Halt at the Panjetta — Return of Messengers sent to the Capital —
His Majesty’s Answer — Great Scarcity of Provisions — Another
Messenger sent, with Presents to the King — Captain Campbell’s
interview with Omerhoo Kano — Reports about the Intentions of the
Expedition — Captain Campbell goes to see the King — Arrival
of the Messenger from Sego — Captain Campbell’s Return — No
satisfactory Answer — Illness of the Officers — Lieutenant Stokoe
and Mr. Kummer sent to the Coast — Captain Campbell decides on
retracing his steps — Departure from the Panjetta — Arrival at
Kakundy — Death of Captain Campbell — Departure for, and Arrival
at Sierra Leone — Description of Foota Jallon.
When Lieutenant Stokoe was about to move, on the morning of the 4th
of March, Sergeant Tuft and Abou Baccary, the messengers sent to the
king from the Tingalinta, made their appearance, and informed Captain
Campbell that having delivered the presents, and made known to his
majesty the purport of their message, he told them that he could
not permit us to pass through Foota Jallon until he had consulted
his chiefs, to whom he could not address himself on the subject
before Captain Campbell thought fit to make them suitable presents:
the messengers also said, it appeared that many unfavourable reports,
respecting the objects of the expedition, had been made to the king,
who nevertheless expressed himself well disposed towards us, and
said he should be extremely sorry if any thing unfortunate happened
to us in his territories.
The arrival of those messengers, and the result of Tuft’s interview
with the king, rendered it necessary, in Captain Campbell’s opinion,
that Tuft should return to Teembo in the place of Lieutenant Stokoe. A
dispute now arose between Salihou, who was to have accompanied the
latter, and Abou Bacary, as to which of them should be Tuft’s
companion. The latter insisted that Almamy directed him to attend
all messengers from Captain Campbell, and the former, knowing that
whoever went must receive some present, urged his claim with much
obstinacy. It was at length determined that both should go, in
consequence of the prince not wishing to entrust Abou Bacary with
his commands. Although from Salihou’s conduct we could not expect
him to report very favourably of us, yet he had been so troublesome,
and his wife, a sister of Almamy’s, so beggarly and importunate,
that we were glad to get rid of them. We were now in the district of
Laby, the chief of which (who, as before stated, has much influence
in the country) sent one of his head men, named Mode-Duran, to
remain with us, and prevent our being imposed on by the natives of
the surrounding villages.
Sergeant Tuft, being furnished with large presents for the king,
and a host of chiefs, ministers, and favourites, left us on the 5th,
to meet his majesty at Pappadarra, a village near Laby, where he was
assembling his army, for the purpose, as was reported, of invading
the Gaba country, on the southern bank of the Gambia. We were reduced
since our arrival at the Panjetta, to a very small daily allowance
of provisions, and from which there appeared no prospect of relief,
at least as far as we could foresee; a pint of rice between four
men was our usual ration, and even that scanty pittance failed us
on the evening of the 6th.
In this state we could not have remained long; and although we were
daily enabled to purchase enough from the natives to keep body and
soul together, yet our sufferings were great indeed. The health of
the Europeans was rendered worse than it had been, in consequence
of their eating unripe fruit, and even that they could not procure
in sufficient quantities to satisfy their appetites.
On the 7th, a chief named Omerhou Kano arrived at our camp, and
having seated himself with all pomp imaginable under a tree at a
short distance from it, where he was surrounded by his followers
to the number of three hundred armed men, sent to summon Captain
Campbell to appear before him. This was complied with, when, after
the usual compliments, he stated that he had been sent by Almamy to
ascertain and make a faithful report on the state and numbers of the
expedition, and the objects it had in view in entering the country,
which he said the king suspected had all been misrepresented by the
former messengers. This he repeated several times, and concluded by
advising us to wait with patience until he returned to Almamy, when
arrangements agreeable to our wishes would be effected. He left us on
the 8th, after having examined with the most scrutinizing curiosity
every thing in or about our camp.
Every day brought us some messenger from the king, but none of them
were the bearers of any satisfactory answer. One stated that we were
ordered to return to Kakundy, and another, that the king had received
a letter from Mahomedoo Mariama, informing him that our object in
entering the country was the subversion of their religion, for which
purpose we had provided ourselves with machines that could kill at
any distance, and that we were accompanied by one hundred large dogs,
each able to fight one hundred men. These, with other similar reports,
were in circulation; but it is scarcely possible that a being of the
most ignorant and unsophisticated nation on earth could believe them.
