parts of the first movements, has, on the contrary, assigned to him a

distinct share in the last movements.[57] Marx emphatically expressed

his conviction that the principal subjects throughout showed traces of

Mozart's handiwork.[58] This view is founded on the assumption that the

movements are worthy of Mozart, and are such as Süssmayr himself could

not have produced; but the critic must be careful not to bring forward

on aesthetic grounds alone accusations which involve so much of grave

moral delinquency.

Seyfried's assertion that,[59] according to the generally accepted

opinion in Vienna, Süssmayr found note-books containing sketches of

these movements, and showing Mozart's intention of elaborating the

Osanna fugue after the Benedictus, as well as the new theme for the

concluding fugue, Cum sanctis, has scarcely been investigated with the

care which it demands. One circumstance has, as far as I know, been

left altogether out of account. If the last three movements had been

altogether wanting at Mozart's death, it would have appeared, one would

think, both easier and simpler to supply them from one of his manuscript

Masses, which were entirely unknown, than to commission Süssmayr to

write them afresh; and such a proceeding would doubtless have been

far more capable of justification to the owner of the work. But the

confusion and embarrassment in which Mozart's death threw his widow and

her affairs may have occasioned many things to be done which would not

otherwise have taken place.

Frz. Xav. Süssmayr, who, as a young man of twenty-seven, enjoyed the

friendship of Salieri[60] and Mozart, became so intimate with the

latter[61] that he was, as Seyfried

{THE REQUIEM.}

(388)

expresses it, "the inseparable companion of the immortal Amphion." He

adopted Mozart's style of writing with such success that, although his

ideas often fell far short of his master's, many of his works in the

serious style might, Seyfred maintains, be taken for Mozart's, did we

not know that they were Süssmayr's;[62] Hauptmann has informed me of

instrumental works by him which show quite Mozart's manner of work, and

might pass for lighter compositions by the latter.

Sievers, who warmly espoused Süssmayr's cause, speaks of his "Spiegel

von Arkadien," which he ranks with the "Zauberflote,"

and of various pieces which may serve as models of the graceful

and characteristic as well as of the tragico-serio styles of

composition.[63] I have carefully examined his operas, "Der Spiegel

von Arkadien" (1794) and "Soliman II." (1800), as well as some of his

lighter church compositions, and find nothing in them beyond an easy but

superficial inventive power, a smooth practised workmanship, and almost

throughout an obvious imitation of Mozart's manner.

The Sanctus and Osanna are scarcely of a kind to admit of a decided

opinion as to their authorship. The brevity and conciseness of the

Sanctus do not by any means prove it not to have been by Mozart, for all

the movements of the Requiem, when not lengthened by a fugal treatment,

are similarly compressed. Nor must an unpleasing progression for the

violins be taken as decisive against his authorship, for the working-out

is in any case not his. On the other hand, it must not be concluded that

because the movement has a general character of dignified grandeur, and

the commencement of the Pleni sunt is truly majestic, that therefore

Süssmayr could not have written it. It is not on the whole equal to

the best of the preceding movements. The short fugue of the Osanna is

animated, vigorous, and faultlessly concise; there is nothing against

the supposition that Mozart might have written it; but, on the other

hand, it would be difficult to prove with certainty that it might not

have been

{SÜSSMAYR'S SHARE IN THE WORK.}

(389)

the work of a musician with the amount of talent and cultivation

unquestionably possessed by Süssmayr.

The case is somewhat different with the Benedictus, where, according to

custom, solo voices are introduced in a long and elaborate quartet of

pleasing character. Zelter says of it: "The Benedictus is as excellent

as it can be, but the school decides against it being by Mozart.

Süssmayr knew Mozart's school of music, but had not been trained in it

from early youth, and indications of this may be found here and there

in the beautiful Benedictus."[64] He is doubtless right. The first motif

for the alto, and the idea of making the several voices reply to each

other, might very well be Mozart's; but certainly not the working-out.

The motion is obviously interrupted when the soprano, after the alto,

again enters in the tonic; and the passage into the dominant is very

lame. Still lamer, after the conclusion of the first part, are the

laborious continuance in F major, and (instead of the development

naturally expected here) the immediate return by the chord of the

seventh to the first part, which is then repeated in its entirety.

Neither the design nor the execution is worthy of Mozart; nor is

it credible that in the interlude he would have copied the "et lux

perpetua" from the Requiem in such a strange fashion as it has here been

done, without any reason for an allusion to that place.

The abnormally thick and full instrumentation must also be taken into

consideration. The instrumentation has, it is true, not been worked out

by Mozart in the other movements, but here it can scarcely be separated

from the general design, and it is distinguished from that of all the

other movements by the use of two trombones, which Mozart never employed

elsewhere, and which here supply the place of horns. Finally, the

character of the movement is in many passages soft and effeminate,

contrasting in this respect with the earnestness of the other movements,

even of the Tuba mirum.[65] The

{THE REQUIEM.}

(390)

Osanna is, according to custom, an exact repetition of the previous one,

only that the voices are transposed on account of the altered key.

The Agnus Dei transports us to quite a different region. Here we find

the depth and intensity of feeling, the noble beauty and the originality

of invention, which we admire in the first movements of the Requiem. The

fine expressive violin figure of the first period--[See Page Image]

is full of vigour, and is admirably enhanced by its harmonic treatment,

and the gentle counter-phrase in its peaceful motion brings about a

soothing conclusion. The twofold repetition is effectively varied,

and the close is emphasised by a novel and beautiful turn. The whole

displays the perfect mastery of a musician. "If Mozart did not write

this," says Marx,[66] "well, then he who wrote it is another Mozart!"

I have seen nothing in Süssmayr's works which can justify me in

ascribing to him the conception of this movement; much, on the contrary,

to convince me that the chief ideas at least are Mozart's, and that

Süssmayr can hardly have had a more important share in this movement

than in the earlier ones. His whole statement loses, no doubt, its full

credibility if a well-grounded doubt can be thrown on any one point;

but I should not like to assert with confidence that in the Sanctus and

Benedictus Süssmayr must have availed himself of sketches by Mozart.

The repetition of the first movement at the conclusion of the Mass was

not unusual at the time. Hasse in his Requiem intones the Lux æterna to

the same chorale as the Te decet, and then repeats the Requiem; Zelenka

does the same; Jomelli repeats the Requiem, but adds a fresh conclusion

to it. Contemplating that portion of the Requiem which Mozart completed,

or which he left in such a state that to the initiated it is easy to

distinguish his handiwork,

{GENERAL REVIEW OF THE WORK.}

(391)

we have no hesitation in placing this work on the pinnacle of that

artistic perfection to which the great works of Mozart's later years

had attained.[67] We see revealed the depth of feeling, the nobility

of beauty, the mastery of form, the complete spiritual and mental

absorption in the task before him which have combined to produce this

marvellous creation. A comparison of the Requiem with other similar

compositions, both by Mozart himself and his contemporaries, serves to

emphasise the vast superiority of the former;[68] for Mozart even here

does not absolutely reject the forms hallowed by long tradition; he

shows his individual genius all the more strongly by keeping within

them. Still less does he run counter to the views which the Requiem, by

virtue of its position in the Catholic ritual, is meant to express,

by any endeavour of his own to go further or to introduce something

peculiar to himself; that full, unfettered devotion which is the

indispensable condition of genuine artistic production is never

disturbed, but human emotion, religious belief, and artistic conception

go hand in hand in fullest harmony. On this unity rests the significance

of the Requiem, for on this ground alone could Mozart's individuality

arrive at full expression, and--working freely and boldly, yet never

without consciousness of the limits within which it moved--produce the

masterpiece which reveals at every point the innermost spirit of its

author. In this sense we may indorse his own expression, that he wrote

the Requiem for himself; it is the truest and most genuine

{THE REQUIEM.}

(392)

expression of his nature as an artist; it is his imperishable

monument.[69]

The Requiem met with immediate recognition and approval. "If Mozart had

written nothing except his violin quintets and his Requiem," Haydn used

to say, "they would have rendered his name immortal."[70] It was more

especially received with enthusiasm in North Germany, where church

music, unmindful of J. S. Bach, had degenerated into all the triviality

and insipidity which a slavish adherence to form could produce. It was

with delight and astonishment that men recognised the union of classical

severity of form with depth of poetic feeling--an oasis in the desert

to those who had long wandered in a waste of sand. The old organist,

Kittel, at Erfurt, a pupil of Sebastian Bach, received one day the organ

part of a Requiem which he did not know; the further he proceeded in it,

the more entranced he became, and on inquiring the composer's name, and

hearing that it was Mozart, he could scarcely believe his ears, having

been accustomed to regard Mozart only as the composer of popular operas

which he knew nothing about. He procured the operas however, and was

unprejudiced enough to recognise and admire in them the composer of the

Requiem. So I was told by my music-master, Apel, Kittel's pupil.

Hiller, grown grey in reverence for Hasse and Graun, lifted his hands

in amazement on first hearing the Requiem, and soon brought it to

performance at Leipzig.[71] At Berlin the Singakademie produced the

Requiem at their first public performance, October 8; 1800,[72] in

memory of their founder, Fasch, who had lately died; it has ever since

been chosen, both there[73] and elsewhere, when it is sought to honour

the memory of great men, especially of musicians,[74] and Zelter

{SYMPATHY FOR THE FAMILY.}

(393)

expressed his opinion that the Requiem would never be brought into

disfavour either by adverse criticism or mediocre performance.[75]

Cherubini[76] produced the Requiem in Paris in the year 1804,[77] and

it has comforted and sustained innumerable mourners,[78] not only

throughout Europe, but in the New World.[79]

FOOTNOTES OF CHAPTER XLV.

