THE LAST DAYS OF CHARLES IX. THE CONSPIRACY OF THE POLITIQUES
The war in the south, during the months of these negotiations, had
gone on in its own course almost unhindered by the government. Many of
the men of service had gone with Anjou into Poland and many others,
especially the Swiss, were licensed. In consequence the Huguenots
made themselves masters of the Rhone, even seizing Avignon, to the
great anger of the Pope, who refused to receive Paul de Foix as French
ambassador to Rome on the double ground that he was of the Huguenot
persuasion and because the French King would not give safe-conduct
to troops from Italy to go to Avignon for the purpose of recovering
it.[1603] After the departure of his brother for Poland, Charles IX
weakly took up the Protestant issue again, and he and his mother spent
three days at Chantilly with Montmorency in consideration of the course
to follow.[1604] Deputations from various provinces came to the King to
petition immediate reduction of the taxes on account of the exhausted
state of the country, but there was a unanimous wish against calling
another session of the estates on account of the expense.[1605] As an
earnest of the King’s good intentions, the prince of Condé was made
governor of Picardy, an office made vacant by the timely decease of the
duke of Longueville, the prince, to the chagrin of the duke of Nevers
who was an aspirant for the post, having recovered from the smallpox,
with which the duke of Alençon also fell ill.[1606] The King had
planned to convene deputies of the Huguenots of Languedoc and Dauphiné
at least at Compiègne, but fell ill of smallpox[1607] and the project
came to an end.[1608] To add to embarrassments Paris and Rouen, where
the populace were of the opposing religions, entered into war for the
restraint of foodstuffs, Paris stopping all wine passing down the
Seine and Rouen in turn preventing corn from passing up the river to
Paris.[1609] The economic condition of the country gave the government
great concern. Hard times and high prices still prevailed and the
measures of the government only irritated things the more, though some
of them were wisely meant. For example, in February, 1574, an edict of
the King forbade the circulation of all foreign silver coin, as well
as that which was mutilated or debased. When the merchants of Troyes
learned of this condemnation of all foreign or cut coin, they sent a
deputation to remonstrate with the King, saying that their town and the
county of Champagne as well as all Lorraine and Burgundy abounded with
this money and no other; and it was not possible to exclude these coins
from the country without entailing ruin, if the edict were enforced.
They further urged that the edict would act as a serious bar to traffic
across the frontier. But the King refused to rescind the ordinance.
In consequence, those familiar with money palmed off the forbidden
currency upon the simpler folk, who found to their dismay that they had
been cheated, when the King’s officers refused to accept these coins in
payment of taxes. Nevertheless, in the long run, the action raised the
standard of coin in France.[1610] Less wise action was the new sale of
offices—those of the _procureurs du roi_—and it was even suggested
that the office of advocate be made a salable one, but fortunately for
the administration of justice, this was not done.[1611]
Popular suspicion was also attached to an ordinance commanding the
governors of the provinces, through the bailiffs and seneschals, to
take a census in their localities, giving the name, surname, and
employment of all men between the ages of twenty-one and sixty. It
was beyond the imagination of the people to know the reason of this
action, or to divine what the King meant to do. Some thought that the
crown was going to establish a local constabulary for the arrest of the
numerous robbers and vagabonds, who, under the guise of war, looted
and pillaged the country, and that men would be chosen in each parish
like the francs-archers of the days of Louis XII and Francis I. Others
thought that the King merely wanted to raise a new army to send into
Languedoc where the Huguenots and the Politiques were now making common
cause together. Others still thought that the device was one for taxing
purposes.[1612]
Worst of all, however, was an event that happened late in December,
1573, which threatened to make the war general again. This event was
the discovery of a plot to overthrow the Protestants in La Rochelle.
