβιῴη.

M254 Did Virgil compare the Golden Bough to common mistletoe or to

_Loranthus_? Some enquirers decide in favour of _Loranthus_.

796 His letter is undated, but the postmark is April 28th, 1889. Sir

Francis Darwin has since told me that his authority is Kerner von

Marilaun, _Pflanzenleben_ (1888), vol. i. pp. 195, 196. See Anton

Kerner von Marilaun, _The Natural History of Plants_, translated and

edited by F. W. Oliver (London, 1894-1895), i. 204 _sqq._ According

to this writer “the mistletoe’s favourite tree is certainly the

Black Poplar (_Populus nigra_). It flourishes with astonishing

luxuriance on the branches of that tree.... Mistletoe has also been

found by way of exception upon the oak and the maple, and upon old

vines” (_op. cit._ i. 205).

797 Prof. P. J. Veth, “De leer der signatuur, III. De mistel en de

riembloem,” _Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie_, vii. (1894)

p. 105. The Dutch language has separate names for the two species:

mistletoe is _mistel_, and _Loranthus_ is _riembloem_.

798 His letter is dated 18th February, 1908.

M255 Reason for preferring common mistletoe. Perhaps Virgil confused the

two species.

799 But Sir Francis Darwin writes to me:—“I do not quite see why

_Loranthus_ should not put out leaves in winter as easily as

_Viscum_, in both cases it would be due to unfolding leaf buds; the

fact that _Viscum_ has adult leaves at the time, while _Loranthus_

has not, does not really affect the matter.” However, Mr. Paton

tells us, as we have just seen, that in winter the _Loranthus_

growing on the oaks of Mount Athos has no leaves, though its yellow

berries are very conspicuous.

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