On the 13th, Sergeant Tuft, who was still at the king’s camp, sent
Brahima to inform Captain Campbell that as there did not yet appear
any probability of obtaining permission to proceed, he recommended
that he should himself see Almamy, with as little delay as possible;
and it appearing to Captain Campbell, as well as all the other
officers, that some decisive answer should be obtained from the
king, he left the camp on the morning of the 16th, accompanied by
Mr. Partarrieau, and four men (natives) with a train of carriers,
amounting in all to about eighteen persons; they were soon followed by
the prince and his suite. They had not gone long when we received a
letter from Lamima, the messenger sent to Sego from Senegal in 1816,
apprising us that he, together with some men from the king, were on
their way to meet us. It was time that some decisive step should be
taken: our animals were dying fast; provisions were extremely scarce;
and the wet season had that evening set in, by visiting us with a
heavy shower of rain, which lasted for an hour, and proved that our
huts were not calculated to secure us from a wetting.
Captain Campbell did not return before the 27th, and then without
having obtained any very satisfactory answer from Almamy, whom he
met at a village called Dhoontoo, on the eve of commencing a campaign
against some of the neighbouring chiefs. He said, that being obliged
to lead the army himself, and considering his reputation at stake
for our safety, he could not allow us to proceed during his absence,
which would not be long, and as he understood we had lost the greater
number of our animals, he had given directions that we should be
provided with men to carry our baggage to Woondê, a town near Laby,
where we were to await his return. On the following morning, the
prince returned, accompanied by Sergeant Tuft and thirteen carriers,
which not being near half the number required, having lost eighty-five
animals since we left Robugga, the prince said the remainder would
soon follow; and immediately ordered all strangers, except Foolahs,
to quit the vicinity of our camp. The object of this we could not
ascertain, but it deprived us of many persons whom we had found
extremely useful in collecting provisions for the party.
In this state we remained until the 7th of April, when we were for a
moment inclined to think that a sufficient number of carriers would
be furnished us, by the arrival of another party of men for that
purpose, but we were much surprised and disappointed to find, that
on the following day, not only those, but the thirteen who came with
the prince, had decamped without any previous notice of such being
their intention. Abdul Hamed despatched one of his followers, on the
9th, to recal them, but as they did not obey the summons,—he sent,
on the 10th, to request Almamy to issue fresh orders concerning them.
Brahima, who had been absent from the camp for some days, watching
Almamy’s manœuvres (by Captain Campbell’s orders), returned
and informed us that many debates had arisen, and various proposals
been made with respect to what conduct they should pursue towards
the expedition. Some of the chiefs proposed plundering us, to which
Almamy would not consent, but said we should pay well before he
would allow us to pass. A third party insisted that the country was
already polluted by the presence of so large a body of Cafirs[5],
and that their offence against the will of their prophet, in allowing
us to pass, with such valuables as we possessed, to their enemy, the
king of Sego, who was himself a Cafir, would be much aggravated. By
this it was evident that the general feeling on the subject of our
going to Sego, was not favourable, and that if we should succeed
at all, it would probably be at a period when the advanced state
of the season must render our doing so extremely difficult, if not
wholly impracticable.
Our situation was daily becoming more alarming; provisions were
not only scarce, but almost impossible to be procured even in small
quantities, and at exorbitant prices; and sickness increased rapidly
since the rains set in. Captain Campbell, Lieutenant Stokoe, and
Mr. Kummer were added to the list since the 12th; the two latter
continued to decline until the 26th, when, seeing no chance of
their immediate recovery, they were prevailed on to return to the
coast. Mr. Kummer left us on that day, and Lieutenant Stokoe on the
28th. The mode adopted for their conveyance (for they were unable
to ride) was cradles, or long baskets of cane, at each end of which
was a loop, or long handle, for the purpose of receiving a pole,
that served the same use as the pole of palanquins, and supported
a curtain to defend them from the rays of the sun. Two men could
easily carry one of these with a person of ordinary size in it,
but, in order that no delay should arise from want of carriers for
themselves or their baggage, five accompanied each.
On the 2d of May, Lamina, accompanied by one of the chiefs, named
Abou Hararata, and a long train of attendants, came to the camp, and
informed Captain Campbell that Almamy sent them to say he had given
permission to Lamina, in consequence of his being the messenger of
the king of Sego, to conduct us through the country by whatever path
he chose, and had also given directions to Abou Hararata to collect
carriers for the conveyance of our baggage. This, however plausible in
words, was not acted upon, and as nothing could be obtained from them
but promises which they never intended performing, with the view of
detaining us until the state of the country, occasioned by the rains,
would prevent us moving in any direction. Captain Campbell, who was
himself very ill, came to the decision of retracing his steps to
the coast, and made known the same to Almamy, who sent us word that,
although we were returning, it was not his desire that we should do
so, as his country was open to us in any way we wished. This was
his last effort to detain us, but, finding it would not answer,
he ordered that we should be provided with carriers.
It was not, however, until the 18th of May, that a sufficient number
were collected, and even then, we found so much difficulty in putting
them to their work, that we were obliged to hold out to them promises
of large rewards on their arrival at Kakundy.
