THE PANAMA MISSION.
The history of this mission, or attempted mission (for it never
took effect, though eventually sanctioned by both Houses of
Congress), deserves a place in this inside view of the working
of our government. Though long since sunk into oblivion, and its
name almost forgotten, it was a master subject on the political
theatre during its day; and gave rise to questions of national, and
of constitutional law, and of national policy, the importance of
which survive the occasion from which they sprung; and the solution
of which (as then solved), may be some guide to future action, if
similar questions again occur. Besides the grave questions to which
the subject gave rise, the subject itself became one of unusual and
painful excitement. It agitated the people, made a violent debate
in the two Houses of Congress, inflamed the passions of parties
and individuals, raised a tempest before which Congress bent, made
bad feeling between the President and the Senate; and led to the
duel between Mr. Randolph and Mr. Clay. It was an administration
measure, and pressed by all the means known to an administration. It
was evidently relied upon as a means of acting upon the people--as
a popular movement, which might have the effect of turning the
tide which was then running high against Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay on
account of the election in the House of Representatives, and the
broad doctrines of the inaugural address, and of the first annual
message; and it was doubtless well imagined for that purpose. It
was an American movement, and republican. It was the assembly of
the American states of Spanish origin, counselling for their mutual
safety and independence; and presenting the natural wish for the
United States to place herself at their head, as the eldest sister
of the new republics, and the one whose example and institutions the
others had followed. The monarchies of Europe had formed a "Holy
Alliance," to check the progress of liberty: it seemed just that the
republics of the New World should confederate against the dangers of
despotism. The subject had a charm in it; and the name and place of
meeting recalled classic and cherished recollections. It was on an
isthmus--the Isthmus of Panama--which connected the two Americas,
the Grecian republics had their isthmus--that of Corinth--where
their deputies assembled. All the advantages in the presentation of
the question were on the side of the administration. It addressed
itself to the imagination--to the passions--to the prejudices;--and
could only be met by the cold and sober suggestions of reason and
judgment. It had the prestige of name and subject, and was half
victor before the contest began; and it required bold men to make
head against it.
The debate began in the Senate, upon the nomination of ministers;
and as the Senate sat with closed doors, their objections were not
heard, while numerous presses, and popular speakers, excited the
public mind in favor of the measure, and inflamed it against the
Senate for delaying its sanction. It was a plan conceived by the new
Spanish American republics, and prepared as a sort of amphictyonic
council for the settlement of questions among themselves; and,
to which, in a manner which had much the appearance of our own
procuring, we had received an invitation to send deputies. The
invitation was most seductively exhibited in all the administration
presses; and captivated all young and ardent imaginations. The
people were roused: the majority in both Houses of Congress gave way
(many against their convictions, as they frankly told me), while the
project itself--our participation in it--was utterly condemned by
the principles of our constitution, and by the policy which forbade
"entangling alliances," and the proposed congress itself was not
even a diplomatic body to which ministers could be sent under the
law of nations. To counteract the effect of this outside current,
the Senate, on the motion of Mr. Van Buren, adopted a resolve to
debate the question with open doors, "unless, in the opinion of the
President, the publication of documents necessary to be referred
to in debate should be prejudicial to existing negotiations:" and
a copy of the resolve was sent to Mr. Adams for his opinion on
that point. He declined to give it, and left it to the Senate to
decide for itself, "_the question of an unexampled departure from
its own usages, and upon the motives of which not being himself
informed, he did not feel himself competent to decide_." This
reference to the motives of the members, and the usages of the
Senate, with its clear implication of the badness of one, and the
violation of the other, gave great offence in the Senate, and even
led to a proposition (made by Mr. Rowan of Kentucky), not to act on
the nominations until the information requested should be given.
In the end the Senate relinquished the idea of a public debate,
and contented itself with its publication after it was over. Mr.
John Sergeant of Pennsylvania, and Mr. Richard Clark Anderson of
Kentucky, were the ministers nominated; and, the question turning
wholly upon the mission itself, and not upon the persons nominated
(to whose fitness there was no objection), they were confirmed
by a close vote--24 to 20. The negatives were: _Messrs._ Benton,
Berrien, Branch, Chandler, Cobb (Thomas W. of Georgia), Dickerson,
Eaton, Findlay, Hayne, Holmes of Maine, Kane, King of Alabama,
Macon, Randolph, Tazewell, Rowan, Van Buren, White of Tennessee,
Williams of Mississippi, Woodbury. The Vice-President, Mr. Calhoun,
presiding in the Senate, had no vote, the constitutional contingency
to authorize it not having occurred: but he was full and free in the
expression of his opinion against the mission.
