Proof. "We hold their slaves, as we hold their other property, sacred."

"It is equally plain and undeniable that the society, in the prosecution

of this work, has never interfered or evinced even a disposition to

interfere in any way with the rights of proprietors of slaves."

"To the slave-holder, who has charged upon them the wicked design of

interfering with the rights of property under the specious pretext of

removing a vicious and dangerous free population, they address themselves

in a tone of conciliation and sympathy. We know your rights, say they,

and we respect them."

4. It boasts that its measures are calculated to perpetuate the detested

system of slavery, to remove the fears of the slave-holder, and increase

the value of his stock of human beings.

Proof. "They (the Southern slave-holders) will contribute more

effectually to the continuance and strength of this system (slavery) by

removing those now free than by any or all other methods which can

possibly be devised."

"So far from being connected with the abolition of slavery, the measure

proposed would be one of the greatest securities to enable the master to

keep in possession his own property."--(Speech of John Randolph at the

first meeting of the Colonization Society.)

"The tendency of the scheme, and one of its objects, is to secure slave-

holders, and the whole Southern country, against certain evil

consequences growing out of the present threefold mixture of our

population."

"There was but one way (to avert danger), but that might be made

effectual, fortunately. It was to provide and keep open a drain for the

excess beyond the occasions of profitable employment. Mr. Archer had

been stating the case in the supposition, that after the present class of

free blacks had been exhausted, by the operation of the plan he was

recommending, others would be supplied for its action, in the proportion

of the excess of colored population it would be necessary to throw off,

by the process of voluntary manumission or sale. This effect must result

inevitably from the depreciating value of the slaves, ensuing their

disproportionate multiplication. The depreciation would be relieved and

retarded at the same time by the process. The two operations would aid

reciprocally, and sustain each other, and both be in the highest degree

beneficial. It was on the ground of interest, therefore, the most

indisputable pecuniary interest, that he addressed himself to the people

and legislatures of the slave-holding states."

"The slave-holder, who is in danger of having his slaves contaminated by

their free friends of color, will not only be relieved from this danger,

but the value of his slave will be enhanced."

5. It denies the power of Christian love to overcome an unholy prejudice

against a portion of our fellow-creatures.

Proof. "The managers consider it clear that causes exist and are

operating to prevent their (the blacks) improvement and elevation to any

considerable extent as a class, in this country, which are fixed, not

only beyond the control of the friends of humanity, but of any human

power. Christianity will not do for them here what it will do for them

in Africa. This is not the fault of the colored man, nor Christianity;

but an ordination of Providence, and no more to be changed than the laws

of Nature!"--(Last Annual Report of the American Colonization Society.)

"The habits, the feelings, all the prejudices of society--prejudices

which neither refinement, nor argument, nor education, nor religion

itself, can subdue--mark the people of color, whether bond or free, as

the subjects of a degradation inevitable and incurable. The African in

this country belongs by birth to the very lowest station in society, and

from that station he can never rise, be his talents, his enterprise, his

virtues what they may. . . . They constitute a class by themselves, a

class out of which no individual can be elevated, and below which none

can be depressed."

"Is it not wise, then, for the free people of color and their friends to

admit, what cannot reasonably be doubted, that the people of color must,

in this country, remain for ages, probably forever, a separate and

inferior caste, weighed down by causes, powerful, universal, inevitable;

which neither legislation nor Christianity can remove?"

6. It opposes strenuously the education of the blacks in this country as

useless as well as dangerous.

Proof. "If the free colored people were generally taught to read it

might be an inducement to them to remain in this country (that is, in

their native country). We would offer then no such inducement."--

(Southern Religious Telegraph, February 19, 1831.)

"The public safety of our brethren at the South requires them (the

slaves) to be kept ignorant and uninstructed."

"It is the business of the free (their safety requires it) to keep the

slaves in ignorance. But a few days ago a proposition was made in the

legislature of Georgia to allow them so much instruction as to enable

them to read the Bible; which was promptly rejected by a large

majority."--(Proceedings of New York State Colonization Society at its

second anniversary.)

E. B. Caldwell, the first Secretary of the American Colonization Society,

in his speech at its formation, recommended them to be kept "in the

lowest state of ignorance and degradation, for (says he) the nearer you

bring them to the condition of brutes, the better chance do you give them

of possessing their apathy."

My limits will not admit of a more extended examination. To the

documents from whence the above extracts have been made I would call the

attention of every real friend of humanity. I seek to do the

Colonization Society no injustice, but I wish the public generally to

understand its character.

The tendency of the society to abolish the slave-trade by means of its

African colony has been strenuously urged by its friends. But the

fallacy of this is now admitted by all: witness the following from the

reports of the society itself:--

"Some appalling facts in regard to the slave-trade have come to the

knowledge of the Board of Managers during the last year. With

undiminished atrocity and activity is this odious traffic now carried on

all along the African coast. Slave factories are established in the

immediate vicinity of the colony; and at the Gallinas (between Liberia

and Sierra Leone) not less than nine hundred slaves were shipped during

the last summer, in the space of three weeks."