Our retreat was by far more painful and difficult than our advance;
the carriers required more attendance than even the fatigued and
sulky asses; and what with the sick men and officers, my time and
exertions were so completely taken up, that I found myself, on the
20th of May, in a state that rendered me unable, however willing,
to afford myself the assistance, so many others wanted from me.
From that date to the 1st of June, I remained in a state of
insensibility to the objects around me, and was conveyed, in a basket
similar to those already described, to the house of Mr. Bateman,
where, on coming to my senses (an event which those about me did not
expect), I was informed of Mr. Kummer’s death, and the departure
of Lieutenant Stokoe for Sierra Leone.
Captain Campbell, who, although a little better than I was, still
continued very weak, wished on the 10th to proceed down the river,
for the purpose of hiring a vessel to convey the expedition to Sierra
Leone, but he was in that state which I conceived must, in case of
his moving, prove of serious consequence, and I therefore persuaded
him to remain quiet, and send Mr. Nelson in his place.
On the 12th, I again visited him, and was sorry to find him worse,
so much so, that he could not speak to me, and so debilitated
that I much doubted the possibility of his recovery. My fears were
unfortunately but too well grounded; he breathed his last on the
following morning, sincerely regretted by every individual of the
expedition. We deposited his remains on the 14th, by the side of
those of his highly-valued friend and companion, Major Peddie,
amidst the tears and lamentations of all present, and which were
greatly aggravated by the painful recollection of the untimely death
of our former and much-beloved commander.
Thus ended the mortal career of two distinguished officers, who,
in the prime of life, and scorning a state of inactivity at home,
entered on an enterprise of the most difficult and truly forlorn
nature; and who, by their anxiety and exertions for the advancement
of the arduous service committed to their care, fell early victims
to that inhospitable climate, leaving their bones in the sands
of Africa, a sad memento of their own melancholy fate, and of the
unfortunate issue of the expedition under their command. To express
my own feelings on that occasion, would, indeed, be impossible;
the service lost a gallant officer, and I lost a sincere friend.
The sick, who were left at the Panjetta, joined us in safety, and,
in order to avoid starvation at Kakundy, and to obtain that relief
and rest of which we were all so much in want, we sailed immediately
for Sierra Leone, where we did not arrive until our provisions were
nearly exhausted, and then, with the loss of two men and nearly all
our remaining animals.
On landing at Free Town, his Excellency Sir Charles M‘Carthy
omitted nothing that could tend in any way to relieve our wants and
sufferings, and it is with particular satisfaction that I take this
opportunity of offering my grateful acknowledgments for his marked
kindness and attention to myself.
Lieutenant Stokoe, on whom the command then devolved, as soon as
he had recovered from the effects of his late illness and fatigues,
although in the depth of the rainy season, set out by the Port Logo
path, with the intention of going to Teembo, in order to enter
into arrangements, if possible, with Almamy, and obtain from him
hostages for the free and unmolested passage of the expedition
through his country to the Niger. In this, however, he failed, and
returned to the colony, to wait until the ensuing dry season would
admit of his endeavouring to penetrate by some other route; but he,
like his predecessors, was not doomed to see his projects realized,
and died at Sierra Leone, after a few days’ illness.
Foota Jallon, of which Teembo is the capital, is a country of
considerable extent, lying between the Sierra Leone and Gambia
rivers. When it was in the possession of the aboriginal inhabitants,
the Jallonkeas, it bore the name of Jallonk, which has been gradually
softened into Jallo, to which was prefixed the name of Foota,
signifying together the Foolahs of Jallo, or Foota Jallo. The
Jallonkeas are now subject to the Foolahs, who conquered the
country, under the direction of a family from Massina, consisting
of the father, two sons, and a few followers. One of the sons was
a Mahomedan priest, and gradually gained such influence among the
Jallonkeas, that he converted many of them to his own faith, and by
means of his wealth (of which he is said to have possessed much),
strongly attached them to his interest. A few years enabled them to
make so many converts to their religion, and their riches procured
them so much favor, that they planned and carried into execution the
subjugation of the Jallonkeas, at least of such as would not embrace
the Mahomedan faith; and the usurpation of the supreme government
of their country, the first exercise of which was, to oblige those
who still adhered to paganism, to pay them a yearly tribute or quit
the country which had for ages been their own.
