CHAPTER XXVI.

DUEL BETWEEN MR. CLAY AND MR. RANDOLPH.

It was Saturday, the first day of April, towards noon, the Senate

not being that day in session, that Mr. Randolph came to my room at

Brown's Hotel, and (without explaining the reason of the question)

asked me if I was a blood-relation of Mrs. Clay? I answered that I

was, and he immediately replied that that put an end to a request

which he had wished to make of me; and then went on to tell me that

he had just received a challenge from Mr. Clay, had accepted it, was

ready to go out, and would apply to Col. Tatnall to be his second.

Before leaving, he told me he would make my bosom the depository of

a secret which he should commit to no other person: it was, that

he did not intend to fire at Mr. Clay. He told it to me because he

wanted a witness of his intention, and did not mean to tell it to

his second or any body else; and enjoined inviolable secrecy until

the duel was over. This was the first notice I had of the affair.

The circumstances of the delivery of the challenge I had from Gen.

Jesup, Mr. Clay's second, and they were so perfectly characteristic

of Mr. Randolph that I give them in detail, and in the General's own

words:

"I was unable to see Mr. Randolph until the morning of the 1st

of April, when I called on him for the purpose of delivering the

note. Previous to presenting it however, I thought it proper

to ascertain from Mr. Randolph himself whether the information

which Mr. Clay had received--that he considered himself

personally accountable for the attack on him--was correct. I

accordingly informed Mr. Randolph that I was the bearer of a

message from Mr. Clay, in consequence of an attack which he

had made upon his private as well as public character in the

Senate; that I was aware no one had the right to question him

out of the Senate for any thing said in debate, unless he chose

voluntarily to waive his privileges as a member of that body.

Mr. Randolph replied, that the constitution did protect him,

but he would never shield himself under such a subterfuge as

the pleading of his privilege as a senator from Virginia; that

he did hold himself accountable to Mr. Clay; but he said that

gentleman had first two pledges to redeem: one that he had bound

himself to fight any member of the House of Representatives, who

should acknowledge himself the author of a certain publication

in a Philadelphia paper; and the other that he stood pledged

to establish certain facts in regard to a great man, whom he

would not name; but, he added he could receive no verbal message

from Mr. Clay--that any message from him must be in writing.

I replied that I was not authorized by Mr. Clay to enter

into or receive any verbal explanations--that the inquiries

I had made were for my own satisfaction and upon my own

responsibility--that the only message of which I was the bearer

was in writing. I then presented the note, and remarked that I

knew nothing of Mr. Clay's pledges; but that if they existed as

he (Mr. Randolph) understood them, and he was aware of them when

he made the attack complained of, he could not avail himself of

them--that by making the attack I thought he had waived them

himself. He said he had not the remotest intention of taking

advantage of the pledges referred to; that he had mentioned them

merely to remind me that he was waiving his privilege, not only

as a senator from Virginia, but as a private gentleman; that he

was ready to respond to Mr. Clay, and would be obliged to me if

I would bear his note in reply; and that he would in the course

of the day look out for a friend. I declined being the bearer

of his note, but informed him my only reason for declining was,

that I thought he owed it to himself to consult his friends

before taking so important a step. He seized my hand, saying,

'You are right, sir. I thank you for the suggestion: but as you

do not take my note, you must not be impatient if you should not

hear from me to-day. I now think of only two friends, and there

are circumstances connected with one of them which may deprive

me of his services, and the other is in bad health--he was sick

yesterday, and may not be out to-day.' I assured him that any

reasonable time which he might find necessary to take would be

satisfactory. I took leave of him; and it is due to his memory

to say that his bearing was, throughout the interview, that of a

high-toned, chivalrous gentleman of the old school."

These were the circumstances of the delivery of the challenge,

and the only thing necessary to give them their character is to

recollect that, with this prompt acceptance and positive refusal

to explain, and this extra cut about the two pledges, there was a

perfect determination not to fire at Mr. Clay. That determination

rested on two grounds; first, an entire unwillingness to hurt Mr.