[Footnote 1: The more detailed accounts of the composition and completion of the

Requiem have been given chiefly on the authority of Süssmayr (A. M.

Z., IV., p. 2) and Stadler (Vertheidigung der Echtheit des Mozartschen

Requiems, mit zwei Nachtr.; Wien, 1827), and they have been verified

and elucidated by the discovery of the score delivered over to Count

Walsegg. Cf. Deutsche Mus. Ztg., 1861, p. 380. The narrative in

the text, therefore, is given without regard to the dust-clouds of

controversy in which a dispute carried on with so much animosity on all

sides was sure to envelop the facts of the case.]

[Footnote 2: Mozart made the following declaration, May 30, 1790: "I, the

undersigned, hereby declare that I consider the bearer of this,

Herr Joseph Eybler, to be a worthy pupil of his famous master,

Albrechtsberger, a thoroughly learned composer both in chamber and

church music, experienced in the art of composition, and also an

accomplished organ and pianoforte-player; in short, it is only to be

regretted that young musicians of his talents and attainments are so

seldom to be met with" (N. Berl. Mus. Ztg., 1858, p. 244).]

[Footnote 3: Köchel, Recensionen, 1864, p. 753.]

[Footnote 4: Stadler, Nachtr., p. 40.]

[Footnote 5: These two movements are written on five sheets of twelve-line

Italian music-paper in quarto, which Mozart generally used, and are,

according to his custom _folioed_, not _paged_, from one to ten, the

last three pages being left blank. The signature is "Di me W. A. Mozart,

1792." This mistake, or anticipation of the date, was destined to give

rise to much confusion.]

[Footnote 6: An accurate copy of these sheets by Mozart was published by André

in 1829, with the title: "Partitur des Dies iræ welche Abbé Stadler bald

nach Mozart's Tode fur sich copirt hatte,--Hostias von W. A. Mozart's

Requiem, so wie solche Mozart eigenhändig geschrieben und Abbé Stadler

in genauer Uebereinstimmung mit dem Mozartschen Original copirt hat,

nebst Vorschrift und Anhang." The "Anhang" is a similar sketch of the

Requiem and Kyrie, evolved by André himself--a curious idea and a very

useless labour.]

[Footnote 7: Stadler, Vertheidigung, p. 13.]

[Footnote 8: The sister and heiress of Count Walsegg, the Countess Sternberg,

sold his collection of music to his steward, Leitner, from whom the

score of the Requiem was obtained by his clerk, Karl Haag; it was

bequeathed by the latter to Katharina Adelpoller. Commissary Novak, of

Schottwien, who had formerly been steward to Count Walsegg, drew the

attention of Count Moritz von Dietrichstein, Imperial Librarian, to the

existence of the treasure, and it was purchased for fifty ducats and

placed in the Library.]

[Footnote 9: A. M. Z., XLI., p. 81. N. Ztschr. f. Mus., X., p. 10. Cäcilia, XX.,

p. 279.]

[Footnote 10: J. F. von Mosel, Ueber die Original-Partitur de Requiem von W. A.

Mozart (Wien, 1839). Cf. A. M. Z., XLI., p. 317.]

[Footnote 11: Niemetschek, who had his information from the widow, says that

directly after Mozart's death the messenger demanded and received the

work, "incomplete as it was" (p. 52). The Count himself signified that

the Requiem was only Mozart's as far as the Sanctus.]

[Footnote 12: Càcilia, IV., p. 288.]

[Footnote 13: A. M. Z., I., p. 178.]

[Footnote 14: Stadler, Nachtr., p. 6.]

[Footnote 15: A. M. Z., XXIX., p. 520.]

[Footnote 16: Càcilia, IV., p. 308. The singer, Mariottini, of Dresden, made a

copy of the Requiem, Kyrie, and Dies iræ, and appended the following

observation: "L' Offertorio, il Sanctus e l' Agnus Dei non gl' ho

transcritti, perche non mi anno parso essere del valore del precedente,

ne credo ingannarmi nel crederli opera di un' altra penna" (Càcilia,

VI., pp. 303, 310).]

[Footnote 17: Frederick William II. paid her 100 ducats for one (Càcilia, VI., p.

211).]

[Footnote 18: Hàfer relates that a "Thomaner" Jost, who wrote music very

well, copied the score twice for the widow during her stay in Leipzig

(Càcilia, IV., p. 297).]

[Footnote 19: Rochlitz, Für Freunde der Tonk., I., p. 25.]

[Footnote 20: In a letter to Härtel (October 10, 1799) she sends him a draft of

such an appeal: "The noble Unknown, who, a few months before Mozart's

death, commissioned him to compose a Requiem, not having declared

himself during the seven years which have elapsed since that time, the

widow of the composer gratefully accepts this silence as a permission

to her to publish the work to her own advantage. At the same time she

considers it as safer for herself, and more in accordance with the

sentiments inspired in her by the noble patron of her late husband, to

call upon him to express his wishes on the subject to her within three

months through the Wiener, Hamburger, or Frankfurter Zeitung, at

the expiration of which time she will consider herself justified in

publishing the Requiem among the collected works of her late husband."]

[Footnote 21: The "Requiem Brevis" in D minor (237, Anh., K.), published by

Simrock, of Bonn, under Mozart's name, may be at once pronounced

spurious, having neither external nor internal credibility.]

[Footnote 23: A. M. Z., I. Int. Bl., p. 97. Stadler, Vertheidigung, p. 14.]

[Footnote 24: Nissen, Nachtrag, p. 169.]

[Footnote 25: There were only a few emendations in the score published by

Breitkopf and Hàrtel in 1800, and these had been communicated to Hàrtel

by the widow (August 6, 10, 1800; cf. A. M. Z., IV., p. 30). The revised

copy served as a foundation for André's pianoforte arrangement, and his

edition of the score (1827). In this the letters M. and S. distinguish

what is Mozart's and what Sussmayr's. The preface was reprinted in the

Càcilia (VI., p. 200).]

[Footnote 26: Stadler, Vertheidigung, p. 46.]

[Footnote 27: Even Seyfried only conjectures this (Càcilia, IV., p. 296).]

[Footnote 28: A searching notice, written by Schwencke and revised by Rochlitz,

appeared after the publication of the score (A. M. Z., IV., p. 1). It

was soon after translated into French in the Journal de Paris, and then

noticed in the German papers as an example of French criticism (A. M.

Z., XXX., p. 209).]

[Footnote 29: The minor compositions of the "Ave verum corpus" (Vol III., p. 281)

and the Freemasonic Cantata (Vol. II., p. 408) complete this parallel.]

[Footnote 30: Cf. Lorenz, Deutsche Mus. Ztg., 1861, p. 257. A. Hahn, Mozart's

Requiem (Bielef., 1867). Kriebitzsch, Fur Freunde d. Tonk., p. 61.]

[Footnote 31: Mich. Haydn has introduced the same into his unfinished Requiem, at

the words "Te decet hymnus"; according to Rochlitz (A. M. Z., IV., p.

7) and Zelter (Briefw. m. Goethe, IV., p. 353 ) the chorale "Meine

Seel erhebet den Herrn," is sung to this melody. The treatment of this

passage is decided by the ritual. In Jomelli's Requiem both verses of

the Psalm are intoned, in Hasse and Zelenka the first ("Te Jerusalem"

in Asola; Proske's Musica Divina) only the words "Te decet hymnus in

Sion in Pitoni both verses are freely composed.]

[Footnote 32: Rochlitz, Fur Freunde der Tonknnst, I., p. 159. A detailed analysis

is given by Lobe (Compositionslehre, III., p. 195).]

[Footnote 33: According to Kàgeli the violent changes of key and arbitrary

alternations of major and minor have turned the fugue into a barbarous

confusion of sounds (Vorlesungen üb. Musik., p. 99).]

[Footnote 34: Cäcilia, III., p. 216.]

[Footnote 35: Schwencke, A. M. Z., IV., p. 8.]

[Footnote 36: The theme stands with its counter-theme in doubled counterpoint of

the twelfth. It is perhaps worthy of note that the Christe begins in

the minor passages a third above the Kyrie, and in its major passages a

third below the Kyrie--an arrangement not wanting in original effect.]

[Footnote 37: Marx remarks, in answer to Weber's criticism (Lehre v. d. Mus.

Compos. III., p. 500), that "here--following the whole spirit of the work--the

point to be considered was not so much a literally faithful expression

of the words as a thoroughly religious and solemn rounding and balancing

of a whole section of the service, the prayer for the departed in all

its amplitude of detail" (Cf. Berl. Mus. Ztg., 1825, p. 881).]

[Footnote 38: Stadler, Vertheidigung, p. 17.]

[Footnote 39: Chrysander, Händel, II., p. 436.]

[Footnote 40: Tucker, Schatz d. evang. Kirchenges., II., p. 151, No. 282.]

[Footnote 41: This has been already pointed out by Cramer (Anecd. sur Mozart, p.

26), whose attention was drawn to it by J. A. P. Schulz.]

[Footnote 42: G. C. P. Sievers says (Mozart u. Süssmayr, p. 15) that a

kapellmeister at Ferrara told him that in one of Mozart's Masses a whole

piece was copied from an early Italian master, which was confirmed by

Santini; Sievers had forgotten the key of the Mass and the name of the

ill-used composer. That Mozart should have inserted a strange piece in

a Mass written for Salzburg Cathedral under the eye of his father is

incredible. A. Schiffner asserted (A. M. Z., XLV., p. 581) that Handel

and Mattheson, Telemann and Mozart, had all stolen from Reinhard Keiser.