The King seems to have been innocent of the project, and repudiated
the government’s part in it. The author of the plot was La Haye, the
president of Poitiers, who ingratiated himself with the people of
the town and managed to secure some of his accomplices positions in
the guard. The gate of the city was to be treacherously opened to a
strong force secretly brought up under cover of darkness on the night
of December 15. But on the day before, one of the company betrayed
the plan to the authorities of the city.[1613] Tremendous indignation
prevailed in Huguenot circles as a result of this disclosure. English
merchants in Rouen, Dieppe, and the Norman ports for a time apprehended
local massacres, for Montgomery was known to be in England.[1614]
In the provinces, from day to day, news came of the doings of the
Huguenots. La Noue was in Lusignan; there were Huguenot movements in
Poitou, Limousin, and Guyenne;[1615] again it was word from Sedan, the
seat of the duke of Bouillon, that there was a suspicious rendezvous
of Huguenots there; another time that there were 500 Protestant horse
and 1,200 footmen assembled at St. Lô.[1616] The government was under
apprehension lest suddenly, either at home some danger might assail
France, or that abroad, by the actions of Germany and England, material
assistance might be given to the Huguenots to carry their designs into
effect, for the waters of the Channel and the Bay of Biscay swarmed
with privateers.[1617] On February 25 the Reformed party issued a
famous declaration “printed at Rochelle in diverse languages that
the truth of our cause and purpose may be known to all Christians.”
Finally, news of real material importance came that Montgomery, whom
Guitery had joined, had landed near Coutances and marched to Carentan,
which surrendered within two days. Since then Montgomery had taken
various forts and castles, among them Argentan, and ten pieces of
artillery.[1618] Charles IX immediately commissioned the sieur de
Torcy, lieutenant-general in the government of the Ile-de-France and
the viscount of Turenne to treat with him, making promise of favor and
protection if he would lay down his arms. But Montgomery replied that
the memory of St. Bartholomew was too fresh for him to do so; and for
that matter he would have to refer the King’s terms to the body of the
Reformed, of which he was only a member.[1619]
The Huguenots possessed a hierarchy of religious assemblies which
served to unite their forces, through consistories, colloquies, and
provincial synods, into a national body. Yet there was not an absolute
uniformity in this organization. In the north of France each town
maintained its own particular administration, separate and distinct.
La Rochelle is a type of this kind and was fiercely jealous of its
“franchises and liberties” after the manner of the German cities.[1620]
In the south, however, these local governments fused to form the
great association, which rendered possible the creation of a genuine
Huguenot political state. This development was materially aided by the
Politiques. For one of the results of the massacre of St. Bartholomew
was the crystallization of the liberal Catholic element represented
by the marshal Montmorency and his brother, Damville, into a real
political party. It was composed of a group of young nobles, ambitious
and ill satisfied, with whom politics was of more importance than
religion, and who were hostile to the queen mother and to the Guises.
Among them were the duke of Alençon, who perhaps dreamed of succeeding
his brother, when Henry of Anjou was far away in Poland, for Charles
IX’s days were evidently numbered; the young princes of Navarre and
Condé, who had been driven to espouse Catholicism by terror, the
viscount of Turenne and the whole house of Montmorency. Even in the
camp before La Rochelle this faction of the Politiques laid its plots,
endeavoring to put the fleet under command of the duke of Alençon, and
probably upon the advice of the king of Navarre opened intercourse
with La Noue.[1621] La Noue was persuaded that much might be gained
by the fusion of the Huguenots and the Politiques. The significance of
this development must not pass unnoticed. The whole character of the
war was ultimately changed by it. La Noue first, and later Damville,
became the genius of this alliance. He negotiated with Damville, with
Alençon, with Henry of Navarre. He sent Du Plessis-Mornay to England.
