CHAPTER XLVI.

BIRTHDAY OF MR. JEFFERSON, AND THE DOCTRINE OF NULLIFICATION.

The anniversary of the birthday of Mr. Jefferson (April 13th) was

celebrated this year by a numerous company at Washington City. Among

the invited guests present were the President and Vice-President of

the United States, three of the Secretaries of departments--Messrs.

Van Buren, Eaton and Branch--and the Postmaster-General, Mr.

Barry--and numerously attended by members of both Houses of

Congress, and by citizens. It was a subscription dinner; and as the

paper imported, to do honor to the memory of Mr. Jefferson as the

founder of the political school to which the subscribers belonged.

In that sense I was a subscriber to the dinner and attended it;

and have no doubt that the mass of the subscribers acted under the

same feeling. There was a full assemblage when I arrived, and I

observed gentlemen standing about in clusters in the ante-rooms,

and talking with animation on something apparently serious, and

which seemed to engross their thoughts. I soon discovered what it

was--that it came from the promulgation of the twenty-four regular

toasts, which savored of the new doctrine of nullification; and

which, acting on some previous misgivings, began to spread the

feeling, that the dinner was got up to inaugurate that doctrine,

and to make Mr. Jefferson its father. Many persons broke off, and

refused to attend further; but the company was still numerous,

and ardent, as was proved by the number of volunteer votes

given--above eighty--in addition to the twenty-four regulars; and

the numerous and animated speeches delivered--the report of the

whole proceedings filling eleven newspaper columns. When the regular

toasts were over, the President was called upon for a volunteer,

and gave it--the one which electrified the country, and has become

historical: "Our Federal Union: It must be preserved." This brief

and simple sentiment, receiving emphasis and interpretation from

all the attendant circumstances, and from the feeling which had

been spreading since the time of Mr. Webster's speech, was received

by the public as a proclamation from the President, to announce a

plot against the Union, and to summon the people to its defence.

Mr. Calhoun gave the next toast; and it did not at all allay the

suspicions which were crowding every bosom. It was this: "The Union:

next to our Liberty the most dear: may we all remember that it

can only be preserved by respecting the rights of the States, and

distributing equally the benefit and burthen of the Union." This

toast touched all the tender parts of the new question--liberty

_before_ union--_only_ to be preserved--_State rights_--inequality

of _burthens_ and _benefits_. These phrases, connecting themselves

with Mr. Hayne's speech, and with proceedings and publications

in South Carolina, unveiled NULLIFICATION, as a new and distinct

doctrine in the United States, with Mr. Calhoun for its apostle, and

a new party in the field of which he was the leader. The proceedings

of the day put an end to all doubt about the justice of Mr.

Webster's grand peroration, and revealed to the public mind the fact

of an actual design tending to dissolve the Union.

Mr. Jefferson was dead at that time, and could not defend himself

from the use which the new party made of his name--endeavoring to

make him its founder;--and putting words in his mouth for that

purpose which he never spoke. He happened to have written in his

lifetime, and without the least suspicion of its future great

materiality, the facts in relation to his concern in the famous

resolutions of Virginia and Kentucky, and which absolve him from the

accusation brought against him since his death. He counselled the

resolutions of the Virginia General Assembly; and the word nullify,

or nullification, is not in them, or any equivalent word: he drew

the Kentucky resolutions of 1798: and they are equally destitute of

the same phrases. He had nothing to do with the Kentucky resolutions

of 1799, in which the word "_nullification_," and as the "rightful

remedy," is found; and upon which the South Carolina school relied

as their main argument--and from which their doctrine took its

name. Well, he had nothing to do with it! and so wrote (as a mere

matter of information, and without foreseeing its future use), in a

letter to William C. Cabell shortly before his death. This letter is

in Volume III., page 429, of his published correspondence. Thus, he

left enough to vindicate himself, without knowing that a vindication

would be necessary, and without recurring to the argumentative

demonstration of the peaceful and constitutional remedies which

the resolutions which he did write, alone contemplated. But he

left a friend to stand up for him when he was laid low in his

grave--one qualified by his long and intimate association to be

his compurgator, and entitled from his character to the absolute

credence of all mankind. I speak of Mr. Madison, who, in various

letters published in a quarto volume by Mr. J. C. McGuire, of

Washington City, has given the proofs which I have already used,

and added others equally conclusive. He fully overthrows and justly

resents the attempt "_of the nullifiers to make the name of Mr.

Jefferson the pedestal of their colossal heresy_." (Page 286: letter

to Mr. N. P. Trist.) And he left behind him a State also to come

to the rescue of his assailed integrity--his own native State of

Virginia--whose legislature almost unanimously, immediately after

the attempt to make Mr. Jefferson "_the pedestal of this colossal

heresy_," passed resolves repulsing the imputation, and declaring

that there was nothing in the Virginia resolutions '98 '99, to

support South Carolina in her doctrine of nullification. These

testimonies absolve Mr. Jefferson: but the nullifiers killed his

birthday celebrations! Instead of being renewed annually, in all

time, as his sincere disciples then intended, they have never been

heard of since! and the memory of a great man--benefactor of his

species--has lost an honor which grateful posterity intended to pay

it, and which the preservation and dissemination of his principles

require to be paid.

Thirty Years' View (Vol. 1 of 2) or, A History of the Working of the American Government for Thirty Years, from 1820 to 1850 · 第 46 / 166 章