Al. Fuchs (Cäcilia, XXIII., p. 95) called on him for proof; Schiffner,

who probably knew as little of Reiser's scores as did Mozart, made no

response to the challenge.]

[Footnote 43: Ferd. Wolf, Ueb. die Lais, Sequenzen und Leiche, pp. 29, 76, 91.]

[Footnote 44: Schubiger, Die Sàngerschule St. Gallens, p. 39.]

[Footnote 45: Mohnike, Kirchen-u. litterar-histor. Studien u. Mittheilungen, I.,

p. 3.]

[Footnote 46: The translations have been collected by F. G. Lisco (Dies iræ,

Hymnus auf das Weltgericht, Beitrag zur Hymnologie. Berlin, 1840).]

[Footnote 47: Hiller, in consequence of the unsatisfactory trombone-players,

transposed the solo after bar 5 to the bassoons, which was copied in the

printed score (Cäcilia, VIII., p. 54. Cf. A. M. Z., IV., p. 10).]

[Footnote 48: In this a very enthusiastic admirer of the Requiem (A. M. Z., XVI.,

p. 617) and (as to the close) Ulibicheff agree (I., p. 252).]

[Footnote 49: Indescribably beautiful is the occurrence here of the chord of the

minor sixth on G, instead of the minor common chord which one expects.]

[Footnote 50: The close in D minor of the movement in G minor appeared so

striking to Schwencke (A. M. Z., IV., p. 11), that he conjectured that

Mozart must have intended a further revision of these choruses. But

the different movements of the Sequence, although detached, are yet in

immediate relation with each other; and Mozart made the transition into

D minor because the following movement is in F major.]

[Footnote 51: Hogarth, Mem. of the Opera, II., p. 199.]

[Footnote 52: G. Weber could not bring himself to attribute to Mozart a treatment

which "emphasises, _con amore_, the egotistical baseness of the words,

and by the ferocious unison of the stringed instruments maliciously

incites the Judge of the World to hurl the cursed crowd of sinners into

the deepest abyss, and then to call the singers to all the joys of the

blessed" (Càcilia, III., p. 220). He has clearly misunderstood both

the words and the intention of the composer so to bring before the

imagination the torments of the damned as to lead to an intenser longing

for the mercies of Redemption.]

[Footnote 53: Cäcilia, III., p. 222.]

[Footnote 54: Cäcilia, IV., p. 296.]

[Footnote 55: A. M. z., IV., p. 4.]

[Footnote 56: Cäcilia, IV., p. 289. A. M. Z., XXV., p. 687.]

[Footnote 57: Cäcilia, III., p. 226; IV., p. 279.]

[Footnote 58: Berl. Mus. Ztg., 1825, p. 378.]

[Footnote 59: Cäcilia, IV., p. 307.]

[Footnote 60: The Wiener Zeitung announces that the music of the opera "L'

Incanto Superato," first performed July 8,1793, is arranged by Herr

Franz Siessmayr, "pupil of Herr Salieri."]

[Footnote 61: Jahrb. d. Tonk., 1796, p. 61: "It is no small recommendation to him

that he was a pupil of Mozart, and very highly thought of by him. He has

also completed some works left unfinished by this great genius"--which

can only refer to the Requiem.]

[Footnote 62: Cäcilia, III., p. 295.]

[Footnote 63: G. L. P. Sievers, Mozart u. Sussmaier, p. 8.]

[Footnote 64: Zelter, Briefw. m. Goethe, IV., p. 353.]

[Footnote 65: A correspondent of G. Weber had heard that André possessed MSS.

which would prove that every note of the Benedictus was an adaptation of

an earlier and favourite air of Mozart (Cäcilia, IV., p. 292). It need

scarcely be said that there is not a word of truth in this.]

[Footnote 66: Berl. Mas. Ztg., 1825, p. 379.]

[Footnote 67: Zelter (Briefw. m. Goethe, IV., p. 353) pronounces the Requiem to

be "disjointed, unequal; some of the pieces might be inserted, and it

would be a mistake to consider it as a whole; the same thing is the case

with many excellent composers; and though the Requiem consists entirely

of detached pieces, it is the best production that I know of the last

century." The story of the Requiem may have had some influence on this

judgment.]

[Footnote 68: A. M. Z., XVI., p. 812: "Mozart has disclosed his whole inner being

in this one sacred work, and who can fail to be affected by the fervour

of devotion and holy transport which streams from it? His Requiem is

unquestionably the highest and best that modern art has to offer for

sacred worship." Unfavourable criticism was not wanting. "I should be

without feeling," says Ernst, in Tieck's Phantasus (Schriften, IV., p.

426), "if I failed to love and honour the marvellous depth and richness

of Mozart's mind--if I failed to be carried away by his works. Only, let

me have none of his Requiem."]

[Footnote 69: Cf. O. Lindner, Zur Tonkunst, p. 176.]

[Footnote 70: Stadler, Vertheidigung, p. 27.]

[Footnote 71: Rochlitz, Für Freunde d. Tonk., I., p. 25. Häser, Cäcilia, IV., p.

297.]

[Footnote 72: Zur Geschichte der Singakademie, p. 15.]

[Footnote 73: It was performed in memory of the Queen in 1805; of the

Akademie-director Frisch in 1815; of Prince Radziwill in 1833; of Count

Brühl in 1837; of Frederick William III. in 1840; and of Frederick

William IV. in 1861.]

[Footnote 74: At Leipzig, in memory of Schicht, in 1823; at Berlin, in memory of

Andr. Romberg, in 1821; of Bemh. Klein, in 1832; of Ludwig Berger, 1839;

in Vienna, in memory of C. M. von Weber and Beethoven; and in Munich,

1867, in memory of P. von Cornelius.]

[Footnote 75: Zelter, Briefw. m. Goethe, VI., p. 243.]

[Footnote 76: Rochlitz has attempted to prove (A. M. Z., XXV., p. 685) how

Vogler, in composing his Requiem, had Mozart's always in view, in order

to avoid imitating it; a similar negative influence is apparent in

Cherubini's magnificent Requiem in C minor, with which the second in D

minor is quite in keeping (Cf. Gum-precht, Recensionen, 1864, No. 21).]

[Footnote 77: Berl. Mus. Ztg., 1805, p. 26.]

[Footnote 78: A lover of music in Venice left a considerable legacy for the

performance annually of three Requiems, of which one was to be Mozart's

(A. M. Z., XLII., p. 54). A society was founded at' Senftenberg in

Bohemia, 1857, in order to perform Mozart's Requiem annually on June 18

(N. Wien. Mus. Ztg., 1857, p. 167; Niederrh. Mus. Ztg., 1857, p. 343).]

[Footnote 79: Neukomm mentions an excellent performance in Rio Janeiro in 1819

(A. M. Z., XXII., p. 501).]

===

MOZART 46

BY DAVID WIDGER

CHAPTER XLVI. AT THE GRAVE.

MOZART'S early and unexpected death, removing him from the eyes of the

world at the moment when he might seem to have attained the height of

his artistic greatness, had the effect of silencing the detractions and

the envy of the few who were blinded by jealousy to his merits, and

of exalting his works in the minds of those who felt his loss to be

an irreparable one. Public feeling took the form of sympathy for his

bereaved family, who were left in pressing need; and they found generous

support, not in Vienna and Prague alone, but in many other places to

which the widow made professional visits. When she was in Berlin, in

1796, Frederick William II. allowed her the use of the opera-house and

the royal musicians for a benefit concert, at which she

{AT THE GRAVE.}

(394)

appeared as a vocalist (February 28). The King, as was stated in the

programme (Niemetschek, p. 63), "took great pleasure in thus proving to

the widow how highly he esteemed the talent of her late husband, and how

much he regretted the unfortunate circumstances which had prevented his

reaping the due reward of his labours." But such efforts as these

could not assure her a livelihood for any length of time; nor would the

manuscripts left by Mozart realise, as matters then stood, anything like

a sum sufficient for her future needs. His compositions might be spread

abroad, either in MS. or in print, without her consent or authorisation.

Indeed, when reference was made to her, she considered it as a

favour,[1] and was well pleased when, in 1799, André purchased from her

all the manuscripts in her possession for a sum of one thousand ducats.

Some of Mozart's manuscripts had been lost before his death, others have

been made over to other people by André himself, and the remainder are

included in the "Thematic Catalogue of Mozart's Original Manuscripts

in the Possession of Hofrath André of Offenbach" (Offenbach, 1841).

Unhappily, no public library has been able to obtain this most important

collection, and its dispersion, owing to testamentary dispositions, must

be a source of regret to all musicians.

Mozart's widow found a means of secure and untroubled existence in her

second marriage. Georg Nic. Nissen (b. 1765) made her acquaintance,

in 1797, at Vienna, where he was attached to the diplomatic service

of Denmark, and rendered her great service in the arrangement of her

affairs, as the numerous letters written by him in her name sufficiently

show. He appears to have been a tiresome, but an upright and honourable

man, and to have acted well towards Constanze and her children from the

time of their marriage in 1809. After resigning his state service, in

1820, he lived with her in Salzburg, where also Mozart's sister resided

(App. I.). He died in 1826, and was followed by his widow on

{COMMEMORATIONS.}

(395)

March 6, 1842, a few hours after the arrival of the model for Mozart's

statue; after Nissen's death she had lived with her widowed sister,

Sophie Haibl.[2]

Karl, the elder of Mozart's two surviving sons, began life as a

merchant, then tried music,[3] and finally embraced an official career.