But his greatest feat of diplomacy was the persuasion of the people of
La Rochelle to adopt the new course. It required all the eloquence, all
the charm, and all the strategy of a born leader of men to convince the
hot-headed and impetuous Rochellois, but he finally succeeded, and the
alliance was at last concluded between the Huguenots of religion and
the Huguenots of state, the connecting link being the new party of the
Politiques.[1622]
The Protestants and the Politiques speedily converted theories into
practice in the south of France, where their confederation spread over
all Languedoc and much of Guyenne. Two towns in each province were
appointed as “Confederate towns.” Special parlements pronounced upon
all law cases which arose between litigants of either group. Liberty of
worship was recognized as sacred right and this _de facto_ government
even undertook the trial and condemnation of the authors of the
massacre of 1572.
We get clear intimations of these new political ideas in the literature
of the time.
In the last days of Charles IX a political treatise appeared entitled
_Du droit des magistrats sur les sujets_, purporting to have been
published in Magdeburg, which advanced the thesis that the kingship,
although established by God, was a popular institution, and that, if
the king were unfaithful to his office, he could be set aside.[1623]
The _Franco-Gallia_ of Hotman proclaimed the sovereignty of the people
and the dependency of the crown upon its will. The same idea dominates
the _Junius Brutus_ of Hubert Languet. Popular sanction, he says,
alone makes the king; election is an inalienable right of the people to
whom the king is responsible. A pamphlet inspired by the Montmorencys
and called _La France-Turquie_ compared Charles IX to the Sultan and
accused him of endeavoring to reduce his subjects to eastern servility.
An incident that occurred at this time shows how far the idea of
limited monarchy obtained among the Huguenots. In the course of one
of the negotiations the prince of Condé was asked to sign a paper for
his party. His reply was that he and the king of Navarre “had no other
authority in that party than that which they had received with the
articles of their election,” which did not attribute a monarchical
power to them, the party being composed of a great number of the
nobility and the third estate, who had given power to them.[1624]
Yet there was not complete homogeneity in the new order of things. The
Politiques, except high nobles, and the rank and file of the Huguenots
represented liberal democratic ideas. But the nobles could not forget
their ancient lineage. The _assemblées de généralité_, created in
1573, included the chief members of the nobility, and although the
third estate occupied an important place in them, the generals were
all nobles.[1625] The nobility were not slow to resume their ancient
superiority owing to the influence of the king of Navarre, who was not
as pliable as the prince of Condé, particularly after the Huguenot
alliance with the Politiques.[1626]
An enormous amount of provincial spirit had been aroused during the
course of the wars. One of the speakers in the _Reveille-matin_ speaks
of the half-independence of Dauphiné, and points out the strong
tendency to re-establish the ancient provincial organization. This
theory of the Huguenots was in harmony with their constant assertion
that they were restorers of the past, not revolutionists. Feudal
traditions were too strong in France to be displaced by this new
change. While the bourgeoisie formed town groups, the Protestant
and Politique nobles appealed to the provincial spirit. By a species
of political atavism the régime of the Middle Ages began again to
prevail.[1627] Every captain considered himself a petty sovereign.
When the King ordered Montbrun to respect the majesty of the law, the
haughty rejoinder was that arms made men equal in the game of politics.
“In time of war when one carries a weapon in his hand and sits in the
saddle, the whole world is comrade.”
The government accordingly made renewed endeavors to carry on the war.
