On cooks, pots, and spoons

Cooking food-a practical experience that followed catching

prey-represents an important moment in human self-definition. As

a form of praxis, it parallels the experience of

self-constitution through language. It extends, as language does,

far beyond satisfying immediate needs, allowing for the

establishment of expectations above and beyond survival. Cooking

implies generality, but also integrates elements of

individuality. Some foods taste better, are more easily digested,

support specific practical experiences. For example, some foods

enhance prowess. When eaten before a hunt, they can trigger lust

for chasing the animal. Some foods stimulate sexual drive,

others induce states of hallucination. Cooking was, in many ways,

a journey from the known into the unknown. Together with the

sensorial experience, intellectual elements were involved in the

process. They are observations, of similarities and

dissimilarities of certain procedures, of substances used, of

the influence of weather, season, tools, etc.; simple

inferences, discoveries-the effect of fire, salt, spices. The

experience of preparing food, together with many other practical

experiences on which it depends or which are connected to it,

opens avenues of abstraction. Cooking improves the quality of

individual life, and thus empowers members of a community to

better adapt to pragmatic expectations.

The constitution of the notion of food quality, as an abstraction

of taste, and crafting of tools appropriate to the activity, is

of special interest. An example: Pottery, in the natural context

where it was possible, became the medium for preserving and

cooking. In other contexts, carved stone, carved wood, woven

branches, or metal was used, for storing or for cooking,

according to the material. Progressively, tools for preparing

and tools for eating were crafted, and new eating habits were

acknowledged. When the multiple interdependency

food-container-cooking-preservation was internalized in the

activity of preparing food, a framework for new experiences was

established. Some of these experiences, such as how to handle

fire, transcend nourishment. The significance of this process

can be succinctly expressed: cooked food, which we need to

associate to the tools used, is food taken out of the context of

nature and introduced in the context of culture. The experience

of cooking involves other experiences and then expands into

other domains unrelated to nourishment. This experience requires

instruments for cooking, but even more an understanding of the

process involved, of the effects of combinations and additions,

and a strategy for delivery to those for whom cooking was

undertaken.

Satisfying hunger in the fight for survival is an individual

experience. Preparation of food requires time. In the experience

of achieving time awareness, cooking played a role not to be

ignored. If time can be used for different purposes by different

people, associated in view of shared goals, then some can tend

to the need of prepared food for others, while in turn partaking

in their effort of hunting, fishing, agriculture, and

craftsmanship. It was a simple strategy of labor assignments,

affected by tribal life, family, rituals, myth, and religion:

knowledge gained in preparing food disseminated without the need

for specialized activity. But once pragmatic circumstances of

life required it, some people assumed the function and thus,

once a critical mass of efficiency was reached, what we today

call the cook was identified. From the not-too- many written

recipes that come down to us through the centuries, as well as

from religious writings containing precise, pragmatically

motivated restrictions, we learn enough about the stabilizing

role of writing upon food preparation. We also gain

understanding of the new functions played by food preparation:

celebration of events, sacrifice to gods, expression of power.

People learn to cook and to eat at the same time. In this

process, they come to share values beyond the immediacy of

plants, fruits, and a piece of meat. Mediations pertinent to the

art of cooking and eating are also part of the language process

and become language. Culinary restrictions, such as those set

down in some religions, are but an example of this process. They

encode practical rules related to survival and well- being, but

also to some conventions beyond the physical reality of the food.

Language makes such rules the rules of the community; writing

preserves them as requirements and thus exercises an important

normative role.

Each pragmatic context determined what was acceptable as food and

the conditions of food preparation, henceforth the condition of

cooks and their particular role in social life. Many cooks,

serving at courts of royalty, in monasteries, in the military,

became the object of folk tales, fiction, of philosophers'

comments. No cook seems to have been highly educated, but all

their clients tried to impress through the food served and the

wines, or other drinks, accompanying them. In such circumstances,

the symbolic function of food indeed takes over the primary

function of satisfying hunger. Thus the cook, like the singer

and the dancer and the poet, contributes his part to what

becomes the art of living. It is probably worth pointing out that

memory devices similar to those used by poets and musicians are

used by cooks, and that improvisation in preparing a meal plays

an important part.

Writing entered the kitchen; and some of the last to resist

literacy, when it became a pragmatic requirement, were those who

cooked for others. Orality is more stubborn, for many reasons,

when it involves the secrecy of food preparation. There are

good reasons for this, some obvious even in our day of cracking

the most guarded secrets. Indeed, labor division does not stop

at the gates of factories. The segmentation of life and labor,

increased mediation, and expectations of high efficiency make

mass production possible. Almost everything people need to feed

themselves, in order to maintain their physical and mental

productive powers with a minimum of investment, is provided in

favor of productive cycles. In the pragmatic framework of the

industrial age, this meant the reproduction of the productive

forces of the worker in a context of permanency. The investment

in education and training was to be recuperated over a lifetime

of work. Nourishment contributed to the same pattern: the family

adapted to the rhythms of the practical experience of industry

related jobs.

At work, at home, in school, at church, and last but not least in

nourishment, acceptance of authority together with the

discipline of self-denial were at work. That literacy, through

its own structural characteristics (hierarchy, authority,

standardization) accentuated all these peculiarities should at

this time be evident. On special occasions, accounted for in the

overall efficiency of effort, nourishment became celebration. It

was integrated in the calendar of events through which authority

was acknowledged: Sabbath, religious holidays, and political

celebrations were motives for a better, or at least different,

menu. Other days were meant to raise the awareness of self-denial

(fish on Friday, for instance).

The cook did not necessarily become a literate person, but he or

she was a product of the literate environment of practical

experiences of pre-industrial and industrial societies. The

tools and the culture of spices, ingredients, matching food and

dishes, of expressing social status in the dinnerware set out,

and the meal, i.e., the structure of the entire statement which

a meal constitutes were all subjected to literacy. Labor

division made the cook necessary, while simultaneously

generating an industrial culture of food. In the equation of the

labor market in industrial society, with literacy as its

underlying structure, eating equals maintenance of productive

and reproductive power. It also means the reproduction of needs

at an increasing scale, as well as their change from needs to

desires triggering the expansion of industrial production.

In the expectations associated with food there is more than only

the voice of hunger. Our system of values, as it was articulated

in the literate use of language, is expressed in our hunger, and

in our particular ways to satisfy it. Based on this observation,

we acknowledge that all the forces at work in structuring

democratic social relations also affect the socialization of our

nourishment. Uniform quality, and access to this common

denominator quality, are introduced in the market, and with them

the possibility of stating and maintaining health standards.

Within the boundaries of the civilization of literacy and its

associated hygiene and health standards, there is little left

that can be identified with the country home that cannot be

industrialized and made uniformly available. Beyond these

boundaries starts a new reality of expectations, of transcended

needs, and of technological means to satisfy them within

standards of quality that reinforce the notion of democracy.

The Civilization of Illiteracy · 第 118 / 217 题