From that family is descended the present Almamy. Karamoka Alpha
was the first Almamy of Teembo, and was surnamed Moudoo, or the
great, being at the same time acknowledged as the chief Iman and
defender of their religion. He was succeeded by his son, Yoro Padde,
surnamed Soorie, at whose death the regal power was assumed by Almamy
Saadoo, who was deposed by Ali Bilmah and Alpha Salihou, and to
whose sanguinary intrigues he afterwards fell a victim. Salihou was
next proclaimed king, and distinguished his reign by a succession
of predatory excursions against several Cafir or pagan tribes of
the neighbouring states, many of whom he destroyed, plundered,
or rendered tributary. He was succeeded by Abdulahi Ba Demba, who,
having a dispute with Ali Bilmah, sent him in irons to Bondoo, where
he vainly thought he could not injure him; but Ali Bilmah contrived to
keep up a secret communication with his friends, and was eventually
instrumental in removing his tyrannical sovereign from the throne,
which was next occupied by Abdoolghader. Ba Demba then retired to
Toogumba, a village at some distance north-west of Teembo, and,
with the assistance of a few friends, assembled an army for the
purpose of attempting to regain his crown, which Abdoolghader on his
side prepared to defend; for which purpose the latter marched with a
large army to give Ba Demba battle and decide the affair. The latter,
aware of his own inferiority in point of number, retreated; but,
being pursued and overtaken by his enemies, was killed, together with
one of his sons. In an affair which then took place on the banks of
the Tingussoo river, his second son would have shared the same fate,
had he not been protected by Abdoolghader, who considered himself
secured in his possession of the crown, by the death of the father,
and he has reigned unmolested to the present time.
The Foolahs, according to their own account, have had possession
of Foota Jallo for about sixty years. The government is of a mixed
kind, partaking more of the nature of a republic than a monarchy,
and is composed of the states of Teembo, Laby, and Teembee, with their
dependencies. Almamy, although he has the chief power, cannot decide
upon any thing of importance to the country without the consent of
those chiefs, each of whom has a voice in the cabinet.
The religion is Mahomedan, and so strict is their observance of its
ceremonies that they pray regularly five times every day, and should
any one be prevented by unavoidable engagements from attending to
his devotions at the stated periods, he must compensate for it by
repeating the whole ceremony the exact number of times he omitted it.
Their manufactures are the same as those of Bondoo, as will be
described hereafter. The vegetable productions are indigo, cotton,
rice, maize, yams, cassada, shalots, and pompions; and their fruits
are oranges, lemons, plantains, bananas, tamarinds, and nittas, or the
locust fruit; the latter is a kind of mimosa, very much resembling the
tamarind tree. The flowers or blossoms are produced at the extremities
of the branches, and are succeeded by pods similar to those of a
garden bean, with the exception of their being from nine to twelve
inches long, and one broad; each pod contains from nine to twelve
black stones, resembling those of the tamarind in size and shape,
but are enveloped in a fine farinaceous powder of the appearance of
sublimed sulphur. Its taste is not unlike liquorice-root powder, and,
when mixed with milk, affords a very palatable and nutritious diet;
and although some of the men, who swallowed the stones of this fruit,
were affected with sickness at stomach, bad as our situation was from
the scarcity of provisions, it would have been exceedingly aggravated,
had the nittas not been ripe before we left the Panjetta.
The men are of the middle stature, well-formed, very active and
intelligent, and are dressed nearly in the same manner as those of
Bondoo; the cap is of a different form, and most frequently made of
scarlet cloth; they wear sandals, and usually carry a long cane or
spear. Thus equipped they strut about, with all the air and affected
dignity of men of the first consequence. They are characterised by a
high degree of cunning, duplicity, self-interestedness, and avarice;
to gratify which they are neither deterred by shame nor fear. This
renders it extremely difficult for strangers to guard against
the crafty devices they have recourse to in all their dealings of
whatever kind, or to elude the rapacious advantages they are always
on the alert to take of them, either by imposition or theft.
The women are good figures, have a lively and graceful air, and
prominent features, much resembling the European. They are at great
pains to preserve their teeth of a pearly white, by constantly rubbing
them with a small twig of the tamarind tree, which is an admirable
substitute for the tooth-brush. They are, like all other African
females, extremely fond of amber, coral, and glass beads, which they
bestow in profusion on their heads, necks, arms, waists, and ancles.
The commerce of Foota Jallon may be divided into two heads; namely,
first, that in slaves, now nearly extinct, at least as far as
exportation is concerned, in consequence of the constant surveillance
of the British cruisers on the coast, and the unremitted exertions
of the government of Sierra Leone to lead the people of that country
to a more intimate connexion with the colony, and a more valuable
employment of their time, in cultivating and bringing into our
market there the other productions of their own and surrounding
countries, which may be considered as the second head under which
their commercial pursuits can be classed. The Rio Nunez and Pongas,
which were formerly infested by slave dealers and their emissaries,
are now freed from the odious burden of such a party, and those
who still retain factories there, although they would smile at the
revival of that unnatural trade, see so little prospect of its ever
again being open to them, that they begin to think of other and less
nefarious means of amassing wealth.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 5: Infidels.]