It was very nearly a party vote, the democracy as a party,
being against it: but of those of the party who voted for it,
the design of this history (which is to show the working of the
government) requires it to be told that there was afterwards,
either to themselves or relatives, some large dispensations of
executive patronage. Their votes may have been conscientious; but
in that case, it would have been better to have vindicated the
disinterestedness of the act, by the total refusal of executive
favor. Mr. Adams commenced right, by asking the advice of the
Senate, before he instituted the mission; but the manner in which
the object was pursued, made it a matter of opposition to the
administration to refuse it, and greatly impaired the harmony which
ought to exist between the President and the Senate. After all, the
whole conception of the Panama congress was an abortion. It died
out of itself, without ever having been once held--not even by the
states which had conceived it. It was incongruous and impracticable,
even for them,--more apt to engender disputes among themselves
than to harmonize action against Spain,--and utterly foreign to
us, and dangerous to our peace and institutions. The basis of the
agreement for the congress, was the existing state of war between
all the new states and the mother country--Spanish pride and policy
being slow to acknowledge the independence of revolted colonies,
no matter how independent in fact;--and the wish to establish
concert among themselves, in the mode of treating her commerce, and
that of such of her American possessions (Cuba, Porto Rico), as
had not thrown off their subjection. We were at peace with Spain,
and could not go into any such council without compromising our
neutrality, and impairing the integrity of our national character.
Besides the difficulties it would involve with Spain, there was one
subject specified in the treaties for discussion and settlement
in that congress, namely, the considerations of future relations
with the government of Haiti, which would have been a firebrand in
the southern half of our Union,--not to be handled or touched by
our government any where. The publication of the secret debates
in the Senate on the nomination of the ministers, and the public
discussion in the House of Representatives on the appropriation
clauses, to carry the mission into effect, succeeded, after some
time, in dissipating all the illusions which had fascinated the
public mind--turned the current against the administration--made
the project a new head of objection to its authors; and in a short
time it would have been impossible to obtain any consideration for
it, either in Congress or before the people. It is now entirely
forgotten, but deserves to be remembered in this View of the working
of the government, to show the questions of policy, of national and
constitutional law which were discussed--the excitement which can be
got up without foundation, and against reason--how public men can
bend before a storm--how all the departments of the government can
go wrong:--and how the true conservative power in our country is in
the people, in their judgment and reason, and in steady appeals to
their intelligence and patriotism.
Mr. Adams communicated the objects of the proposed congress, so far
as the United States could engage in them, in a special message to
the Senate; in which, disclaiming all part in any deliberations
of a belligerent character, or design to contract alliances,
or to engage in any project importing hostility to any other
nation, he enumerated, as the measures in which we could well take
part, 1. The establishment of liberal principles of commercial
intercourse, which he supposed could be best done in an assembly
of all the American states together. 2. The consentaneous adoption
of principles of maritime neutrality. 3. The doctrine that free
ships make free goods. 4. An agreement that the "Monroe doctrine,"
as it is called, should be adopted by the congress, each state to
guard, by its own means, its own territory from future European
colonization. The enunciation of this doctrine, so different from
what it has of late been supposed to be, as binding the United
States to guard all the territory of the New World from European
colonization, makes it proper to give this passage from Mr. Adams's
message in his own words. They are these: "An agreement between
all the parties represented at the meeting, that each will guard,
by its own means, against the establishment of any future European
colony within its borders, may be found advisable. This was, more
than two years since, announced by my predecessor to the world, as
a principle resulting from the emancipation of both the American
continents. It may be so developed to the new southern nations, that
they may feel it as an essential appendage to their independence."
These were the words of Mr. Adams, who had been a member of Mr.
Monroe's cabinet, and filling the department from which the doctrine
would emanate; written at a time when the enunciation of it was
still fresh, and when he himself, in a communication to the American
Senate, was laying it down for the adoption of all the American
nations in a general congress of their deputies. The circumstances
of the communication render it incredible that Mr. Adams could be
deceived in his understanding; and, according to him, this "Monroe
doctrine" (according to which it has been of late believed that the
United States were to stand guard over the two Americas, and repulse
all intrusive colonists from their shores), was entirely confined to
our own borders: that it was only proposed to get the other states
of the New World to agree that, each for itself, and by its own
means, should guard its own territories: and, consequently, that
the United States, so far from extending gratuitous protection to
the territories of other states, would neither give, nor receive,
aid in any such enterprise, but that each should use its own
means, within its own borders, for its own exemption from European
colonial intrusion. 5. A fifth object proposed by Mr. Adams, in
which he supposed our participation in the business of the Panama
congress might be rightfully and beneficially admitted, related to
the advancement of religious liberty: and as this was a point at
which the message encountered much censure, I will give it in its
own words. They are these "There is yet another subject upon which,
with out entering into any treaty, the moral influence of the United
States may, perhaps, be exerted with beneficial influence at such
meeting--the advancement of religious liberty. Some of the southern
nations are, even yet, so far under the dominion of prejudice, that
they have incorporated, with their political constitutions, an
exclusive Church, without toleration of any other than the dominant
sect. The abandonment of this last badge of religious bigotry and
oppression, may be pressed more effectually by the united exertions
of those who concur in the principles of freedom of conscience, upon
those who are yet to be convinced of their justice and wisdom, than
by the solitary efforts of a minister to any one of their separate
governments." 6. The sixth and last object named by Mr. Adams was,
to give proofs of our good will to all the new southern republics,
by accepting their invitation to join them in the congress which
they proposed of American nations. The President enumerated no
others of the objects to which the discussions of the congress
might be directed; but in the papers which he communicated with the
invitations he had received, many others were mentioned, one of
which was, "the basis on which the relations with Haiti should be
placed;" and the other, "to consider and settle the future relations
with Cuba and Porto Rico."