Clay; and, next, a conviction that to return the fire would be to

answer, and would be an implied acknowledgment of Mr. Clay's right

to make him answer. This he would not do, neither by implication

nor in words. He denied the right of any person to question him out

of the Senate for words spoken within it. He took a distinction

between man and senator. As senator he had a constitutional

immunity, given for a wise purpose, and which he would neither

surrender nor compromise; as individual he was ready to give

satisfaction for what was deemed an injury. He would receive, but

not return a fire. It was as much as to say: Mr. Clay may fire at

me for what has offended him; I will not, by returning the fire,

admit his right to do so. This was a subtle distinction, and that in

case of life and death, and not very clear to the common intellect;

but to Mr. Randolph both clear and convincing. His allusion to

the "two pledges unredeemed," which he might have plead in bar to

Mr. Clay's challenge, and would not, was another sarcastic cut

at Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay, while rendering satisfaction for cuts

already given. The "member of the House" was Mr. George Kremer,

of Pennsylvania, who, at the time of the presidential election in

the House of Representatives, had avowed himself to be the author

of an anonymous publication, the writer of which Mr. Clay had

threatened to call to account if he would avow himself--and did not.

The "great man" was President Adams, with whom Mr. Clay had had a

newspaper controversy, involving a question of fact,--which had been

postponed. The cause of this sarcastic cut, and of all the keen

personality in the Panama speech, was the belief that the President

and Secretary, the latter especially, encouraged the newspapers in

their interest to attack him, which they did incessantly; and he

chose to overlook the editors and retaliate upon the instigators, as

he believed them to be. This he did to his heart's content in that

speech--and to their great annoyance, as the coming of the challenge

proved. The "two friends" alluded to were Col. Tatnall and myself,

and the circumstances which might disqualify one of the two were

those of my relationship to Mrs. Clay, of which he did not know

the degree, and whether of affinity or consanguinity--considering

the first no obstacle, the other a complete bar to my appearing as

his second--holding, as he did, with the tenacity of an Indian, to

the obligations of blood, and laying but little stress on marriage

connections. His affable reception and courteous demeanor to Gen.

Jesup were according to his own high breeding, and the decorum

which belonged to such occasions. A duel in the circle to which he

belonged was "an affair of honor;" and high honor, according to its

code, must pervade every part of it. General Jesup had come upon

an unpleasant business. Mr. Randolph determined to put him at his

ease; and did it so effectually as to charm him into admiration. The

whole plan of his conduct, down to contingent details, was cast in

his mind instantly, as if by intuition, and never departed from. The

acceptance, the refusal to explain, the determination not to fire,

the first and second choice of a friend, and the circumstances which

might disqualify one and delay the other, the additional cut, and

the resolve to fall, if he fell, on the soil of Virginia--was all,

to his mind, a single emanation, the flash of an instant. He needed

no consultations, no deliberations to arrive at all these important

conclusions. I dwell upon these small circumstances because they are

characteristic, and show the man--a man who belongs to history, and

had his own history, and should be known as he was. That character

can only be shown in his own conduct, his own words and acts: and

this duel with Mr. Clay illustrates it at many points. It is in

that point of view that I dwell upon circumstances which might seem

trivial, but which are not so, being illustrative of character and

significant to their smallest particulars.

The acceptance of the challenge was in keeping with the whole

proceeding--prompt in the agreement to meet, exact in protesting

against the _right_ to call him out, clear in the waiver of his

constitutional privilege, brief and cogent in presenting the case as

one of some reprehension--the case of a member of an administration

challenging a senator for words spoken in debate of that

administration; and all in brief, terse, and superlatively decorous

language. It ran thus:

"Mr. Randolph accepts the challenge of Mr. Clay. At the same

time he protests against the _right_ of any minister of

the Executive Government of the United States to hold him

responsible for words spoken in debate, as a senator from

Virginia, in crimination of such minister, or the administration

under which he shall have taken office. Colonel Tatnall, of

Georgia, the bearer of this letter, is authorized to arrange

with General Jesup (the bearer of Mr. Clay's challenge) the

terms of the meeting to which Mr. Randolph is invited by that

note."