He was a good pianist, and conducted musical performances, first at

the house of Colonel Casella, afterwards at his own;[4] he died in a

subordinate official post at Milan in 1859. The younger son, Wolfgang,

became a musician. He first appeared in public in 1805,[5] made repeated

professional tours, and after 1814 lived as musical director, first

at Lemberg, afterwards in Vienna; he died at Carlsbad in 1844. He was

esteemed both as a pianist and composer, but the greatness of his name

prevented his attaining to more.[6]

Appreciation and honour had not been wanting to Mozart in his lifetime,

but they had been far from unalloyed; after his death they were showered

in fullest measure on his memory.[7] His loss was commemorated in many

places by the performance of his own works or of specially composed

funeral cantatas,[8] and the anniversaries of his birth and of his death

are still kept, both in private musical circles[9] and publicly, by

concerts. The hundredth anniversary of his birth, which in 1856 caused

all Germany to ring with Mozart's name and Mozart's music, united every

voice into a chorus of praise and honour, and gave a new impulse to the

study of his works.[10]

Mozart's personal appearance has become so familiar by means of

well-known portraits that he may in this respect

{AT THE GRAVE.}

(396)

be compared to Frederick the Great or Luther; his music and his

countenance have alike become common property (App. III.).

In the year 1799 the Duchess Amalie of Weimar placed a memorial of

Mozart in the park of Siefurt; it is in terra cotta: a lyre on a

pedestal, and leaning on it a tragic and a comic mask.[11] Bridi (Vol.

II., p. 359), in the "Temple to Harmony" which he erected in his garden,

has given to Mozart the first place among the seven musicians there

represented, and has placed a monument dedicated to him in a melancholy

grotto, with the inscription, "Herrscher der Seele durch melodische

Denkkraft."[12] The same inscription is on the reverse of a medal by

Guillemard together with a muse playing a lyre and a Cupid with a flute;

the other side has a portrait of Mozart. A medallion by Bàrend has also

a portrait in front, the reverse representing Orpheus and a captive

lion, with the inscription, "Auditus saxis intellectusque ferarum

sensibus." The design for a medallion by Böhm, which was never struck,

was shown to me by my friend Karajan. It consists of a refined and

intellectual representation of Mozart's profile.

In 1835 the idea took shape of erecting a statue to Mozart in Salzburg.

An appeal for subscriptions was made in September, 1836,[13] and the

cast of the statue was completed on May 22, 1841. The ceremony of

unveiling the figure took place on the Michaelsplatz, September 4,

1842.[14] Unhappily it cannot be said that Schwanthaler has succeeded

in investing the accepted idea of Mozart as an artist and a man with any

ideal force and dignity. He is represented clothed in the traditional

toga, standing with his head turned sidewards and upwards, and in his

hand a scroll with the inscription, "Tuba mirum." In bas-relief on

the pedestal are allegorical representations of church, concert, and

dramatic music, and an eagle flying heavenwards with

{MEMORIALS OP MOZART.}

(397)

a lyre. The simple inscription is "Mozart."[15] In 1856 the city of

Vienna determined upon erecting a monument to Mozart in the churchyard

of St. Mark's. It was designed by Hans Gasser, and solemnly unveiled

December 5, 1859. A mourning muse reposes on a granite pillar, holding

in her right hand the score of the Requiem, and resting her left, with a

laurel wreath, on a pile of Mozart's works. On the pedestal are Mozart's

portrait and the Vienna arms, with a short inscription.[16]

Mozart's name has been more worthily honoured by the foundation of

various institutions. The Salzburg Mozarteum, founded in 1842, not only

preserves the most important family documents and interesting relics

which were in the possession of Mozart's sons; it has the further aim

of fostering and advancing music, and more especially church music, in

Mozart's native town.[17] The Mozart Institution at Frankfort, founded

in 1838, encourages talent by means of prizes and scholarships;[18]

and a Mozart Society, founded in 1855, undertakes to assist needy

musicians.[19]

But after all that may be accomplished in honour of Mozart by the most

enthusiastic of his admirers, his true and imperishable fame rests upon

his works. A history of modern music will be concerned to show how his

influence has worked upon his successors, displaying itself sometimes

in conscious or slavish imitation, sometimes in the freer impulse it has

given to closely allied natures; and it may truly be said that of all

the composers who have lived and worked since Mozart there is not one

who has not felt his inspiration, not one who has not learnt from him,

not one who at some time or another has not encroached upon his domain.

Like all great and original geniuses, he belongs to two ages which it

was his mission to bring together; while quickening and transforming all

that his own age can offer him as the

{AT THE GRAVE.}

(398)

inheritance of the past, he leaves to posterity the offspring of his

individual mind to serve as a germ for new and more perfect life.

It would be presumptuous to attempt to summarise in a few phrases the

result of a life of ceaseless mental activity, and of strongly marked

individuality. In view of this difficulty many biographers take refuge

in a comparison of the subject of their work with other great men, and

thus emphasise the points of resemblance or divergence which exist in

their natures. No such parallel appears to me more justifiable than one

between Mozart and Raphael.[20] The majestic beauty which appears to

absorb all the other conditions of art production, and to blend them

into purest harmony, is so overpoweringly present in the works of both

masters that there is no need to enforce the comparison by dwelling on

the many points of resemblance in their career both as men and artists,

and in their moral and intellectual natures. Such a comparison, however,

is not profitable unless it can be shown how and under what conditions

this beauty, so varied in its manifestations, so similar in its effects,

is produced.[21] Although it will readily be acknowledged that Mozart is

closely related to Shakespeare[22] in fertility, force, and reality

of dramatic invention and in breadth of humour, and to Goethe[23] in

simplicity and naturalness of human sentiment and in plastic clearness

of idea, yet here again we are confronted with the distinguishing

qualities of great artists in different provinces of art, and Mozart's

individuality in his own art is as far as ever from explanation. The

frequently attempted parallels with great

{CONCLUSION.}

(399)

musicians, with Haydn[24] or Beethoven,[25] bring out still more clearly

the characteristics which distinguish him from all others; and it is to

be feared that the more ingeniously these comparisons are carried out in

detail the more the images are distorted and the judgment biassed.

With whatever feelings, and from whatever point of view, we regard

Mozart, we are invariably met by the genuine purity of an artist's

nature, with its irrepressible impulses, its inexhaustible power of

production, its overflowing love; it is a nature which rejoices in

nothing but in the manifestation of beauty which is inspired by the

spirit of truth; it infuses all that it approaches with the breath of

its own life, and, while conscientious in serious work, it never ceases

to rejoice in the freedom of genius. All human emotions took a musical

form for him, and were by him embodied in music; his quick mind grasped

at once all that could fittingly be expressed in music, and made it

his own according to the laws of his art. This universality, which is

rightly prized as Mozart's distinguishing quality, is not confined to

the external phenomena which he has successfully portrayed in every

region of his art--in vocal and instrumental, in chamber and orchestral,

in sacred and secular music. His fertility and many-sidedness, even from

this outward point of view, can scarcely indeed be too highly extolled;

but there is something higher to be sought in Mozart: that which makes

music to him not a conquered territory but a native home, that which

renders every form of musical expression the necessary outcome of his

inner experience, that by means of which he touches every one of his

conceptions with the torch of genius whose undying flame is visible to

all who approach his works with the eyes

{AT THE GRAVE.}

(400)

of their imagination unbound. His universality has its limits only

in the limits of human nature, and consequently of his own individual

nature. It cannot be considered apart from the harmony of his artistic

nature, which never allowed his will and his power, his intentions and

his resources, to come into conflict with each other; the centre of his

being was the point from which his compositions proceeded as by natural

necessity. All that his mind perceived, or that his spirit felt, every

experience of his inner life, was turned by him into music; from his

inner life proceeded those works of imperishable truth and beauty,

clothed in the forms and obedient to the laws of his art, just as the

works of the Divine Spirit are manifested in the forms and the laws of

nature and history.[26]

And, while our gaze is lifted in reverence and admiration to the great

musician, it may rest with equal sympathy and love upon the pure-hearted

man. We can trace in his career, lying clear and open before us, the

dispensation which led him to the goal of his desires; and, hard as

he was pressed by life's needs and sorrows, the highest joy which is

granted to mortals, the joy of successful attainment, was his in fullest

measure.

"And he was one of us!" his countrymen may exclaim with just pride.[27]

For, wherever the highest and best names of every art and every age are

called for, there, among the first, will be the name of Wolfgang Amade

Mozart.

{MARIANNE MOZART.}

(401)

APPENDIX I. MARIANNE MOZART.

OLFGANG MOZART'S sister, Maria Anna Walburga Ignatia, known to her

family and friends as Nannerl, was born July 30, 1751, and was thus

five years older than her brother. She early showed a decided talent for

music, and made extraordinary progress under her father's tuition. She

made her appearance as a clavier-player during the early professional

tours of the Mozart family in 1762, 1763-1766, and 1767, competing

successfully with the first performers of the day, and overshadowed

only by the accomplishments of her younger brother. Her father writes

(London, June 8, 1764): "It suffices to say that my little lass at

twelve years old is one of the most accomplished players in Europe";

and independent accounts which have come down to us coincide in this

expression of opinion. During their stay at the Hague in October, 1765,

she was seized with a serious illness and brought to the brink of the

grave; her recovery, which had been despaired of by her parents, was

hailed by them with delight. In November, 1767, she and Wolfgang were

both struck down by smallpox at Olmütz; this also she happily recovered.

