Scale and threshold

Already mentioned in previous pages, the concept of scale is an

important parameter in human development. At this point, it is

useful to elaborate on the notion since I consider scale to be

critical in explaining major transitions in human pragmatics.

The progression from pre-word to notation, and in our days from

literacy to illiteracy is paralleled by the progression of

scale. Numbers as such-how many people in a given area, how many

people interacting in a particular practical experience, the

longevity of people under given circumstances, the mortality

rate, family size-are almost meaningless. Only when relations

among numbers and circumstances can be established is some

meaningful inference possible. Scale is the expression of

relations.

A crude scale of life and death is remote from underlying

adaptive strategies as these are embodied in practical

experiences of self-constitution. Knowledge regarding biological

mechanisms, such as knowledge of health or disease, supports

efforts to derive models for various circumstances of life, as

humans project their biological reality into the reality of

interactions with the outside world. We know, for instance, that

when the scale of human activity progressed to include

domesticated animals, some animal diseases affecting human life

and work were transmitted to humans. Domestication of animals, a

very early practical experience, brought humans closer to them

for longer times, thus facilitating what is called a change of

host for agents of such diseases. The common cold seems to have

been acquired from horses, influenza from pigs, smallpox from

cattle. We also know that over time, infectious diseases affect

populations that are both relatively large and stationary. The

examples usually given are yellow fever or malaria and measles

(the latter probably also transported from swine, where the

disease is caused by the larva of the tapeworm from which the

word measles is derived). Sometimes the inference is made from

information on groups that until recently were, or still are,

involved in practical experiences similar to those of remote

stages in human history, as are the tribes of the Amazon rain

forest. Isolated hunter- gatherers and populations that still

forage (the !Kung San, Hadza, Pygmies) replay adaptive

strategies that otherwise would be beyond our understanding.

Statistical data derived from observations help improve models

based only on our knowledge about biological mechanisms.

The notion of scale involves these considerations insofar as it

tells us that life expectancy in different pragmatic frameworks

varies drastically. The less than 30-year life expectancy

(associated with high infant mortality, diseases, and dangers in

the natural environment) explains the relatively stationary

population of hunter-gatherers. Orders of magnitude of 20 years

higher were achieved in what are called settled modes of life

existing before the rise of cities (occurring at different times

in Asia Minor, North Africa, the Far East, South America, and

Europe). The praxis of agriculture resulted in diversified

resources and is connected to the dynamics of a lower death rate,

a higher birth rate, and changes in anatomy (e.g., increased

height).

The hypotheses advanced by modern researchers of ancestral

language families concerning the relation between their

diffusion over large territories and the expanding agricultural

populations is of special interest here. The so-called Neolithic

Revolution brought about food production in some communities of

people as opposed to reliance on searching, finding, catching or

trapping (as with foragers and hunters). As conditions favored

an increase in population, the nature of the relations among

individuals and groups of individuals changed due to force of

number. Groups broke away from the main tribe in order to

acquire a living environment with less competition for resources.

Alternatively, pragmatic requirements led to situations in which

the number of people in a given area increased. With this

increase, the nature of their relations became more complex.

What is of interest here is the direction of change and the

interplay of the many variables involved in it. Definitely, one

wants to know how scale and changes in practical experiences are

related. Does a discovery or invention predate a change in

scale, or is the new scale a result of it or of several related

phenomena? Polygenetic explanations point to the many variables

that affect developments as complex as those leading to

discoveries of human practical experiences that result in

increased populations and diversified pragmatic interactions.

The major families of languages are associated, as

archaeological and linguistic data prove, with places where the

new pragmatic context of agriculture was established. One well

documented example is that of two areas in China: the Yellow

River Basin, where foxtail millet is documented, and the Yangtzi

River Basin, where rice was domesticated. The Austronesian

languages spread from these areas over thousands of miles

beyond. We have here an interesting correlation, even if only

summarily illustrated, between the nature of human experience,

the scale that makes it possible, and the spread of language.