This _protest_ which Mr. Randolph entered against the right of

Mr. Clay to challenge him, led to an explanation between their

mutual friends on that delicate point--a point which concerned the

independence of debate, the privileges of the Senate, the immunity

of a member, and the sanctity of the constitution. It was a point

which Mr. Clay felt; and the explanation which was had between

the mutual friends presented an excuse, if not a justification,

for his proceeding. He had been informed that Mr. Randolph, in

his speech, had avowed his responsibility to Mr. Clay, and waived

his privilege--a thing which, if it had been done, would have

been a defiance, and stood for an invitation to Mr. Clay to send

a challenge. Mr. Randolph, through Col. Tatnall, disavowed that

imputed avowal, and confined his waiver of privilege to the time of

the delivery of the challenge, and in answer to an inquiry before it

was delivered.

The following are the communications between the respective seconds

on this point:

"In regard to the _protest_ with which Mr. Randolph's note

concludes, it is due to Mr. Clay to say that he had been

informed Mr. Randolph did, and would, hold himself responsible

to him for any observations he might make in relation to him;

and that I (Gen. Jesup) distinctly understood from Mr. Randolph,

before I delivered the note of Mr. Clay, that he waived his

privilege as a senator."

To this Col. Tatnall replied:

"As this expression (did and would hold himself responsible,

&c.) may be construed to mean that Mr. Randolph had given this

intimation not only before called upon, but in such a manner as

to throw out to Mr. Clay something like an invitation to make

such a call, I have, on the part of Mr. Randolph, to disavow

any disposition, when expressing his readiness to waive his

privilege as a senator from Virginia, to invite, in any case,

a call upon him for personal satisfaction. The concluding

paragraph of your note, I presume, is intended to show merely

that you did not present a note, such as that of Mr. Clay to Mr.

Randolph, until you had ascertained his willingness to waive

his privilege as a senator. This I infer, as it was in your

recollection that the expression of such a readiness on the part

of Mr. Randolph was in reply to an inquiry on that point made by

yourself."

Thus an irritating circumstance in the affair was virtually

negatived, and its offensive import wholly disavowed. For my part, I

do not believe that Mr. Randolph used such language in his speech.

I have no recollection of having heard it. The published report of

the speech, as taken down by the reporters and not revised by the

speaker, contains nothing of it. Such gasconade was foreign to

Mr. Randolph's character. The occasion was not one in which these

sort of defiances are thrown out, which are either to purchase a

cheap reputation when it is known they will be despised, or to

get an advantage in extracting a challenge when there is a design

to kill. Mr. Randolph had none of these views with respect to Mr.

Clay. He had no desire to fight him, or to hurt him, or gain cheap

character by appearing to bully him. He was above all that, and had

settled accounts with him in his speech, and wanted no more. I do

not believe it was said; but there was a part of the speech which

might have received a wrong application, and led to the erroneous

report: a part which applied to a quoted passage in Mr. Adams's

Panama message, which he condemned and denounced, and dared the

President and his friends to defend. His words were, as reported

unrevised: "Here I plant my foot; here I fling defiance right into

his (the President's) teeth; here I throw the gauntlet to him and

the bravest of his compeers to come forward and defend these lines,"

&c. A very palpable defiance this, but very different from a summons

to personal combat, and from what was related to Mr. Clay. It was an

unfortunate report, doubtless the effect of indistinct apprehension,

and the more to be regretted as, after having been a main cause

inducing the challenge, the disavowal could not stop it.

Thus the agreement for the meeting was absolute; and, according

to the expectation of the principals, the meeting itself would be

immediately; but their seconds, from the most laudable feelings,

determined to delay it, with the hope to prevent it, and did keep

it off a week, admitting me to a participation in the good work,

as being already privy to the affair and friendly to both parties.