She did not accompany her father and brother in their subsequent

journeys to Italy, but remained at home with her mother. Nevertheless

she continued her studies as a clavier-player, and made good her claim

to be considered a virtuoso; as such she was recognised by Burney's

informant in 1772 (Burney, Reise, III., p. 262). She owed much, as she

was the first to acknowledge, to the example and instruction of her

brother, who threw himself eagerly into her studies whenever he was

in Salzburg. Leopold writes to his son (January 26, 1778) that the

violinist Janitsch and the violoncellist Reicha of the Wallerstein

Capelle, who were giving a concert in Salzburg, "absolutely insisted

upon hearing Nannerl play. They let out by their great anxiety to hear

your compositions that their object was to judge from her _gusto_ of

your way of playing. She played your Mannheim sonata excellently well,

with charming expression. They were delighted both with her playing and

with the composition. They accompanied Nannerl in your trio in B flat

(254 K.) exceedingly well." He goes on to tell Wolfgang of the high

opinions formed by these musicians both of his compositions and of

Nannerl's style of playing; and how she always repeated: "I am but

the pupil of my brother." Wolfgang used in after years, when they were

separated, to send her his pianoforte compositions, and set great store

on her

{APPENDIX I.}

(402)

judgment, frequently also giving her his own opinions and criticisms on

music and musicians--as, for instance, on Clementi.

Marianne made some few attempts at composition; a song which she sent to

her brother in Rome excited Wolfgang's astonishment at its excellence,

and she wrote exercises in thorough-bass which were quite free from

mistakes, and gave him great satisfaction. Her father remarks at a later

date (February 25, 1778) that she had learnt to play thoroughbass and to

prelude exceedingly well, feeling that she would have to support herself

and her mother after his death. Once (July 20, 1779) when Wolfgang

sent her from Paris a prelude--"a sort of capriccio to try the piano

with"--as a birthday greeting, she jokingly put her father to the test.

She received it at four o'clock in the afternoon, and at once set to

work to practise it till she knew it by heart. When her father came

in at five she told him that she had an idea, and that if he liked

she would write it down, and thereupon began the prelude. "I rubbed my

eyes," says Leopold Mozart, "and said, 'Where the deuce did you get that

idea?' She laughed and drew the letter from her pocket."

She early began to give lessons on the clavier, her father writing from

Milan (December 12, 1772): "Tell Nannerl that I wish her to teach

little Zezi carefully and patiently; it will be to her own advantage to

instruct another person thoroughly and with patience; I know what I am

saying." These lessons afterwards became a source of income which could

hardly have been dispensed with in the needy circumstances of the Mozart

family; they enabled her to support herself as long as she lived at

home, and thus lightened her father's pecuniary anxieties. She was

considered even by her own family as somewhat parsimonious, and her

father was agreeably surprised at hearing her exclaim, when told of

Wolfgang's difficulties on his Parisian journey: "Thank God that it is

no worse!" although she well knew that her own interests would have to

be sacrificed to help her brother out of his scrape. But there is in

fact every reason to believe that her heart was a tender one, and

easily touched; she felt the loss of her mother very deeply, and had the

warmest sympathy for her brother; sometimes indeed this took a livelier

form than he cared for, and we find him once writing with ill-humour

(Mannheim, February 19, 1778): "My best love to my sister, and pray tell

her not to cry over every trifle, or I shall take good care never to

come back"--an expression which did not fail to call down a reproof from

his father. The relation of the brother and sister to each other was

from childhood of the tenderest and closest description. The severe

discipline to which they were both subjected, the journeys they took

together, and above all the concentration of all the thoughts and

energies of both upon music, increased their natural affection, in

which there was not a trace of envy or jealousy on either side. Wolfgang

vented his love of joking and teasing upon his "Schwester Canaglie";

and the letters which he wrote to her while on his Italian tour give

abundant proofs of their unrestrained and innocent intercourse. The

joking tone of

{MARIANNE MOZART.}

(403)

Wolfgang's correspondence with his sister was not entirely dropped even

when they had passed their childhood, but they also shared the more

serious concerns of life together in fullest sympathy. We have seen how

unendurable life at Salzburg became to Wolfgang as he grew up, and his

sister's position was in no way a more enviable one. When her mother and

brother left home for their journey to Paris, she remained to keep

house for her father, who praised her for her attention, economy, and

industry, and for her good management of the maid-servant, who was both

dirty and untruthful. After her mother's death she continued her care

of the household, which was occasionally increased by their receiving

boarders. Pianoforte practice, generally with her father for some hours

in the evening, and lessons to various young ladies, filled up her time.

She was much liked as a teacher, and her pupils were distinguished for

precision and accuracy of playing. When Wolfgang was at home, the house

was full of life, her father was cheerful, and she had a companion with

whom to share her joys and sorrows; but if he was away, the father, who

could scarcely live without him, was often gloomy and preoccupied, and

not even her tender ministrations could compensate him for the absence

of his son. Marianne had but few distractions from her quiet domestic

life in the form of gaiety or company; she took a lively interest in

the persons and concerns of her few acquaintances, an interest which

was shared by Wolfgang even when he had left Salzburg. "Write to me

often--that is, of course, when you have nothing better to do," he

writes from Vienna (July 4, 1781) "for a bit of news is a great treat

to me, and you are the veritable Salzburg Intelligencer, for you write

about everything that ever happens, and sometimes, no doubt to please

me, you write the same thing twice over." Their father had impressed

upon them the importance of keeping a regular diary, and this Wolfgang

did in his earlier years; Marianne continued the habit much longer.

Fragments of her diary still exist, and among her letters to her brother

are two which contain very detailed accounts of the performances of

Schikaneder's theatrical company at Salzburg.

Towards the end of 1780, while Wolfgang was at Munich busy with his

"Idomeneo," Marianne was seized with an illness which for a time

threatened to turn into consumption; it was long before she completely

recovered. It appears probable that an attachment which did not turn out

happily had something to do with this illness. Marianne, who had been

a pretty and attractive child, became, as the family picture in the

Mozarteum shows, a handsome woman, to whom suitors would not be

wanting. Wolfgang's jokes about Herr von Mölk, an unfavoured admirer of

Marianne's, as well as other mysterious allusions in his letters, prove

that the brother and sister shared with each other their tenderest

feelings. When Mozart was finally settled in Vienna, he lost no

opportunity of being useful to his sister: "Ma très chère soeur,"

he writes (Vienna, July 4, 1781)--"I am very glad that you liked the

ribbons, and will inquire as to the price of them; at

{APPENDIX I.}

(404)

present I do not know it, since Fr. von Auerhammer, who was so kind as

to get them for me, would accept no payment, but begged me to say all

that was nice to you from her as a stranger, and to assure you that

it gives her very great pleasure to be of any service to you; I have

already expressed your acknowledgments to her for her kindness. Dearest

sister! I have already told our father that if you would like anything

from Vienna, whatever it may be, I will get it for you with the utmost

pleasure; this I now repeat to you, with the addition that I shall be

extremely vexed if I hear that you have intrusted your commissions to

any one else in Vienna." Constanze was always ready at a later time to

perform the same sort of service for her sister-in-law. But Wolfgang's

sympathy with his sister was displayed in more serious matters. On July

4, 1781, he writes: "And now I should like to know how it stands with

you and our very good friend? Write and tell me about it. Or have I lost

your confidence in this affair?" This good friend was Franz D'Yppold,

captain in the imperial army, who came to Salzburg as Governor to

the Pages, and was made Councillor of War in 1777. He conceived an

attachment to Marianne, which she returned, but his circumstances did

not allow him to marry. Mozart, seeing that his sister's health and

happiness were at stake, represented to her that there was nothing

to hope for in Salzburg, and begged her to induce D'Yppold to try his

fortune in Vienna, where he, Wolfgang, would do his utmost to advance

his prospects. She would be able to earn far more by giving lessons in

Vienna than in Salzburg, and there could be no doubt they would soon be

able to marry; then the father would be obliged to give up his service

at Salzburg, and join his children in Vienna. Unfortunately these

promising plans remained unfulfilled; and as there appeared to the

lovers no prospect of a possible union, the connection between them

ceased. D'Yppold never ceased to be on friendly terms with L. Mozart,

and always testified great sympathy and esteem for Marianne herself. He

was very fond of her little son, who lived with his grandfather; and,

during an absence from home of L. Mozart, he came to the house every day

to see how the child was getting on.

Marianne returned in kind her brother's interest and sympathy in her

love affairs. To her he poured out his complaints of the hard fate of

himself and his Constanze, and the latter began a correspondence with

her long before her father had reconciled himself to the connection.

Correspondence between the brother and sister naturally flagged somewhat

when Wolfgang became engrossed in his life and occupation at Vienna. He

justifies himself against her reproaches (February 13, 1782): "You must

not think because I do not answer your letters that I do not like to

have them. I shall always accept the favour of a letter from you, my

dear sister, with the utmost pleasure; and if my necessary occupations

(for my livelihood) allow of it, I will most certainly answer it. You do

not mean that I never answer your letters? You cannot suppose that

{MARIANNE MOZART.}

(405)

I forget, or that I am careless--therefore they must be real hindrances,

real impossibilities that come in the way. Bad enough, you will say!

But, good heavens I do I write any oftener to my father? You both know

Vienna t How can a man without a penny of income do anything here but

work day and night to earn a living? My father, when his church service

is over, and you, when you have given a couple of music lessons, can

sit down and write letters all day if you choose; but not I.... Dearest

sister, if you could imagine that I should ever forget my best and

dearest father or yourself, then--but no! God knows, and that is enough

for me--He will punish me if it should ever happen."