The provost of Paris was authorized on March 30 to make proclamation
that all vassals and others in Paris belonging to the ban and
arrière-ban, should assemble, fully equipped on April 15; all gendarmes
were ordered to repair to the governors and lieutenant-governors of
their several provinces, by April 20.[1628] Montpensier was sent into
Anjou with instructions to do nothing against La Noue, but to keep the
passages of the Loire and prevent him from joining with Montgomery. The
hope was yet to arrange terms with the Huguenots and for that reason
Strozzi, for whom La Noue had been exchanged after Moncontour, and
Pinart were sent to La Noue, bearing credentials from Henry of Navarre,
and Villeroy dispatched to Languedoc. Simultaneously emissaries were
also sent to Sedan, for fear lest the prince of Condé and the duke
of Bouillon might conspire with Louis of Nassau. East, west, south,
the clouds of war hung over France.[1629] In the court intrigue and
accusation were rife all this time. In February the duke of Guise
feigned, or believed, that he discovered a plot to assassinate him, of
which Montmorency was the author.[1630]
The absence of Henry of Anjou at this critical stage filled Catherine
with alarm, and strenuous efforts were made to bring about a
settlement. A secret agent of the queen mother named Pierre Brisson at
this time tried to bribe La Noue by the offer of 10,000 _écus de rente_
to retire to England. It must have been a great temptation, for already
the intrepid leader was ruined by the war; but his nature was too noble
to accept the terms. Charles IX for a season shook himself out of the
apathy of mortal illness, while the Huguenots and the Politiques bent
every endeavor to perfect their plans during the absence of the heir to
the throne in Poland. The scheme was to declare Henry of Anjou deprived
of his rights to the crown and to recognize the duke of Alençon as
heir-presumptive with the title of lieutenant-general of the kingdom.
Elizabeth of England[1631] and William of Orange were counted upon for
influence and assistance. With this purpose a conspiracy was set on
foot much like that attempted at Meaux in 1567. The duke of Alençon and
the king of Navarre were to make their escape from court and effect a
union with Guitery, chief of the confederates in Normandy. They were
then suddenly to seize St. Germain and carry off the King and queen
mother. The plot was that the king of Navarre, the duke of Alençon, and
some of their gentlemen should go forth from the court on the morning
of this day as if to hunt, and ride toward Mantes, which was a town in
the appanage of the duke, and garrisoned by a company of the marshal
Montmorency under the command of a brother of Du Plessis-Mornay. The
gate was to be opened upon their appearance.[1632] March 1, 1574,
was the day set for the enterprise, but there was a misunderstanding
between the leaders, and unfortunately, as in 1560, there were too many
informed of it. Catherine had vague information, and was on her guard.
But final failure was due to a false move of Guitery, who arrived upon
the scene a day ahead of the appointed time, and with insufficient
forces.
Success depended upon Guitery’s arriving at the hour of six on the
morning of March 1 with 300 gentlemen and some footmen, but on February
27 the wild rumor was spread that there were some 700 or 800 horsemen
of the religion seen within three leagues of St. Germain. Everybody
made ready for flight “removing of stuff as if they had fled before an
enemy.” In the morning the march was made in battle array to Paris,
Charles being so weak that he could scarcely ride his mule.[1633]
At Paris, fearful of going to the Louvre, the King lodged in the
house of De Retz in the Faubourg St. Honoré and then went to Bois
de Vincennes. Failing in his purpose Guitery sought to cross the
Seine at Mantes, probably with the intention of joining La Noue who,
having taken Lusignan and other towns in Poitou, as unsuccessfully
was endeavoring to cross the Loire to join Guitery.[1634] When the
first alarm was over, the King and queen mother tried to make light
of the episode. But it was a symptom the lesson of which could not be
mistaken. It is plain that Charles IX and his mother feared greatly
what Alençon might be planning, but he affirmed vigorously that he was
only trying to escape from court.[1635] When questioned, he disclaimed
any treasonable intent or purpose to disturb the kingdom, but admitted
his hatred for the court party and his sympathy for the Politiques. In
a long harangue the duke accused the King of undue favoritism of his
brother, the duke of Anjou. The ground of his reproaches seems to have
been pique because of the fact that, while in camp before La Rochelle,
affairs of importance were never discussed in his presence.
After the departure of the king of Poland, when he hoped to have more
insight into public affairs, he had not been admitted, nor was he able
to obtain the dignity and functions which had belonged to his brother.