The challenge stated no specific ground of offence, specified

no exceptionable words. It was peremptory and general, for an

"unprovoked attack on his (Mr. Clay's) character," and it dispensed

with explanations by alleging that the notoriety and indisputable

existence of the injury superseded the necessity for them. Of

course this demand was bottomed on a report of the words spoken--a

verbal report, the full daily publication of the debates having not

then begun--and that verbal report was of a character greatly to

exasperate Mr. Clay. It stated that in the course of the debate Mr.

Randolph said:

"That a letter from General Salazar, the Mexican Minister at

Washington, submitted by the Executive to the Senate, bore

the ear-mark of having been manufactured or forged by the

Secretary of State, and denounced the administration as a

corrupt coalition between the puritan and blackleg; and added,

at the same time, that he (Mr. Randolph) held himself personally

responsible for all that he had said."

This was the report to Mr. Clay, and upon which he gave the absolute

challenge, and received the absolute acceptance, which shut out all

inquiry between the principals into the causes of the quarrel. The

seconds determined to open it, and to attempt an accommodation, or a

peaceable determination of the difficulty. In consequence, General

Jesup stated the complaint in a note to Col. Tatnall, thus:

"The injury of which Mr. Clay complains consists in this, that

Mr. Randolph has charged him with having forged or manufactured

a paper connected with the Panama mission; also, that he

has applied to him in debate the epithet of blackleg. The

explanation which I consider necessary is, that Mr. Randolph

declare that he had no intention of charging Mr. Clay, either

in his public or private capacity, with forging or falsifying

any paper, or misrepresenting any fact; and also that the term

blackleg was not intended to apply to him."

To this exposition of the grounds of the complaint, Col. Tatnall

answered:

"Mr. Randolph informs me that the words used by him in

debate were as follows: 'That I thought it would be in my

power to show evidence sufficiently presumptive to satisfy a

Charlotte (county) jury that this invitation was manufactured

here--that Salazar's letter struck me as bearing a strong

likeness in point of style to the other papers. I did not

undertake to prove this, but expressed my suspicion that the

fact was so. I applied to the administration the epithet,

puritanic-diplomatic-black-legged administration.' Mr. Randolph,

in giving these words as those uttered by him in debate, is

unwilling to afford any explanation as to their meaning and

application."

In this answer Mr. Randolph remained upon his original ground of

refusing to answer out of the Senate for words spoken within it. In

other respects the statement of the words actually spoken greatly

ameliorated the offensive report, the coarse and insulting words,

"_forging and falsifying_," being disavowed, as in fact they were

not used, and are not to be found in the published report. The

speech was a bitter philippic, and intended to be so, taking for

its point the alleged coalition between Mr. Clay and Mr. Adams with

respect to the election, and their efforts to get up a popular

question contrary to our policy of non-entanglement with foreign

nations, in sending ministers to the congress of the American

states of Spanish origin at the Isthmus of Panama. I heard it all,

and, though sharp and cutting, I think it might have been heard,

had he been present, without any manifestation of resentment by

Mr. Clay. The part which he took so seriously to heart, that of

having the Panama invitations manufactured in his office, was to my

mind nothing more than attributing to him a diplomatic superiority

which enabled him to obtain from the South American ministers the

invitations that he wanted; and not at all that they were spurious

fabrications. As to the expression, "_blackleg and puritan_," it was

merely a sarcasm to strike by antithesis, and which, being without

foundation, might have been disregarded. I presented these views to

the parties, and if they had come from Mr. Randolph they might have

been sufficient; but he was inexorable, and would not authorize a

word to be said beyond what he had written.

All hope of accommodation having vanished, the seconds proceeded

to arrange for the duel. The afternoon of Saturday, the 8th of

April, was fixed upon for the time; the right bank of the Potomac,

within the State of Virginia, above the Little Falls bridge, was

the place,--pistols the weapons,--distance ten paces; each party

to be attended by two seconds and a surgeon, and myself at liberty

to attend as a mutual friend. There was to be no practising with

pistols, and there was none; and the words "one," "two," "three,"

"stop," after the word "fire," were, by agreement between the

seconds, and for the humane purpose of reducing the result as

near as possible to chance, to be given out in quick succession.