In 1784 Marianne married Johann Baptist, Baron von Berchthold, of

Sonnenburg, councillor of Salzburg and steward of St. Gilgen. Wolfgang

wrote on her marriage (August 18, 1784): "Ma très chère soeur,--_Potz

Sapperment!_ it is time that I write to you if my letter is to find you

still a virgin! In a couple of days it will be all over! My wife and I

wish you all manner of happiness and good fortune in your new life, and

are full of regret that we cannot be present at your wedding; but we are

in hopes of meeting you and your husband next spring at Salzburg, and

perhaps also at St. Gilgen. We regret nothing now but the solitude in

which our father will be left. True, you will be near him, and he

can often walk over to see you, but he is so tied to that confounded

Kapelle! If I were in my father's place, this is what I should do: I

should ask the Archbishop in consideration of my long service to set

me free--and I should take my pension and go and live quietly with my

daughter at St. Gilgen; if the Archbishop refused, I should hand in my

resignation and join my son in Vienna. And to this I wish you would

try every means of persuading him. I have written the same thing in my

letter to him to-day. And now I send you a thousand good wishes from

Vienna to Salzburg, summed up in the hope that you two may live as

happily together as we two. Your loving brother, W. A. Mozart."

A long list of letters from L. Mozart to his daughter testify to his

care for her welfare. He is indefatigable in his attention to household

matters, and occasionally receives from her presents of game or fish; he

also keeps her constantly informed of what is going on in town. He is,

as may be supposed, always ready with advice or remonstrance, both to

his daughter and her husband, whom he considers "too absorbed in the

spirit of economy"; he makes plenty of sarcastic remarks, but is, on

the whole, under more restraint with them than with Wolfgang. His

keen glance and shrewd sense never fail him. His son-in-law's hasty

application for the stewardship of Neumark drew from him serious advice

to weigh everything well beforehand, and then to be resigned to what

should happen. "I write all this," he adds (November 20, 1786), "because

I can easily imagine how many useless and vexatious ideas and remarks

will be let fall upon the subject; whereas, if it is to be, the course

of Providence cannot be withstood." Report said that Marianne

{APPENDIX I.}

(406)

had not always an easy time of it with her husband; and five

stepchildren cannot have left her much leisure for repining. L. Mozart

describes them as naughty, ill brought up, and ignorant; one of the

boys, Wolfgang, was heard to boast that "he had got the better of his

second mamma, and, when he was naughty, papa always laid the blame on

her and the servants, and blew them up."

In June, 1785, she came to Salzburg to be confined in her father's

house. As her health long remained delicate, L. Mozart kept his little

grandson, bestowing upon it the tenderest care, and informing his

daughter of the child's well-being in every letter. "I can never look at

the child's right hand without emotion," he writes (November 11,1785);

"the cleverest pianist could not place his hand upon the keys more

charmingly than he holds his little hand; whenever he is not moving his

fingers they are all in position for playing, and when he is asleep the

tiny fingers are bent or stretched exactly in the right proportion,

as if they were resting on the keys; in short, it is the most charming

sight in the world. It often makes me sad to see it, and I wish he were

three years old, so that he might begin to play at once." He could not

persuade himself to part with the child, and although he often abused

the father for never coming to see it, he declared himself: "I tell you

I mean to keep little Leopold as long as I live."

After their father's death Wolfgang wrote to Marianne (June 16, 1787):

"Dearest Sister,--I am not at all surprised at your not writing to me

yourself the sad and totally unexpected news of our dear father's death;

I can readily imagine the cause of your silence. May God receive him to

Himself! Be assured, my darling, that if you are in need of a faithful,

loving brother, you will find one in me. My dearest sister, if you were

still unprovided for, there would be no need of all this. I would, as

I have intended and said over and over again, have left all to you with

the greatest pleasure; but as it is, one may almost say, useless to you,

while to me, on the contrary, it would be of the greatest advantage, I

think it my duty to consider my wife and child."

This letter affords no clue to the share of his father's inheritance

claimed by Mozart, and it is not known how the matter was arranged. It

was doubtless not without some reference to this that a letter written

soon after by Mozart to his sister (August, 1787) treated of his

pecuniary position. "In answer to your question as to my service," he

says, "the Emperor has taken me into the household, and I am formally

appointed, but have only 800 florins--this is more, however, than any

other member of the household. The announcement of my Prague opera 'Don

Giovanni' (which is to be given again to-day) ran: 'The music is by Herr

Mozart, Kapellmeister in the actual service of his Imperial Majesty.'"

I do not know of any later letters. Marianne kept up no correspondence

with her brother's widow; from a letter to Sonnleithner (July 2, 1819),

we gather that she had not heard from her sister-in-law

{ARRANGEMENTS OF MOZART'S CHURCH MUSIC.}

(407)

since 1801, that she knew nothing of the children, and had only heard of

her second marriage by chance.

In 1801 the Baron von Sonnenburg died, and his widow retired with her

children to Salzburg, where she lived in comfort, if not in wealth.

She returned to her old occupation, and gave music lessons--for money

certainly, but not from need, since her simple and frugal way of life

enabled her even to lay by a portion of her income. She was always much

respected and liked in Salzburg. In 1820 she became blind, a misfortune

which she bore with equanimity, and even cheerfulness, as the

following anecdote will show: Receiving a visit from a lady whom she

disliked--people who were fond of her paid her frequent visits to afford

her amusement in her misfortune--she exclaimed, when at last the visitor

had departed, "What an infliction to be obliged to converse with that

person! I am glad that I cannot see her!"

She died at an advanced age in her native town, October 29, 1829.

APPENDIX II. ARRANGEMENTS OF MOZART'S CHURCH MUSIC.

EVEN cantatas which appeared under Mozart's name (Leipzig: Breitkopf and

Hartel, and elsewhere) are perhaps, after his operas, the most widely

known of his works, and upon them in a great measure rests his fame as

a composer of church music. Of these cantatas, however, only one, the

second (and that with altered words), was left in its present state by

Mozart; the others were all put together after his death from separate

portions of various church compositions, often widely differing in

the time, the object and the style of their composition, and having

undergone arbitrary alterations and additions. Nothing but the newly

adopted words holds them together, and these are generally trivial,

often in direct contradiction to the spirit of the original words.

The parody of Goethe's song "Der du Leid und Sehnsucht stillest," which

in Cantata III. replaces the original "Alma redemptoris," may serve as

an example. This double injustice done to the composer may be explained

as arising from the tendency of an age which turned to its own immediate

convenience any music which came to hand, with little feeling for the

work of art as a whole and little respect for the right of the author to

the integrity of his work or for the claims of historical accuracy.

The following is the result of a survey of the cantatas and their

component parts (Anh., 124-130 K.):--[See Page Image]

{APPENDIX II.}

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Cantata I. consists of the Kyrie (p. i), Panis omnipotent!ae (p. 10),

Viaticum (p. 15), and Pignus futurz gloriae (p. 16) of the Litany 125 K-

Cantata II. is the Litany 109 K.

Cantata III. is pot together from the Sanctus of the Mass 259 K. (p. 3);

the Benedictus of the Mass 220 K.; the Gloria of the Mass 259 K. (p. 9);

the Offertorium 72 K. (p. 15); and the Credo of the Mass 259 K. (p. 25).

Cantata IV. consists of the Kyrie and Gloria of the Mass 220 K. (p. 3);

Motetto 277 K. (p. 12); Gratias (p. 19); and Domine (p. 21) of the

Mass in C minor 427 K. [employed in the "Davidde Penitente" 469 K. as

Chorus 4» "Si pur sempre," and Duet 5, "Sorgi o Signore **]; Magnificat

of the Vesper 193 K. (p. 26).

Cantata V. is formed of the Kyrie (p. 1), Et incarnatus, to the close of

the Credo (p. 6), Benedictus (p. 12), Agnus Dei (p. 20), and Gloria (p.

25) of the Mass 258 K.

Cantata VI. contains the Dixit of the Vesper 193 K. (p. 1); Laudate

Dominum (p. 13) and Magnificat (p. 20) of the Vesper 321 K. Cantata VII.

is put together from the Kyrie (p. 1) and Benedictus (p. 5) of the Mass

259 K.; an air from "Davidde Penitente" (469 IL, 3) "Lungi le cure

ingrate" (p. 14); the Agnus Dei (p. 26) and Dona nobis (p. 29) of the

Mass 259 K.; and the Dixit of the Vesper 321 K. (p. 33).

After this, it was not surprising that the choruses from "Konig

Tham os" should have been used as sacred music, or that the

"Frei-maurercantaten" (429,471 K.) should have been treated in the same

way (Vol. II., p. 407). Nor was it unusual to find an altered text

(church-like in character) supplied to sacred compositions. But secular

music was also appropriated by the Church. The beautiful adagio of the

grand serenata for wind instruments (361 K.) has been turned into an

offertory, "Quis te comprehendat" (Anh., 110 K.). The air for Nancy

Storace (405 K.),"Ch' io mi scordi di te," has been fitted to the

words "In te domine speravi," and the obbligato piano part transferred

to the organ (Anh., 120 K.). The air from "Titus" (19),"Deh per

questo istante," with the words "O Deus, ego te amo" (Anh., 112 K.),

and Adamberger's air, "Per pietà non ricercate" (420), with the words

"Omni die die Mariae" (Anh., hi K.), are both used as offertories. V.