And these facts had lowered his reputation in the court to such an
extent that the Guises not only desired to quarrel with him but were
continually laboring to effect that result.[1636]
Further, Alençon complained
that the king and his mother threw difficulties in the way of his
intentions in Flanders; and made use of such well-reasoned arguments
that it was clear the case that he put forward had been prepared by
persons possessing greater experience and knowledge than his capacity
could pretend to have. But he did not reveal any names. He alleged
that he would have to remain a poor prince unless by force of arms
he could acquire a position whereby he might obtain a sufficient
reputation to accomplish a marriage with the queen of England; that in
France the authorities and powers enjoyed by his brother, the King of
Poland, were not given him, and that what little power he had was only
in name, while, on the other hand, the prince of Orange has sought his
aid by very large offers and many great promises had also been made to
him from Germany and England, and that in the kingdom of France many
persons had pledged their word to follow his fortunes everywhere.[1637]
The Guisard faction and Biragues, the chancellor, in order to strike
Montmorency, who with Damville was the leader of the Politiques, urged
a drastic course. At the meeting of the King’s council, the chancellor
said to the King:
You should take into account the continual fear for your own person,
and the imminent ruin which threatens the whole kingdom given you by
God, the governor; and these considerations without doubt should move
your majesty to follow the example of King Louis XI, your ancestor,
who was so renowned in history, and to cause the world to know that
while your Majesty is full of clemency, so you can also punish when
the occasion demands.[1638]
In view of the high estate of those involved, Catherine de Medici,
however, refused to follow out this resolute policy. But both princes
and Montmorency were kept under surveillance though nominally allowed
their liberty. This Scotch verdict of “not proven” was a great
disappointment to the Guises who probably are responsible for the
“conspiracy” trumped up two weeks later. It was alleged that a plot had
been “discovered” against the King and the queen mother which was to
have been carried into effect on Easter Day. On April 8, Alençon, Henry
of Navarre, and the marshal Montmorency, were together in the castle of
Bois de Vincennes when suddenly the gates were shut and double guards
set, for there was a rumor of the appearance of strange horsemen in
the vicinity. At the same time the gates of Paris were closed and no
one was permitted to pass out with any horse or weapon. La Mole, one
of the gentlemen attached to Alençon, was suddenly arrested, and with
him another gentleman of Alençon’s entourage, the count Coconnas.
Both were imprisoned in the Conciergerie, and refused converse with
the duke. The prince of Navarre, Alençon, and Montmorency, however,
still were suffered to go abroad but “with such company as might be
masters.”[1639] Things now rapidly passed from farce to tragedy.
Alençon and Navarre would confess nothing,[1640] the latter showing
“a very bold face without any fear of consequences.” The examination
was with the purpose of acquiring colorable information from the
inquisition of La Mole and Coconnas in order to implicate the duke
of Montmorency. The poor wretches had nothing of the divinity that
hedged the princes of the blood and were inquisitorially examined and
judicially murdered.[1641] The duke of Alençon in vain entreated for
the lives of his friends. Charles IX, who was morbid and savage and
stricken unto death[1642] would only allow that, instead of being
executed in public, they should be put to death in prison.[1643] On
April 30 La Mole and Coconnas were beheaded and quartered.[1644]
But for once the ascendency of the queen mother over the King was of
good effect. Charles IX was urged to mete out the same penalty to his
brother, the marshals Cossé and Montmorency, and Henry of Navarre.
If it had not been for powerful intervention this might have been
the case.[1645] Imagine the astonishment of the world that expressed
surprise when Philip II imprisoned his son if such an act had been
done! In the ferocious mood now become habitual with the King, such a
thing is conceivably possible. But Catherine de Medici spared Henry
of Navarre now, as in the massacre of St. Bartholomew, because the
Bourbons were needful as a checkmate to the Guises. Such conduct, too,
might have driven England and the German Protestant princes into active
support of the Huguenots—a consideration which had made Catherine
hesitate before August 24, 1572. A living dog was better than a dead
lion.[1646] “The King told that he should bear in mind that while the
duke and Navarre were alive, he could do what he pleased, but if they
were dead there would be no remedy.”[1647]
The real motive and animus of the whole cruel affair—the destruction
of the Montmorencys by the Guises—was not long in forthcoming.