The Virginia side of the Potomac was taken at the instance of Mr.

Randolph. He went out as a Virginia senator, refusing to compromise

that character, and, if he fell in defence of its rights, Virginia

soil was to him the chosen ground to receive his blood. There was a

statute of the State against duelling within her limits; but, as he

merely went out to receive a fire without returning it, he deemed

that no fighting, and consequently no breach of her statute. This

reason for choosing Virginia could only be explained to me, as I

alone was the depository of his secret.

The week's delay which the seconds had contrived was about expiring.

It was Friday evening, or rather night, when I went to see Mr. Clay

for the last time before the duel. There had been some alienation

between us since the time of the presidential election in the House

of Representatives, and I wished to give evidence that there was

nothing personal in it. The family were in the parlor--company

present--and some of it staid late. The youngest child, I believe

James, went to sleep on the sofa--a circumstance which availed me

for a purpose the next day. Mrs. Clay was, as always since the death

of her daughters, the picture of desolation, but calm, conversable,

and without the slightest apparent consciousness of the impending

event. When all were gone, and she also had left the parlor, I did

what I came for, and said to Mr. Clay, that, notwithstanding our

late political differences, my personal feelings towards him were

the same as formerly, and that, in whatever concerned his life or

honor my best wishes were with him. He expressed his gratification

at the visit and the declaration, and said it was what he would have

expected of me. We parted at midnight.

Saturday, the 8th of April--the day for the duel--had come, and

almost the hour. It was noon, and the meeting was to take place at

4-1/2 o'clock. I had gone to see Mr. Randolph before the hour, and

for a purpose; and, besides, it was so far on the way, as he lived

half way to Georgetown, and we had to pass through that place to

cross the Potomac into Virginia at the Little Falls bridge. I had

heard nothing from him on the point of not returning the fire since

the first communication to that effect, eight days before. I had

no reason to doubt the steadiness of his determination, but felt

a desire to have fresh assurance of it after so many days' delay,

and so near approach of the trying moment. I knew it would not do

to ask him the question--any question which would imply a doubt of

his word. His sensitive feelings would be hurt and annoyed at it.

So I fell upon a scheme to get at the inquiry without seeming to

make it. I told him of my visit to Mr. Clay the night before--of

the late sitting--the child asleep--the unconscious tranquillity

of Mrs. Clay; and added, I could not help reflecting how different

all that might be the next night. He understood me perfectly,

and immediately said, with a quietude of look and expression

which seemed to rebuke an unworthy doubt, "_I shall do nothing to

disturb the sleep of the child or the repose of the mother_," and

went on with his employment--(his seconds being engaged in their

preparations in a different room)--which was, making codicils to his

will, all in the way of remembrance to friends; the bequests slight

in value, but invaluable in tenderness of feeling and beauty of

expression, and always appropriate to the receiver. To Mr. Macon he

gave some English shillings, to keep the game when he played whist.

His namesake, John Randolph Bryan, then at school in Baltimore, and

since married to his niece, had been sent for to see him, but sent

off before the hour for going out, to save the boy from a possible

shock at seeing him brought back. He wanted some gold--that coin

not being then in circulation, and only to be obtained by favor or

purchase--and sent his faithful man, Johnny, to the United States

Branch Bank to get a few pieces, American being the kind asked for.

Johnny returned without the gold, and delivered the excuse that the

bank had none. Instantly Mr. Randolph's clear silver-toned voice was

heard above its natural pitch, exclaiming, "Their name is legion!

and they are liars from the beginning. Johnny, bring me my horse."