Similar research bears evidence from the area called New Guinea,

where cultivation of taro tubers is identified with speakers of

the Papuan languages, covering large areas of territory as they

searched for suitable land and encountered the opposition of

foragers.

Natural abilities (such as yelling, throwing, running, plucking,

breaking, bending) dominated a humankind constituted in groups

and communities of reduced scale. Abilities other than natural,

such as planting, cooking, herding, singing, and using tools,

emerge consciously, in knowledge of the cause, when the change of

scale in population and effort required efficiency levels

relative to the community, impossible to achieve at the natural

level. Such abilities developed very quickly. They led to the

diversified means generated in practical experiences involving

elements of planning (as rudimentary as it was at its

beginning), reductionist strategies of survival and well-being

(break a bigger problem into smaller parts, what will become the

divide-and-conquer strategy), and coalition building. These

involved acts of substitution, insertion, and omission, and

continued with combinations of these at progressively higher

levels. At a certain scale of human activity, the experience of

work and the cognitive experience of storing information

pertinent to work differentiated.

Do structural changes bring about a new scale, or does scale

effect structural changes? The process is complex in the sense

that the underlying structure of human activity is adapted to

exigencies of survival fine tuned to the many factors influencing

both individual and communal experiences. That scale and

underlying structure are not independent results from the fact

that possibilities as well as needs are reflected in scale. More

individuals, with complementary skills, have a better chance to

succeed in practical endeavors of increased complexity. Their

needs increase, too, since these individuals bring into the

experience not only their person, but also commitments outside

the experience. The underlying structure embodies elements

characteristic of the human endowment-itself bound to change as

the individual is challenged by new circumstances of life-and

elements characteristic of the nature of human relations,

affecting and being affected by scale. Dynamic tensions between

scale and the elements defining the underlying structure lead to

changes in the pragmatic framework. Language development is just

one example of such changes. Articulated speech emerged in the

context of initial agricultural praxis as an extension of

communication means used in hunting and food gathering. Notation

and more advanced tools emerged at a later juncture. Crafts

resulted from practical experiences made possible by such tools

as work started to become specialized. Writing was made possible

by the cognitive experiences of notation and reading (no matter

how primitive the reading was). Writing emerged as practical

human constitution extended to trade, to beyond the

here-and-now and beyond co-presence. The underlying structure of

literacy was well suited to the sequentiality characteristic of

practical experiences, expression of dependencies, and

deterministic processes.

As already stated, successive forms of communication came about

when the scale of interaction among humans expanded from one to

several to many. Literacy corresponded to a qualitatively

different moment. If language can be associated with the human

scale characteristic of the transition from hunting and foraging

for food to producing it by means of agriculture, literacy can

be associated with the next level of human

interconditioning-production of means of production. One can use

here the metaphor of critical mass or threshold, not to

overwrite scale, but to define a value, a level of complexity,

or a new attractor (as this is called in chaos theory). Critical

mass defines a lower threshold-until this value, interaction was

still optimally carried out by means such as referential signs,

representations based on likeness, or by speech. At the lower

threshold, individuals and the groups they belong to can still

identify themselves coherently. But a certain instability is

noticeable: the same signs do not express similar or equivalent

experiences. In this respect, critical mass refers to number or

amount (of people, resources they share, interactions they are

involved in, etc.) and to quality (differences in the result of

the effort of self-constitution). Former means are rendered

inadequate by practical experiences of a different nature. New

strategies for dealing with inadequacies result from the

experience itself, as the optimization of the sign systems

involved (signals, speech, notation, writing) result from the

same. Notation became necessary when the information to be

stored (inventories, myths, genealogies) became more than what

oral transmission could efficiently handle. Critical mass

explains why some cultures never developed literacy, as well as

why a dominant literacy proves inadequate in our days.

The Civilization of Illiteracy · 第 23 / 217 题