The message was referred to the Senate's Committee on Foreign
Affairs, consisting of Mr. Macon, Mr. Tazewell, and Mr. Gaillard
of South Carolina, Mr. Mills of Massachusetts, and Mr. Hugh L.
White of Tennessee. The committee reported adversely to the
President's recommendation, and replied to the message, point by
point. It is an elaborate document, of great ability and research,
and well expressed the democratic doctrines of that day. It was
presented by Mr. Macon, the chairman of the committee, and was
drawn, by Mr. Tazewell, and was the report of which Mr. Macon, when
complimented upon it, was accustomed to answer, "Yes: it is a
good report. Tazewell wrote it." But it was his also; for no power
could have made him present it, without declaring the fact, if he
had not approved it. The general principle of the report was that
of good will and friendship to all the young republics, and the
cultivation of social, commercial and political relations with each
one individually; but no entangling connection, and no internal
interference with any one. On the suggestion of advancing religious
freedom, the committee remark:
"In the opinion of this committee, there is no proposition,
concerning which the people of the United States are now and
ever have been more unanimous, than that which denies, not
merely the expediency, but the right of intermeddling with the
internal affairs of other states; and especially of seeking to
alter any provision they may have thought proper to adopt as a
fundamental law, or may have incorporated with their political
constitutions. And if there be any such subject more sacred
and delicate than another, as to which the United States ought
never to intermeddle, even by obtrusive advice, it is that which
concerns religious liberty. The most cruel and devastating
wars have been produced by such interferences; the blood of
man has been poured out in torrents; and, from the days of the
crusades to the present hour, no benefit has resulted to the
human family, from discussions carried on by nations upon such
subjects. Among the variety even of Christian nations which now
inhabit the earth, rare indeed are the examples to be found
of states who have not established an exclusive church; and
to far the greater number of these toleration is yet unknown.
In none of the communications which have taken place, is the
most distant allusion made to this delicate subject, by any
of the ministers who have given this invitation; and the
committee feel very confident in the opinion, that, if ever an
intimation shall be made to the sovereignties they represent,
that it was the purpose of the United States to discuss at the
proposed congress, their plans of internal civil polity, or
any thing touching the supposed interests of their religious
establishments, the invitation given would soon be withdrawn."
On the subject of the "Monroe doctrine," the report shows that,
one of the new republics (Colombia) proposed that this doctrine
should be enforced "by the joint and united efforts of all the
states to be represented in the congress, who should be bound by
a solemn convention to secure this end. It was in answer to this
proposition that the President in his message showed the extent
of that doctrine to be limited to our own territories, and that
all that we could do, would be to enter into agreement that each
should guard, by its own means, against the establishment of any
foreign colony within its borders. Even such an agreement the
committee deemed unadvisable, and that there was no more reason
for making it a treaty stipulation than there was for reducing to
such stipulations any other of the "high, just, and universally
admitted rights of all nations." The favorable commercial treaties
which the President expected to obtain, the committee believed
would be more readily obtained from each nation separately (in
which opinion their foresight has been justified by the event);
and that each treaty would be the more easily kept in proportion
to the smaller number of parties to it. The ameliorations of the
laws of nations which the President proposed, in the adoption of
principles of maritime neutrality, and that free ships should make
free goods, and the restriction of paper blockades, were deemed by
the committee objects beyond the enforcement of the American states
alone; and the enforcement of which, if agreed to, might bring
the chief burthen of enforcement upon the United States; and the
committee doubted the policy of undertaking, by negotiation with
these nations, to settle abstract propositions, as parts of public
law. On the subject of Cuba and Porto Rico, the report declared that
the United States could never regard with indifference their actual
condition, or future destiny;--but deprecated any joint action in
relation to them, or any action to which they themselves were not
parties; and it totally discountenanced any joint discussion or
action in relation to the future of Haïti. To the whole of the new
republics, the report expressed the belief that, the retention of
our present unconnected and friendly position towards them, would be
most for their own benefit, and enable the United States to act most
effectually for them in the case of needing our good offices. It
said:
"While the United States retain the position which they have
hitherto occupied, and manifest a constant determination not
to mingle their interests with those of the other states of
America, they may continue to employ the influence which they
possess, and have already happily exerted, with the nations of
Europe, in favor of these new republics. But, if ever the United
States permit themselves to be associated with these nations in
any general congress, assembled for the discussion of common
plans, in the way affecting European interests, they will,
by such an act, not only deprive themselves of the ability
they now possess, of rendering useful assistance to the other
American states, but also produce other effects, prejudicial
to their own interests. Then, the powers of Europe, who have
hitherto confided in the sagacity, vigilance, and impartiality
of the United States, to watch, detect, announce, and restrain
any disposition that the heat of the existing contest might
excite in the new states of America, to extend their empires
beyond their own limits, and who have, therefore, considered
their possessions and commerce in America safe, while so
guarded, would no longer feel this confidence."