His own saddle-horse was brought him--for he never rode Johnny's,

nor Johnny his, though both, and all his hundred horses, were of the

finest English blood--and rode off to the bank down Pennsylvania

avenue, now Corcoran & Riggs's--Johnny following, as always, forty

paces behind. Arrived at the bank, this scene, according to my

informant, took place:

"Mr. Randolph asked for the state of his account, was shown it,

and found to be some four thousand dollars in his favor. He

asked for it. The teller took up packages of bills, and civilly

asked in what sized notes he would have it. 'I want money,' said

Mr. Randolph, putting emphasis on the word; and at that time it

required a bold man to intimate that United States Bank notes

were not money. The teller, beginning to understand him, and

willing to make sure, said, inquiringly, 'You want silver?' 'I

want my money!' was the reply. Then the teller, lifting boxes to

the counter, said politely: 'Have you a cart, Mr. Randolph, to

put it in?' 'That is my business, sir,' said he. By that time

the attention of the cashier (Mr. Richard Smith) was attracted

to what was going on, who came up, and understanding the

question, and its cause, told Mr. Randolph there was a mistake

in the answer given to his servant; that they had gold, and he

should have what he wanted."

In fact, he had only applied for a few pieces, which he wanted for

a special purpose. This brought about a compromise. The pieces of

gold were received, the cart and the silver dispensed with; but

the account in bank was closed, and a check taken for the amount

on New-York. He returned and delivered me a sealed paper, which I

was to open if he was killed--give back to him if he was not; also

an open slip, which I was to read before I got to the ground. This

slip was a request to feel in his left breeches pocket, if he was

killed, and find so many pieces of gold--I believe nine--take three

for myself, and give the same number to Tatnall and Hamilton each,

to make seals to wear in remembrance of him. We were all three at

Mr. Randolph's lodgings then, and soon set out, Mr. Randolph and his

seconds in a carriage, I following him on horseback.

I have already said that the count was to be quick after giving

the word "fire," and for a reason which could not be told to the

principals. To Mr. Randolph, who did not mean to fire, and who,

though agreeing to be shot at, had no desire to be hit, this

rapidity of counting out the time and quick arrival at the command

"stop" presented no objection. With Mr. Clay it was different. With

him it was all a real transaction, and gave rise to some proposal

for more deliberateness in counting off the time; which being

communicated to Col. Tatnall, and by him to Mr. Randolph, had an ill

effect upon his feelings, and, aided by an untoward accident on the

ground, unsettled for a moment the noble determination which he had

formed not to fire at Mr. Clay. I now give the words of Gen. Jesup:

"When I repeated to Mr. Clay the 'word' in the manner in which

it would be given, he expressed some apprehension that, as he

was not accustomed to the use of the pistol, he might not be

able to fire within the time, and for that reason alone desired

that it might be prolonged. I mentioned to Col. Tatnall the

desire of Mr. Clay. He replied, 'If you insist upon it, the time

must be prolonged, but I should very much regret it.' I informed

him I did not insist upon prolonging the time, and I was sure

Mr. Clay would acquiesce. The original agreement was carried

out."

I knew nothing of this until it was too late to speak with the

seconds or principals. I had crossed the Little Falls bridge just

after them, and come to the place where the servants and carriages

had stopped. I saw none of the gentlemen, and supposed they had

all gone to the spot where the ground was being marked off; but on

speaking to Johnny, Mr. Randolph, who was still in his carriage

and heard my voice, looked out from the window, and said to me:

"Colonel, since I saw you, and since I have been in this carriage,

I have heard something which _may_ make me change my determination.

Col. Hamilton will give you a note which will explain it." Col.

