COMMENCEMENT OF MR. ADAMS'S ADMINISTRATION.
On the 4th of March he delivered his inaugural address, and took the
oath of office. That address--the main feature of the inauguration
of every President, as giving the outline of the policy of his
administration--furnished a topic against Mr. Adams, and went
to the reconstruction of parties on the old line of strict, or
latitudinous, construction of the constitution. It was the topic of
internal national improvement by the federal government. The address
extolled the value of such works, considered the constitutional
objection as yielding to the force of argument, expressed the hope
that every speculative (constitutional) scruple would be solved in a
practical blessing; and declared the belief that, in the execution
of such works posterity would derive a fervent gratitude to the
founders of our Union, and most deeply feel and acknowledge the
beneficent action of our government. The declaration of principles
which would give so much power to the government; and the danger of
which had just been so fully set forth by Mr. Monroe in his veto
message on the Cumberland road bill, alarmed the old republicans,
and gave a new ground of opposition to Mr. Adams's administration,
in addition to the strong one growing out of the election in the
House of Representatives, in which the fundamental principle of
representative government had been disregarded. This new ground of
opposition was greatly strengthened at the delivery of the first
annual message, in which the topic of internal improvement was again
largely enforced, other subjects recommended which would require
a liberal use of constructive powers, and Congress informed that
the President had accepted an invitation from the American States
of Spanish origin, to send ministers to their proposed Congress on
the Isthmus of Panama. It was, therefore, clear from the beginning
that the new administration was to have a settled and strong
opposition, and that founded in principles of government--the same
principles, under different forms, which had discriminated parties
at the commencement of the federal government. Men of the old
school--survivors of the contest of the Adams and Jefferson times,
with some exceptions, divided accordingly--the federalists going for
Mr. Adams, the republicans against him, with the mass of the younger
generation.
In the Senate a decided majority was against him, comprehending (not
to speak of younger men afterwards become eminent,) Mr. Macon of
North Carolina, Mr. Tazewell of Virginia, Mr. Van Buren of New-York,
General Samuel Smith of Maryland, Mr. Gaillard of South Carolina
(the long-continued temporary President of the Senate), Dickerson of
New Jersey, Governor Edward Lloyd of Maryland, Rowan of Kentucky,
and Findlay of Pennsylvania. In the House of Representatives there
was a strong minority opposed to the new President, destined to
be increased at the first election to a decided majority: so that
no President could have commenced his administration under more
unfavorable auspices, or with less expectation of a popular career.
The cabinet was composed of able and experienced men--Mr. Clay,
Secretary of State; Mr. Richard Rush, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of
the Treasury, recalled from the London mission for that purpose;
Mr. James Barbour, of Virginia, Secretary at War; Mr. Samuel L.
Southard, of New Jersey, Secretary of the Navy under Mr. Monroe,
continued in that place; the same of Mr. John McLean, of Ohio,
Postmaster General, and of Mr. Wirt, Attorney General--both
occupying the same places respectively under Mr. Monroe, and
continued by his successor. The place of Secretary of the Treasury
was offered by Mr. Adams to Mr. William H. Crawford, and declined by
him--an offer which deserves to be commemorated to show how little
there was of personal feeling between these two eminent citizens,
who had just been rival candidates for the Presidency of the United
States. If Mr. Crawford had accepted the Treasury department, the
administration of Mr. John Quincy Adams would have been entirely
composed of the same individuals which composed that of Mr. Monroe,
with the exception of the two (himself and Mr. Calhoun) elected
President and Vice-President;--a fact which ought to have been known
to Mons. de Tocqueville, when he wrote, that "Mr. Quincy Adams, on
his entry into office, discharged the majority of the individuals
who had been appointed by his predecessor."
There was opposition in the Senate to the confirmation of Mr. Clay's
nomination to the State department, growing out of his support of
Mr. Adams in the election of the House of Representatives, and
acceptance of office from him; but overruled by a majority of two
to one. The affirmative votes were Messrs. Barton and Benton of
Missouri; Mr. Bell of New Hampshire; Messrs. Bouligny and Josiah F.
Johnston of Louisiana; Messrs. Chandler and Holmes of Maine; Messrs.
Chase and Seymour of Vermont; Messrs. Thomas Clayton and Van Dyke
of Delaware; Messrs. DeWolf and Knight of Rhode Island; Mr. Mahlon
Dickerson of New Jersey; Mr. Henry W. Edwards of Connecticut; Mr.
Gaillard of South Carolina; Messrs. Harrison (the General) and
Ruggles of Ohio; Mr. Hendrics of Indiana; Mr. Elias Kent Kane of
Illinois; Mr. William R. King of Alabama; Messrs. Edward Lloyd and
General Samuel Smith from Maryland; Messrs. James Lloyd and Elijah
H. Mills from Massachusetts; Mr. John Rowan of Kentucky; Mr. Van
Buren of New-York--27. The negatives were: Messrs. Berrien and Thos.
W. Cobb of Georgia; Messrs. Branch and Macon of North Carolina;
Messrs. Jackson (the General) and Eaton of Tennessee; Messrs.
Findlay and Marks of Pennsylvania; Mr. Hayne of South Carolina;
Messrs. David Holmes and Thomas A. Williams of Mississippi; Mr.
McIlvaine of New Jersey; Messrs. Littleton W. Tazewell and John
Randolph of Virginia; Mr. Jesse B. Thomas of Illinois. Seven
senators were absent, one of whom (Mr. Noble of Indiana) declared he
should have voted for the confirmation of Mr. Clay, if he had been
present; and of those voting for him about the one half were his
political opponents.