Novello published the wonderful ensemble from the second finale in

"Figaro" "Più docile io sono e dico di si," with the words "O Jesu

mi, miserere nobis!" as a motett with organ accompaniment, and has

appended the remark: "This motett may be used at Benediction." It is to

be hoped that there is no truth in the report that Leparello's "Notte

e giorno faticar" and Don Giovanni's "Fin che dal vino," have been

travestied as a "Docti sacris" and a "Lauda Sion."

{ARRANGEMENTS OP MOZART'S CHURCH MUSIC.}

(409)

Further than this, however, whole Masses have been arranged from

Mozart's operas; and at the beginning of this century a "Missa di

Figaro. Don Giovanni" was not unknown to church choirs. One example of

the kind may be described as evidence of the fact. In the collection

of K. Zulehner of Mayence there was preserved a "Coronation Mass" in C

major, with Mozart's name as composer, of which a copy was sent to me

by Herr Schott of Mayence. All the movements, with the exception of the

Credo, are identical with whole movements or smaller portions of "Cosî

fan Tutte," with alterations of key and instrumentation, and here and

there the addition or omission of a part, as follows:--

The Kyrie is the terzet (10) "Soave sio il vento," transposed into C

major and turned into a four-part chorus by the addition of a tenor

part, and with two flutes to fill in the harmonies. Christe eleison is

the first movement of the duet (4), "Ah guarda sorella," transposed into

G major, for soprano and tenor, with two oboes and two horns, shortened

here and there, and the ritomello placed at the end. At the beginning

of the Gloria, after a few unimportant bars by the adapter, the motif

of the first chorus of the second finale is made use of (p. 230); then

follow for the Gratias agimus the first seventy bars of the air (11)

"Smanie implacabile" as a soprano solo in F major. The Qui tollis

consists of seven bars not borrowed, but at the Miserere occur four bars

from the first finale (p. 115), "Ed il polso," and after the repetition

of the original Qui tollis at the word "suscipe," the first finale (p.

115), "Ah se tardo," is continued to the end of the movement. "Quoniam

tu solus" to the end of the Gloria is the terzet (3) "Una bella

serenata," unaltered up to the addition of the fourth part in the tutti

passages; the closing ritornello is omitted. In the Gloria, flutes,

oboes, horns, and drums and trumpets are employed in the customary

alternations. Sanctus and Osanna are the andante of the first finale

shortened by six bars, transposed into C major, and the parts rather

differently arranged to suit the words. Benedictus is the duet and

chorus (21) "Secondate," transposed into F major, and accompanied by

stringed instruments flutes, and oboes; the chorus enters at "Osanna."

Agnus Dei begins with eleven original bars, then follows "Idol mio" from

the second finale, with the part of Despina omitted. Dona nobis is the

closing ensemble of the opera. I gather from a letter addressed to G.

Weber that Zulehner was of opinion that Mozart wrote the Mass before

the opera; that, on the contrary, the Mass was pieced together from

the opera by some church musician, no external evidence is required to

prove.

APPENDIX III. PORTRAITS OF MOZART.

HE earliest portrait of Mozart, a half-length in oils, now in the

{APPENDIX III.}

(410)

Mozarteum, lithographed in Nissen, represents him as a boy of seven

years old, standing near the clavier, clad in the violet gold-laced

court dress of the Archduke Maximilian, which had been presented to

him in 1762 (Vol. I., p. 28). His hair is frizzed and powdered, his hat

under his arm, his sword by his side; his left hand is thrust into his

vest; his right on his side. The round good-humoured boyish face, with

its candid eyes, looks out as if from a disguise. During the stay of

the Mozart family in Paris in 1763, an accomplished admirer, L. C.

de Carmontelle, painted them in a group; the picture was engraved by

Delafosse in small folio, with the title under:--

"LEOPOLD MOZART, Père de MARIANNE MOZART, Virtuose ägée de onze ans, et

de J. G. WOLFGANG, Compositeur et Maître de Musique ägé de sept ans."

Wolfgang, finely dressed and frizzed, is sitting at the harpsichord in

a pillared hall, apparently open to the air, and playing from some open

music. The little head is evidently a good likeness, and there is a

charming expression of earnest attention. His father stands close behind

him, and accompanies on the violin; the sister is standing on the other

side of the harpsichord, turning towards her brother and singing from

some music. In the same year a small oil picture, containing many

figures, was painted; it was formerly in the gallery of the Duke of

Rohan-Chabot at Schloss-Rurik, and is now in the Museum at Versailles.

Mozart is seated at the clavier, on which a "basse de viole" is lying,

and playing or singing; he is accompanied on the guitar by the opera-singer

Veliotte. The Prince de Beauveau, in a cherry-coloured coat

decorated with the blue Grand Cross, is seated behind the young

musician, glancing absently at a paper which he holds in his left hand.

The Chevalier de la Laurency, gentilhomme to the Prince de Conti, is

standing in a black velvet coat behind Mozart's chair; the Prince de

Conti is talking to M. de Trudaine; Mdlle. Bagaroty is standing before

a group of ladies, viz.: Madame la Maréchale de Mirepoix, Madame de

Viervelle, Madame la Maréchale de Luxembourg, and Mdlle. de Boufflers,

afterwards Duchesse de Lauzun. The Prince d'Henin is preparing tea,

while listening attentively to Mozart's music. In another group are

Dupont de Velse, brother to M. d'Argentai; the Countesses Egmont, mother

and daughter, and President Henaut at the fireplace.

{PORTRAITS OF MOZART.}

(411)

The last group shows us the Comtesse de Boufflers standing before a

well-spread table; by her side is the Comte de Chabot (Duc de Rohan)

in conversation with the Comte de Jarnac. The Maréchal de Beauveau is

pouring out a glass of wine for Bailli de Chabrillant; Meyrand, the

famous geometrician, stands sidewards. The picture is full of life and

expression. All the company are listening in amazement and delight to

Mozart's bewitching tones. He is in an apple-green silk coat with knee

breeches, and his feet do not touch the floor. His countenance is fresh,

his look full of expression, and the little powdered perruque gives him

a somewhat pedantic look, at which the spectators are evidently amused.

Wolfgang was painted several times during his Italian tour. At Verona

Lugiati made a life-size portrait of him in oils, in two sittings,

as his father writes home. "La dolce sua effigie mi è di conforto ed

altresi di eccitamento a riprendere qualche fiata la musica," he writes

to the mother (April 22, 1770). Sonnleithner, who discovered the picture

by the aid of the Imperial Sectionsrath W. Booking, gives a detailed

account of it. Mozart is seated playing the clavier, somewhat to

the left of the spectator, in a carved arm-chair; his youthful and

intellectual countenance is turned towards the spectator. He wears a red

court dress embroidered in gold, and has a diamond ring on the little

finger of his left hand. Upon the clavier, above the keyboard, is

written: "Joanni Celestini Veneti, MDLXXXIII." Upon the open music-book

can be distinctly read:--[See Page Image]

{APPENDIX III.}

(412)

This piece, therefore, must have possessed some peculiar interest for

the Veronese. Below, in the centre of the narrow, beautifully carved

gold frame, there is a white plate with the following inscription:--

Amadeo Wolfgango Mozarto Salisburgensi puero duodenni

In arte musica laudem omnem fidemque prætergresso eoque nomine Gallorum

Anglorumque regi caro Petrus Lujatus hospiti suavissimo effigiem in

domestico odeo pingi curavit anno MDCCLXX.

In the same year the celebrated artist Pompeo Battoni of Rome painted a

life-size head of Mozart, which came into the possession of Mr. Haydon

of London; it is now the property of J. Ella, who has placed it in the

South Kensington Museum, and rendered it familiar in an engraving by H.

Adlard. The head is turned almost full-face towards the spectator, the

right-hand holding a roll of music-paper. The animated countenance has

an évident resemblance to the Verona portrait, but with more of a view

to

{PORTRAITS OF MOZART.}

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effect, being in fact what is called idealised. After his return from

Italy in 1772, a portrait of Wolfgang was painted which his sister

possessed; it is the one of which she wrote to Sonnleithner (July

2, 1819) that he looked yellow and sickly in it, having only lately

recovered from a severe illness. Before Mozart left Salzburg in 1777, a

portrait was painted which, according to his father (November 27, 1777),

was highly successful. Padre Martini, having begged for a likeness of

Wolfgang for his collection, the father had a copy of this one made and

sent it to him in the beginning of December, 1777, "in a black frame,

with a handsomely gilt edge." "I delayed complying with your request

until now," he writes to the Padre (December 22,1777), "for want of a

skilful artist. There is, in fact, none such residing in our town; and

I have always been in hopes that, as does sometimes happen, a clever

artist might visit Salzburg--I therefore postponed it from time to time.

At last, however, I was forced to commission a local artist to undertake

the portrait. As a painting it is of little worth, but, as regards the

likeness,

I assure you that it resembles him exactly. I have written his name

and age behind the picture." In the library of the Liceo Filarmonico

at Bologna there is an oil picture from Padre Martini's collection, of

which Dr. Zangemeister sent me a photograph and a minute description. At

the top of the frame, in white letters, stands:--

CAV. AMADEO WOLFGANGO MOZART ACCAD.

FILARMON. DI BOLOG. E DI VERONA.

On the back is written (probably by an Italian, not by L.

Mozart):--Joannes Crisostomus Wolfgangus Amadeus Mozart Salisburgensis

Teuto, auratæ Militiæ Eques

Bonnoniensis Veronensisque Accademicus Natus 27 Ianuarü 1756: Ætatis suæ

21.