Hamilton was then in the carriage, and gave me the note, in the

course of the evening, of which Mr. Randolph spoke. I readily

comprehended that this possible change of determination related

to his firing; but the emphasis with which he pronounced the word

"_may_" clearly showed that his mind was undecided, and left it

doubtful whether he would fire or not. No further conversation took

place between us; the preparations for the duel were finished; the

parties went to their places; and I went forward to a piece of

rising ground, from which I could see what passed and hear what was

said. The faithful Johnny followed me close, speaking not a word,

but evincing the deepest anxiety for his beloved master. The place

was a thick forest, and the immediate spot a little depression,

or basin, in which the parties stood. The principals saluted each

other courteously as they took their stands. Col. Tatnall had won

the choice of position, which gave to Gen. Jesup the delivery of the

word. They stood on a line east and west--a small stump just behind

Mr. Clay; a low gravelly bank rose just behind Mr. Randolph. This

latter asked Gen. Jesup to repeat the word as he would give it; and

while in the act of doing so, and Mr. Randolph adjusting the butt of

his pistol to his hand, the muzzle pointing downwards, and almost to

the ground, it fired. Instantly Mr. Randolph turned to Col. Tatnall

and said: "I protested against that hair trigger." Col. Tatnall took

blame to himself for having sprung the hair. Mr. Clay had not then

received his pistol. Senator Johnson, of Louisiana (Josiah), one of

his seconds, was carrying it to him, and still several steps from

him. This untimely fire, though clearly an accident, necessarily

gave rise to some remarks, and a species of inquiry, which was

conducted with the utmost delicacy, but which, in itself, was of a

nature to be inexpressibly painful to a gentleman's feelings. Mr.

Clay stopped it with the generous remark that the fire was clearly

an accident: and it was so unanimously declared. Another pistol

was immediately furnished; and exchange of shots took place, and,

happily, without effect upon the persons. Mr. Randolph's bullet

struck the stump behind Mr. Clay, and Mr. Clay's knocked up the

earth and gravel behind Mr. Randolph, and in a line with the level

of his hips, both bullets having gone so true and close that it was

a marvel how they missed. The moment had come for me to interpose.

I went in among the parties and offered my mediation; but nothing

could be done. Mr. Clay said, with that wave of the hand with which

he was accustomed to put away a trifle, "_This is child's play!_"

and required another fire. Mr. Randolph also demanded another

fire. The seconds were directed to reload. While this was doing I

prevailed on Mr. Randolph to walk away from his post, and renewed

to him, more pressingly than ever, my importunities to yield to

some accommodation; but I found him more determined than I had ever

seen him, and for the first time impatient, and seemingly annoyed

and dissatisfied at what I was doing. He was indeed annoyed and

dissatisfied. The accidental fire of his pistol preyed upon his

feelings. He was doubly chagrined at it, both as a circumstance

susceptible in itself of an unfair interpretation, and as having

been the immediate and controlling cause of his firing at Mr. Clay.

He regretted this fire the instant it was over. He felt that it

had subjected him to imputations from which he knew himself to be

free--a desire to kill Mr. Clay, and a contempt for the laws of his

beloved State; and the annoyances which he felt at these vexatious

circumstances revived his original determination, and decided him

irrevocably to carry it out.

It was in this interval that he told me what he had heard since we

parted, and to which he alluded when he spoke to me from the window

of the carriage. It was to this effect: That he had been informed

by Col. Tatnall that it was proposed to give out the words with

more deliberateness, so as to prolong the time for taking aim. This

information grated harshly upon his feelings. It unsettled his

purpose, and brought his mind to the inquiry (as he now told me,

and as I found it expressed in the note which he had immediately

written in pencil to apprise me of his possible change), whether,

under these circumstances, he might not "_disable_" his adversary?

This note is so characteristic, and such an essential part of this

affair, that I here give its very words, so far as relates to this

point. It ran thus:

"Information received from Col. Tatnall since I got into the

carriage _may_ induce me to change my mind, of not returning

Mr. Clay's fire. I seek not his death. I would not have his

blood upon my hands--it will not be upon my soul if shed in

self-defence--for the world. He has determined, by the use of a

long, preparatory caution by words, to get time to kill me. May

I not, then, disable him? Yes, if I please."

It has been seen, by the statement of Gen. Jesup, already given,

that this "_information_" was a misapprehension; that Mr. Clay had

not applied for a prolongation of time for the purpose of getting

sure aim, but only to enable his unused hand, long unfamiliar

with the pistol, to fire within the limited time; that there was

no prolongation, in fact, either granted or insisted upon; but he

was in doubt, and General Jesup having won the word, he was having

him repeat it in the way he was to give it out, when his finger

touched the hair-trigger. How unfortunate that I did not know of

this in time to speak to General Jesup, when one word from him

would have set all right, and saved the imminent risks incurred!

