The language of the market

Language signs and other signs are mediating devices between the

object represented in the market and the interpretant-the human

beings constituting themselves in the process of interpretation,

including satisfaction of their needs and desires. No matter

what type of market we refer to, it is a place and time of

mediations. What defines each of the known markets (barter,

farmers' markets and fairs, highly regulated markets, so-called

free markets, underground markets) is the type of mediation more

than the merchandise or the production process. Of significance

is the dynamic structure involved. It is obvious that if

anything anticipated our current experience of the market, it

was the ritual.

Objects (things, money, ideas, process), the language used to

express the object, and the interpretation, leading or not to a

transaction, constitute the structural invariable in every type

of socio-economic environment. In the so-called free market

(more an abstraction than a reality) and in rigidly planned

economies, the relation among the three elements is the

variable, not the elements themselves. Interpretation in a given

context can be influenced in the way associations are made

between the merchandise and its representations.

The history of language is rich in testimony to commerce, from

the very simple to the very complex forms of the latter.

Language captures ownership characteristics, variations in

exchange rates, the ever-expanding horizon of life facilitated

through market transactions. It is within this framework that

written records appear, thus justifying the idea that, together

with practical experiences of human self-constitution, market

processes characteristic of a limited scale of exchange of values

are parents to notation, to writing and to literacy.

Expectations of efficiency are instantiated, within a given scale

of human activity, in market quantities and qualities. Nobody

really calculates whether rice production covers the needs of

humankind at any given instance, or if enough entertainment is

produced for the billions living on Earth today. The immense

complexity of the market machine is reflected in its dynamics,

which at a certain level of its evolution could no longer be

handled by, or made subject to the rules and expectations of

literacy. Market processes follow a pattern of self-organization

under the guise of many parameters, some of which we can

control, others that escape our direct influence upon them.

Languages of extreme specialization are part of market dynamics

in the sense that they offer practical contexts for new types of

transactions. Netconomy started as a buzzword, joining net,

network, and economy. In less than one year, the term was used

to describe a distributed commercial environment where extremely

efficient transactions make up an increasing part of the global

economy. But the consequences of the Netconomy are also local:

distribution channels can be eliminated, with the effect of

accelerating commercial cycles and lowering prices. Computers,

cars, software, and legal services are more frequently acquired

through the virtual shops of the Netconomy.

To see how the practical experience of the market freed itself

from language and literacy, let us now examine the market

process as semiosis in its various aspects. As already stated,

in trading products, people trade themselves. Various qualities

of the product (color, smell, texture, style, design, etc.), as

well as qualities of its presentation (advertising, packaging,

vicinity to other products, etc.), and associated characteristics

(prestige, ideology) are among the implicit components of this

trade. Sometimes the object per se-a new dress, a tool, wine, a

home-is less important than the image it projects. Secondary

functions, such as aesthetics, pleasure, conformity, override the

function of fulfilling needs. In market semiosis, desire proves

to be just as important, if not more so, than need. In a large

part of the world, self-constitution is no longer just a

question of survival, but also one of pleasure. The higher the

semiotic level of the market in a context of decadent plenty-the

number of sign systems involved, their extent and variety-the

more obvious the deviations from the rule of merely satisfying

needs.

Human activity that aims at maintaining life is very different

from the human activity that results in surplus and

availability for market transaction. In the first case, a

subsistence level is preserved; in the second, new levels of

self-constitution are made possible. Surplus and exchange,

initially made possible through the practical experience of

agriculture, constituted a scale of human activity that required

human constitution in signs, sign systems, and finally language.

Surplus can be used in many ways, for which sign and later

language differentiation became progressively necessary.

Rituals, adornment, war, religion, means of accumulation, and

means of persuasion are examples of differentiations. All these

uses pertained to settled patterns of human interaction and led

to products that were more than mere physical entities to be

consumed. To repeat, they were projections of individual

self-constitution.

Behind each product is a cycle of conception, manufacture, and

trade, and an attached understanding of utility and permanence.

With the advent of writing and reading, from its rudimentary

forms to the forms celebrated in literacy, and its

participation in the constitution of the market, the avenue was

opened towards using what was produced in surplus to cover the

need to maintain life, so that more surplus could be generated.

The market of merchandise, services, slaves, and ideas was

completed by the market of salaried workers, earning money for

their life's salt, as Roman soldiers did. These belong to the

category of human beings constituting themselves in the

pragmatic framework of an activity in which production (work) and

the means of production separated. The language through which

workers constituted themselves underwent a similar

differentiation. As work became more alienated from the product,

a language of the product also came into being.

The Civilization of Illiteracy · 第 61 / 217 题