April 6, 1832, the House of Commons of England ordered the printing of a

document entitled "Slave-Trade, Sierra Leone," containing official

evidence of the fact that the pirates engaged in the African slave-trade

are supplied from the stores of Sierra Leone and Liberia with such

articles as the infernal traffic demands! An able English writer on the

subject of Colonization thus notices this astounding fact:--

"And here it may be well to observe, that as long as negro slavery lasts,

all colonies on the African coast, of whatever description, must tend to

support it, because, in all commerce, the supply is more or less

proportioned to the demand. The demand exists in negro slavery; the

supply arises from the African slave-trade. And what greater convenience

could the African slave-traders desire than shops well stored along the

coast with the very articles which their trade demands. That the African

slave-traders do get thus supplied at Sierra Leone and Liberia is matter

of official evidence; and we know, from the nature of human things, that

they will get so supplied, in defiance of all law or precaution, as long

as the demand calls for the supply, and there are free shops stored with

all they want at hand. The shopkeeper, however honest, would find it

impossible always to distinguish between the African slave-trader or his

agents and other dealers. And how many shopkeepers are there anywhere

that would be over scrupulous in questioning a customer with a full

purse?"

But we are told that the Colonization Society is to civilize and

evangelize Africa.

"Each emigrant," says Henry Clay, the ablest advocate which the society

has yet found, "is a missionary, carrying with him credentials in the

holy cause of civilization, religion, and free institutions."

Beautiful and heart-cheering idea! But stay who are these emigrants,

these missionaries?

The free people of color. "They, and they only," says the African

Repository, the society's organ, "are qualified for colonizing Africa."

What are their qualifications? Let the society answer in its own words:--

Free blacks are a greater nuisance than even slaves themselves."--

(African Repository, vol. ii. p. 328.)

"A horde of miserable people--the objects of universal suspicion--

subsisting by plunder."

"An anomalous race of beings the most debased upon earth."--(African

Repository, vol. vii. p. 230.)

"Of all classes of our population the most vicious is that of the free

colored."--(Tenth Annual Report of the Colonization Society.)

I might go on to quote still further from the "credentials" which the

free people of color are to carry with them to Liberia. But I forbear.

I come now to the only practicable, the only just scheme of emancipation:

Immediate abolition of slavery; an immediate acknowledgment of the great

truth, that man cannot hold property in man; an immediate surrender of

baneful prejudice to Christian love; an immediate practical obedience to

the command of Jesus Christ: "Whatsoever ye would that men should do unto

you, do ye even so to them."

A correct understanding of what is meant by immediate abolition must

convince every candid mind that it is neither visionary nor dangerous;

that it involves no disastrous consequences of bloodshed and desolation;

but, on the, contrary, that it is a safe, practicable, efficient remedy

for the evils of the slave system.

The term immediate is used in contrast with that of gradual. Earnestly

as I wish it, I do not expect, no one expects, that the tremendous system

of oppression can be instantaneously overthrown. The terrible and

unrebukable indignation of a free people has not yet been sufficiently

concentrated against it. The friends of abolition have not forgotten the

peculiar organization of our confederacy, the delicate division of power

between the states and the general government. They see the many

obstacles in their pathway; but they know that public opinion can

overcome them all. They ask no aid of physical coercion. They seek to

obtain their object not with the weapons of violence and blood, but with

those of reason and truth, prayer to God, and entreaty to man.

They seek to impress indelibly upon every human heart the true doctrines

of the rights of man; to establish now and forever this great and

fundamental truth of human liberty, that man cannot hold property in his

brother; for they believe that the general admission of this truth will

utterly destroy the system of slavery, based as that system is upon a

denial or disregard of it. To make use of the clear exposition of an

eminent advocate of immediate abolition, our plan of emancipation is

simply this: "To promulgate the true doctrine of human rights in high

places and low places, and all places where there are human beings; to

whisper it in chimney corners, and to proclaim it from the house-tops,

yea, from the mountain-tops; to pour it out like water from the pulpit

and the press; to raise it up with all the food of the inner man, from

infancy to gray hairs; to give 'line upon line, and precept upon

precept,' till it forms one of the foundation principles and parts

indestructible of the public soul. Let those who contemn this plan

renounce, if they have not done it already, the gospel plan of converting

the world; let them renounce every plan of moral reformation, and every

plan whatsoever, which does not terminate in the gratification of their

own animal natures."

The friends of emancipation would urge in the first instance an immediate

abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and in the Territories

of Florida and Arkansas.

The number of slaves in these portions of the country, coming under the

direct jurisdiction of the general government, is as follows:--

District of Columbia ..... 6,119

Territory of Arkansas .... 4,576

Territory of Florida .... 15,501

The Works of John Greenleaf Whittier, Volume VII, Complete The Conflict with Slavery, Politics and Reform, the Inner Life, and Criticism · 第 11 / 83 题