This inquiry, "May I not disable him?" was still on Mr. Randolph's

mind, and dependent for its solution on the rising incidents of the

moment, when the accidental fire of his pistol gave the turn to his

feelings which solved the doubt. But he declared to me that he had

not aimed at the life of Mr. Clay; that he did not level as high as

the knees--not higher than the knee-band; "for it was no mercy to

shoot a man in the knee;" that his only object was to disable him

and spoil his aim. And then added, with a beauty of expression and

a depth of feeling which no studied oratory can ever attain, and

which I shall never forget, these impressive words: "_I would not

have seen him fall mortally, or even doubtfully wounded, for all the

land that is watered by the King of Floods and all his tributary

streams._" He left me to resume his post, utterly refusing to

explain out of the Senate any thing that he had said in it, and with

the positive declaration that he would not return the next fire. I

withdrew a little way into the woods, and kept my eyes fixed on Mr.

Randolph, who I then knew to be the only one in danger. I saw him

receive the fire of Mr. Clay, saw the gravel knocked up in the same

place, saw Mr. Randolph raise his pistol--discharge it in the air;

heard him say, '_I do not fire at you, Mr. Clay_;' and immediately

advancing and offering his hand. He was met in the same spirit. They

met half way, shook hands, Mr. Randolph saying, jocosely, '_You owe

me a coat, Mr. Clay_'--(the bullet had passed through the skirt of

the coat, very near the hip)--to which Mr. Clay promptly and happily

replied, '_I am glad the debt is no greater._' I had come up, and

was prompt to proclaim what I had been obliged to keep secret for

eight days. The joy of all was extreme at this happy termination

of a most critical affair; and we immediately left, with lighter

hearts than we brought. I stopped to sup with Mr. Randolph and his

friends--none of us wanted dinner that day--and had a characteristic

time of it. A runner came in from the bank to say that they had

overpaid him, by mistake, $130 that day. He answered, 'I believe

_it is your rule not to correct mistakes, except at the time, and

at your counter_.' And with that answer the runner had to return.

When gone, Mr. Randolph said, '_I will pay it on Monday: people must

be honest, if banks are not._' He asked for the sealed paper he had

given me, opened it, took out a check for $1,000, drawn in my favor,

and with which I was requested to have him carried, if killed, to

Virginia, and buried under his patrimonial oaks--not let him be

buried at Washington, with an hundred hacks after him. He took

the gold from his left breeches pocket, and said to us (Hamilton,

Tatnall, and I), 'Gentlemen, Clay's bad shooting shan't rob you

of your seals. I am going to London, and will have them made for

you;' which he did, and most characteristically, so far as mine was

concerned. He went to the herald's office in London and inquired for

the Benton family, of which I had often told him there was none, as

we only dated on that side from my grandfather in North Carolina.

But the name was found, and with it a coat of arms--among the

quarterings a lion rampant. That is the family, said he; and had the

arms engraved on the seal, the same which I have since habitually

worn; and added the motto, _Factis non verbis_: of which he was

afterwards accustomed to say the non should be changed into et. But,

enough. I run into these details, not merely to relate an event, but

to show character; and if I have not done it, it is not for want of

material, but of ability to use it.

On Monday the parties exchanged cards, and social relations were

formally and courteously restored. It was about the last high-toned

duel that I have witnessed, and among the highest-toned that I

have ever witnessed, and so happily conducted to a fortunate

issue--a result due to the noble character of the seconds as well

as to the generous and heroic spirit of the principals. Certainly

duelling is bad, and has been put down, but not quite so bad

as its substitute--revolvers, bowie-knives, blackguarding, and

street-assassinations under the pretext of self-defence.

Thirty Years' View (Vol. 1 of 2) or, A History of the Working of the American Government for Thirty Years, from 1820 to 1850 · 第 26 / 166 章