Primitive orality and incipient writing

In addition to the general background of understanding, there are

many levels, represented by the clues present in speech or

writing, or in other forms of expression and communication. For

example, a question is identified by some vocal expression

accepted as interrogation. In writing, the question is denoted by

a particular sign, depending on the particular language. But

other clues, no less important, are more deeply seated. They

refer to such things as intention, who is talking-man, woman,

child, policeman, priest-the context of the talk,

hierarchies-social, sexual, moral-and many other clues. Much

extra-language background knowledge goes into human language and

directs understanding from experience to language use. Dialogue

is more than two persons throwing sentences at each other. It is

a pragmatic situation requiring as much language as

understanding of the context of the conversation because each

partner in the dialogue constitutes himself or herself for the

other. Dialogue is the elementary cell of communication

experience. Within dialogue, language is transcended by the many

other sign systems through which human self-constitution takes

place. Dialogues make it clear that understanding language

becomes a supra- (or para-) linguistic endeavor. It requires the

discovery of the clues, in and outside language, and of their

relationship. But more importantly, it requires the

reconstruction of experience as it is embodied in background

knowledge.

By contrasting primitive orality to incipient writing, we can

understand that the process of establishing conventions is

motivated by the need to overrule concreteness and to access a

new cognitive realm that a different pragmatic context

necessitates. By understanding how experience affects their

relation, we can consider orality and writing in successive

moments of human pragmatics, i.e., within a concrete scale of

humankind. Indeed, when writing emerged, elements of orality

corresponding to a reduced scale of experience were reproduced

in its structure because they were continued at the cognitive

level. In our days, there is a far less pressing need to mimic

orality in written signs. Some will argue that 4 Sale, 4-Runner,

While-U-Wait, and Toys 'R' Us, among other such expressions, are

examples to the contrary. These attempts to compress language

represent ways of establishing visual icons, of achieving a

synthetic level better adapted to fast exchange of information.

We see many more examples in interactive multimedia, or in the

heavy traffic of Internet-based communication. There is no

literacy involved here, and no literacy is expected in decoding

the message. There is a strong new orality, with characteristics

reminiscent of previous orality. But the dominant element is the

visual as it becomes a new icon. The international depiction of

a valentine-shaped heart to represent the word love is one

example in this sense; the icons used in Europe on clothing care

labels are others.

Time reference in texts today is made difficult by the nature of

processes characteristic of our age: numerous simultaneous

transactions, distributed activity, interconnection, rapid

change of rules. These cannot be appropriately expressed in a

written text. In the global world, Now means quite a different

thing for individuals connected over many time zones. Sunrise

experienced on the Web page of the city of Santa Monica can be

immediately associated to poetic text through a link. But the

implicit experience of time (and space) carried by language and

made instrumental in literacy does not automatically refresh

itself.

It took thousands of years before humans became acquainted with

the conventions of writing. It is possible that some of these

conventions were assimilated in the hardware (brain) supporting

cognitive activity and progressively projected in new forms of

self-constitution. The practice of writing and the awareness of

the avenues it opened led to new conventions. Practical

endeavors, originating in the conventions of space and time,

implicit in the written (and the subsequent reading), resulted in

changed conventions. For instance, the discovery that time and

space could be fragmented, a major realization probably not

possible in the culture of orality, resulted in new practical

experiences and new theories of space and time.

Once writing became a practical experience and constituted a

legitimate reality, at a level of generality characteristic of

its difference from gestures, sounds, uttered words or

sentences, associations became possible at several levels of the

text. Some were so unexpected or unusual that understanding such

associations turned into a real challenge for the reader. This

challenge regarding understanding is obviously characteristic of

new levels, such as the self-referential, omnipresent in the

wired world of home pages. In some ways, language is becoming a

medium for witnessing the relation between the conscious,

unconscious, or subconscious, and language itself. The brain

surgery mentioned some pages ago suppressed the patient's

conscious recognition of objects or actions by inhibiting

certain neurons.

The unnatural, nonlinguistic use of language is studied by

psychologists, cognitive scientists, and artificial intelligence

researchers in order to understand the relation between language

and intelligence. This need to touch upon the biological aspects

of the practical experiences of speaking, writing, or reading

results from the premise pursued. Self-constitution of the human

being takes place while the biological endowment is projected

into the experience. Important work on what are called split-

brain patients-persons who, in order to suppress epileptic

attack, have had the connection between the two brain

hemispheres severed-shows that even the neat distinction

left-right (the left part of the brain is in charge of language)

is problematic. Researchers learned that in each practical

experience, our biological endowment is at work and at the same

time subject to self-reflection. Projecting a word like laugh in

the right field of vision results in the patients' laughing,

although in principle they could not have processed the word.

When asked, such patients explain their laughter through

unrelated causes. If a text says "Scratch yourself," they

actually scratch themselves, stating that it is because

something itches. Virtual reality practical experiences take full

advantage of these and other clinical observations. The absent

in a virtual reality environment is very often as important as

the present. On the back channels of virtual reality

interactions, not only words but also data describing human

reactions (turning one's head, closing the eyes, gesturing with

the hand) can be transmitted. Once fed back, such data becomes

part of the virtual world, adapted to the condition of the

person experiencing it. This is why interest in cognitive

characteristics of oral communication-of the primitive stages or

of the present-remains important.

Background information is more readily available in oral

communication. In orality, things people refer to are closer to

the words they use. Human co-presence in conversation results in

the possibility to read and translate the word under the guise of

a willingness by others to show what a particular word stands

for. In orality, the experience pertinent to the word is shared

in its entirety. This is possible because the appropriate world

of experience (corresponding to the circular scale of human

praxis) is so limited that the language is in a one-to-one

relation with what it describes. In some ways, the parent-child

relation is representative of this stage in the childhood of

humankind.

In the new orality of the civilization of illiteracy the same

one-to-one relation is established through strategies of

segmentation. The speaker and listener(s) share space and

time-and hence past, present, and, to a certain degree, future.

And even if the subject is not related to that particular space

and moment, it already sets a reference mechanism in place by

virtue of the fact that people in dialogue are people sharing a

similar experience of self-constitution. Far is far from where

they speak; a long time ago is a long time ago from the moment

of the verbal exchange. The acquisition of far, long (or short)

time ago is in itself the result of practical circumstances

leading to a more evolved being. We now take these distinctions

for granted, surprised when children ask for tighter qualifiers,

or when computer programs fail because we input information with

insufficient levels of distinction.

The realization of the frame of time and space occurred quite

late in the development of the species, within the scale of

linear relationships, and only as a result of repeated practical

experiences, of sequences constituting patterns. Once the

reference mechanism for both time and space was acknowledged and

integrated in new experiences, it became so powerful that it

allowed people to simplify their language and to assume much

more than what was actually said. In today's world, space and

time are constituted in experiences affected by the experience of

relativity. Accordingly, the orality of the civilization of

illiteracy is not a return to primitive orality, but to a

referential structure that helps us better cope with dynamism.

The space and time of virtual experiences are an example of

effective freedom from language, but not from the experiences

through which we acquired our understanding of time and space.

Computers able to perform in the space of human assumptions are

not yet on the horizon of current technological possibilities.

The Civilization of Illiteracy · 第 31 / 217 题