The portrait represents a man in a brown coat, with the gold cross on

a red ribbon round his neck; to the right is a stool, to the left a

clavier with black under notes and white over notes; on the desk is

a piece of music. But it is impossible to recognise Wolfgang in the

portrait; it is that of a man of middle age, stiff in demeanour, and

with no resemblance to Mozart. It might be meant for his father, who had

promised (August 21, 1778) to send Padre Mardini his own portrait; but

this is contradicted by the cross of the order. Probably some confusion

has taken place in the arrangement of the collection. Wolfgang took with

him on his journey a little medallion as a present to his cousin, among

whose remains it was pointed out to me. He is in a red coat, his hair

simply arranged, and the very youthful face with its

{APPENDIX III.}

(414)

intelligent eyes has an open light-hearted expression. Before Mozart

went to Munich in 1780 the painter Della Croce at Salzburg began a large

family group, and Wolfgang's portrait was fortunately finished before

his departure. This large oil-painting, now in the Mozarteum at

Salzburg, represents the brother and sister seated at the harpsichord

playing a duet. Wolfgang is in a red coat with a white vest and

neckcloth, Marianne in a dark rose-coloured dress trimmed with lace, and

a red ribbon in her high coiffure; the father, in black, with a white

vest and neckcloth, is seated behind the harpsichord, his left hand

holding a violin, his right with the bow resting on the harpsichord.

On the wall hangs an oval portrait of the mother, with a blue

neckhandkerchief, and a blue ribbon in her hair. Wolfgang's sister

considered this portrait very like him; and it does in fact give one an

impression of individuality. The face is young for his age, but not

so gay and animated as in earlier pictures; it has rather a depressed

expression, corresponding very well to his mood at the time. After

his marriage he had himself painted with Constanze, and sent the two

miniatures to Salzburg. "I only hope," he writes (April 3, 1783), "that

you may be pleased with them; they seem to me to be both good, and all

who have seen them are of the same opinion." Mozart's brother-in-law,

the actor Lange, who was an enthusiastic artist, began a portrait of

him, seated at the piano, in a light brown coat and white neckcloth, and

strove to render the expression of the artist absorbed in his reveries.

The picture was only finished as far as the bust, and is now in the

Mozarteum at Salzburg; Carl Mozart considered it very like. Mozart's

short stay in Dresden in April, 1789, was utilised by Dora Stock,

Korner's talented sister-in-law, in taking his portrait in crayons

with much delicacy and animation; it was engraved in Berlin by E.

H. Schroder, and published by Ed. Mandel. The conception of Mozart's

appearance, which afterwards became typical, was formed from a small

medallion carved in boxwood in relief by Posch, and now preserved in the

Salzburg Mozarteum. This was engraved in octavo by J. G. Mans-feld, 1789

(Viennæ apud Art aria Societ.) with the inscription: "Dignum laude virum

Musa vetat mori." On the lower edge of the medallion, among instruments

and laurel branches, is a sheet of music with "An Chloe" written on

it. This engraving is the foundation of most of the later ones; it was

engraved afresh from the medallion by Thäter (Leipzig: Breitkopf und

Hartel).

The last portrait of Mozart is a bust, life size, painted by Tischbein

during his stay in Mayence in October, 1790. C. A. André discovered and

obtained possession of it at Mayence in 1849; it was among the remains

of the Electoral court violinist Stutzl. Two men who had themselves seen

Mozart--Professor Arentz, of Mayence, and the former court organist,

Schulz, of Mannheim, on being shown the picture, and asked whom

it represented, recognised their beloved Mozart without a moment's

hesitation. At the same time this likeness differs

{PORTRAITS OF MOZART.}

(415)

considerably from the others current, and it can scarcely be doubted

that Tischbein has idealised the features, especially the nose; but the

expression of the eyes and mouth has a mixture of sensuousness, roguery,

and gentle melancholy, which testify to the artist's intellectual

apprehension; while Posch is probably more accurate in outline, but

more Philistine in conception. It has been engraved by Sichling in the

"Bildnissen berühmter Deutschen" (Leipzig: Breitkopf und Hàrtel), and

afterwards diminished for this book.

I consider as apocryphal a small medallion in the possession of Karajan,

representing a slender well-dressed youth, inscribed as "Mozart's

Portrait;" also a round miniature, belonging to Frz. Henser, of Cologne,

of a full-grown man in a grey coat, his hand in his vest, which seems

to me to have no resemblance to Mozart. It is signed "Jac. Dorn, pinx.,

1780."

APPENDIX IV. (To the English Edition.)

A LIST OF MOZART'S WORKS,

COMPILED FROM THE FIRST COMPLETE

{APPENDIX IV.}

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AND CRITICALLY REVISED EDITION, NOW BEING PUBLISHED BY BREITKOFF AND

HARTEL, LEIPZIG.

[See Page Image]

VOCAL MUSIC.

{APPENDIX IV.}

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{APPENDIX IV.}

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{APPENDIX IV.}

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{APPENDIX IV.}

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{APPENDIX IV.}

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{APPENDIX IV.}

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{APPENDIX IV.}

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{APPENDIX IV.}

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{APPENDIX IV.}

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{APPENDIX IV.}

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{APPENDIX IV.}

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{APPENDIX IV.}

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{INDEX.}

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{INDEX.}

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{INDEX.}

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{INDEX.}

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{INDEX.}

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{INDEX.}

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{INDEX.}

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{INDEX.}

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{INDEX.}

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{INDEX.}

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{INDEX.}

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{INDEX.}

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{INDEX.}

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{INDEX.}

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{INDEX.}

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FOOTNOTES OF CHAPTER XLVI.

[Footnote 1: Breitkopf and Hartel's edition of the "Ouvres" was prepared in

concert with the widow, and from the autograph originals furnished by

her; concerning which the entire correspondence lies before me.]

[Footnote 2: Wien. Mus. Ztg., 1842, p. 150.]

[Footnote 3: Reichardt, Briefe aus Wien., I., p. 244.]

[Footnote 4: A. M. Z.f XX., p. 512.]

[Footnote 5: A. M. Z., VII., pp. 427, 502.]

[Footnote 6: Cf. N. Ztschr. fur Mus., XXI., p. 169.]

[Footnote 7: A solemn funeral mass was celebrated at Prague, December 14, 1791

(Wien. Ztg., 1791, No. 103).]

[Footnote 8: Wessely in Berlin (Mus. Wochenbl., p. 191), and Cannabich in Munich,

composed funeral cantatas on Mozart's death (Niemetschek, p. 66).]

[Footnote 9: A. M. Z., II., p. 239.]

[Footnote 10: It does not appear that any complete statement of all the

ceremonies by which this jubilee was kept has been made.]

[Footnote 11: Journ. d. Lux. u. d. Mod., November, 1799. A. M. Z., II., pp. 239,

420.]

[Footnote 12: Bridi, Brevi Cenni, p. 63. A. M. Z., XXVI., p. 92.]

[Footnote 13: A. M. Z., XXXIX., p. 309.]

[Footnote 14: Cf. L. Mielichhofer, Das Mozart-Denkmal zu Salzburg und dessen

Enthüllungsfeier (Salzburg, 1843). The amount subscribed was nearly

25,000 fl.]

[Footnote 15: The monument is familiar in Amsler's fine engraving.]

[Footnote 16: Zellner, Blätt. f. Mus., Theat. u. Kunst, 1859. No. 97.]

[Footnote 17: Since 1843 the Mozarteum has issued annual reports of its doings.]

[Footnote 18: A. M. Z., XLII., p. 735. The Mozart Institution also issues regular

reports.]

[Footnote 19: Niederrh. Mus. Ztg., 1855, p. 398; 1856, pp. 296, 303; 1857, p.232.]

[Footnote 20: Rochlitz, Raphael u. Mozart (A. M. Z., II., p. 641). Alberti,

Raphael u. Mozart: eine Parallele (Stettin, 1856).]

[Footnote 21: The different conceptions that are here possible is seen from

Carpani's having bracketed in a comparison of Painters and Musicians (Le

Haydine, p. 215) Pergolese and Raphael, Mozart and Giulio Romano. Beyle

compares Mozart with Domenichino (Vie de Haydn, p. 260).]

[Footnote 22: Fr. Horn, A. M. Z., IV., p. 421.]

[Footnote 23: Th. Kriebitzsch, Poeten u. Componisten (A. M. Z., L., p. 545; Für

Freunde d. Tonk., p. 52). He puts down the "Messiah" as Mozart's--no

doubt without reflection.]

[Footnote 24: [Arnold] W. A. Mozart u. J. Haydn. Versuch einer Parallele (Erfurt,

1810). G. L. P. Sievers, Characteristik d. deutschen. Mus., A. M. Z.,

IX., p. 698.]

[Footnote 25: Graham, Account of the First Edinburgh Musical Festival, p. 121

(A. M. Z., XVIII., p. 635. My readers will be familiar with Reichardt's

comparison of the three masters as quartet composers: Haydn, he says,

built a charming fanciful summer-house, Mozart transformed it into a

palace, and Beethoven crowned the edifice with a bold defiant tower

(Briefe aus Wien., I., p. 231). E. T. A. Hoffmann finds in Haydn's

instrumental works a childlike gaiety, while Mozart leads him into the

depths of the spirit-world, and Beethoven into the region of prodigies

and boundless space (Phantasiestucke, I., 4 Ges. Schr., VII., p. 55).]

[Footnote 26: O. Lindner, Zur Tonk., p. 173.]

[Footnote 27: Oehlenschläger, Erinnerungen, IV., p. 225.]

End of Project Gutenberg's Life Of Mozart, Vol. 3 (of 3), by Otto Jahn