Hitherto the duke had been allowed guarded freedom, even to go hunting.
But within a few days after the death of La Mole and Coconnas came
word of the capture of Damville, Montmorency’s brother, in Languedoc.
Immediately the duke of Montmorency and the marshal Cossé were shut up
in the Bastille. The ancient and bitter grudge of the Guises against
the Montmorency-Châtillon house, half of which had been paid in the
murder of the admiral, narrowly missed being sated at this hour. In
the blood-thirsty mood in which the King was, the purple of kingship
probably would not have protected the duke. But at heart Charles IX
and his mother were craven cowards, and the latter, at least, was not
wholly lost to prudence. Fortunately for the duke of Montmorency and
for France, the word of Damville’s capture was a false report. He
had intercepted the instructions sent to Joyeuse and the governor of
Narbonne for his apprehension and taken his precautions. Damville was
too great a lion to rouse the anger of, while he was at large, and
nothing but treachery could overthrow him, for he was in possession
of Beziers, Montpellier, Pasenas, Beaucaire, Boignelles, and Pont St.
Esprit, and as leader of the united Politiques and Huguenots of the
south, in control of Languedoc, Dauphiné, and Provence.[1648]
The great political anxiety he labored under aggravated the condition
of Charles IX, whose constitution, undermined by smallpox and his
indulgences, had now been attacked by consumption. He was reduced to
skin and bone and so weak that he could not stand and suffered from
effusion of blood through the mouth.[1649] But the ferocity of his
nature remained unsubdued. The faculty of medicine, the members of
which were called in consultation, pronounced the King’s condition
hopeless. “I believe you speak truly,” was Charles’ comment on the
verdict. “Draw the curtain down that I may have some rest.”[1650] On
the night of May 29 a violent hemorrhage foretold the end. The King
died on May 30, 1574, at two hours after noon.[1651]
The queen mother at once assumed the regency[1652] in compliance with
one of the last commands of Charles IX, and removed from the Bois de
Vincennes to the Louvre, where Alençon and Navarre were kept under
close scrutiny, for until the return of Henry from Poland there was
great uncertainty as to what might happen. The two were without money
to corrupt the guards if so dangerous an expedient were hazarded; the
windows of their chamber “grated like a prison.”[1653] Catherine’s
policy was to promise redress of grievances and reconciliation of
all at the coming of Henry III, who learned of his brother’s death
at Cracow on June 15.[1654] To that end she appealed to La Noue and
Damville but the Iron Arm flouted her overtures from his strongholds
of Lusignan and Niort, condemning the queen for her treatment of
Montmorency,[1655] and the imprisonment of Alençon and Henry of
Navarre.
[Illustration: LETTER OF HENRY III OF FRANCE TO THE DUKE OF SAVOY
Relates to the pay of his troops. Written from Lyons, September 20,
1574, within a few days after his arrival in France from Poland.
Original owned by the author.]
[Illustration: LETTER OF HENRY III TO THE SWISS CANTONS
Regrets his inability to visit Switzerland on his way to France, and
assures them of French protection. Written from Mantua, August 3, 1574.
Original owned by the author.]
The last stage in the eventful career of Montgomery was also reached
at this time. He had suddenly left Carentan with about 650 horse,
attacked the city of Alençon and then attempted to raise the siege of
St. Lô. But Matignon had more forces than he had supposed and drove him
into Domfront. After a vigorous defense he yielded the place upon the
promise that his life would be spared. But Catherine de Medici hated
him above all men in the earth and had no scruples about inaugurating
the reign of Henry III with bloodshed. She refused to honor Matignon’s
pledge.[1656] Montgomery was brought under heavy guard to Paris, being
viewed by curious gazers all along the road, and was beheaded and then
quartered on June 26, before an enormous crowd of people.