The advantage of pursuing our old policy, and maintaining friendly
relations with all powers, "entangling alliances with none," was
forcibly presented in a brief and striking paragraph:
"And the United States, who have grown up in happiness, to
their present prosperity, by a strict observance of their old
well-known course of policy, and by manifesting entire good
will and most profound respect for all other nations, must
prepare to embark their future destinies upon an unknown and
turbulent ocean, directed by little experience, and destined for
no certain haven. In such a voyage the dissimilitude existing
between themselves and their associates, in interest, character,
language, religion, manners, customs, habits, laws, and almost
every other particular: and the rivalship these discrepancies
must surely produce amongst them, would generate discords,
which, if they did not destroy all hope of its successful
termination, would make even success itself the ultimate cause
of new and direful conflicts between themselves. Such has been
the issue of all such enterprises in past time; and we have
therefore strong reasons to expect in the future, similar
results from similar causes."
The committee dissented from the President on the point of his right
to institute the mission without the previous advice and consent of
the Senate. The President averred his right to do so: but deemed it
advisable, under all the circumstances, to waive the right, and ask
the advice. The committee averred the right of the Senate to decide
directly upon the expedience of this _new mission_; grounding the
right upon its originality, and holding that when a _new mission_ is
to be instituted it is the creation of an office, not the filling
of a vacancy; and that the Senate have a right to decide upon the
expediency of the _office itself_.
I spoke myself on this question, and to all the points which it
presented, and on the subject of relations with Haiti (on which a
uniform rule was to be determined on, or a rule with modifications,
according to the proposition of Colombia) I held that our policy was
fixed, and could be neither altered, nor discussed in any foreign
assembly; and especially in the one proposed; all the other parties
to which had already placed the two races (black and white) on the
basis of political equality. I said:
"Our policy towards Haïti, the old San Domingo, has been fixed
for three and thirty years. We trade with her, but no diplomatic
relations have been established between us. We purchase coffee
from her, and pay her for it; but we interchange no consuls or
ministers. We receive no mulatto consuls, or black ambassadors
from her. And why? Because the peace of eleven States in
this Union will not permit the fruits of a successful negro
insurrection to be exhibited among them. It will not permit
black consuls and ambassadors to establish themselves in our
cities, and to parade through our country, and give to their
fellow blacks in the United States, proof in hand of the
honors which await them, for a like successful effort on their
part. It will not permit the fact to be seen, and told, that
for the murder of their masters and mistresses, they are to
find _friends_ among the white people of these United States.
No, this is a question which has been _determined_ HERE for
three and thirty years; one which has never been open for
discussion, at home or abroad, neither under the Presidency of
Gen. Washington, of the first Mr. Adams, of Mr. Jefferson, Mr.
Madison, or Mr. Monroe. It is one which cannot be discussed
in _this_ chamber on _this_ day; and shall we go to Panama to
discuss it? I take it in the mildest supposed character of this
Congress--shall we go there to _advise_ and _consult_ in council
about it? Who are to advise and sit in judgment upon it? Five
nations who have already put the black man upon an equality with
the white, not only in their constitutions but in real life:
five nations who have at this moment (at least some of them)
black generals in their armies and mulatto senators in their
congresses!"
No question, in its day, excited more heat and intemperate
discussion, or more feeling between a President and Senate, than
this proposed mission to the congress of American nations at Panama;
and no heated question ever cooled off, and died out so suddenly
and completely. And now the chief benefit to be derived from its
retrospect--and that indeed is a real one--is a view of the firmness
with which was then maintained by a minority, the old policy of the
United States, to avoid entangling alliances and interference with
the affairs of other nations;--and the exposition of the Monroe
doctrine, from one so competent to give it as Mr. Adams.