The English Clergymen.
The same day that Bishop Nitschmann left Savannah, John Wesley moved
into the parsonage which had just been vacated by his predecessor, Mr.
Quincy. A week earlier he had entered upon his ministry at Savannah,
being met by so large and attentive an audience that he was much
encouraged, and began with zeal to perform his pastoral duties. He was
the third Rector of the Savannah Parish, the Rev. Henry Herbert having
been the first, and he preached in a rude chapel built on the lot
reserved for a house of worship in the original plan of Savannah,--the
site of the present Christ Church.
The first word of discouragement was brought by Ingham, who returned
from Frederica on April 10th, with a message from Charles Wesley begging
his brother to come to his relief. He told a woeful story of persecution
by the settlers, and injustice from Oglethorpe to Charles Wesley, all
undeserved, as Oglethorpe freely admitted when he threw off the weight
of suspicion laid upon his mind by malicious slanderers, and sought
an interview with his young secretary, in which much was explained and
forgiven. But poor Charles was in great straits when he sent Ingham to
Savannah, sick, slighted, and abused, deprived even of the necessaries
of life, and so cast down that on one occasion he exclaimed, “Thanks
be to God, it is not yet made a capital offence to give me a morsel of
bread!”
Wesley obeyed the summons, taking Delamotte with him, Ingham caring for
the Church and Delamotte’s school during their absence. There were poor
school facilities in Savannah prior to Delamotte’s arrival, and he at
once saw the need, and devoted himself to it. Delamotte seems to have
been a quiet man, who took little share in the aggressive work of his
companions, and consequently escaped the abuse which was heaped upon
them.
On April 22nd, Ingham sent an invitation to Toeltschig to visit him, and
this was the beginning of a close personal friendship which lasted for
the rest of their lives, and of such a constant intercourse between
Ingham and the Moravian Church, that he is often supposed to have become
a member of it, though he really never severed his connection with the
Church of England. Toeltschig speaks of him as “a very young man, about
24 or 25 years of age, who has many good impulses in his soul, and is
much awakened.” He had come to Georgia for the sole purpose of bearing
the Gospel message to the Indians, and it was through him that the
Moravians were finally able to begin their missionary work.
When Wesley and Delamotte returned from Frederica, the former resumed
his association with the Moravians, continuing to join in their Sunday
evening service, and translating some of their hymns into English.
In May two questions were asked of Toeltschig, upon the answering of
which there depended more than any one imagined. The Diary says,--“The
20th, was Sunday.--Mr. Ingham asked if we could not recognize and
receive him as our brother; to which I replied, that he did not know us
well enough, nor we him, we must first understand each other better. On
the 21st, Mr. Wesley spoke with me, and asked me the selfsame question.
I said to him that we had seen much of him day by day, and that it was
true that he loved us and we loved him, but that we did not so quickly
admit any one into our Congregation.” Then at his request Toeltschig
outlined the Moravian view of conversion, and the requisites for
church-membership.
A few days later Charles Wesley unexpectedly returned from Frederica,
and Oglethorpe sent word that either John Wesley or Ingham should come
down in his place. The latter was by no means anxious to go,--his former
experience had not been agreeable, but the reason he gave the Moravians
was that a number of Indian traders were soon to visit Savannah, and
he was very anxious to see them. They advised him to be guided by John
Wesley’s wish, which he agreed to do, and then found that Wesley had
decided to go himself.
During the weeks that followed, Ingham and Charles Wesley were
frequently with Toeltschig, who answered as best he could their many
questions regarding the history of the Moravian Episcopate, a matter
of vital importance to a strict member of the Church of England who was
thinking of allying himself with them. Everything they heard confirmed
Ingham in his intention, and when John Wesley returned in July he
and Ingham again made application “to be received as brethren in our
Congregation, and to go with us to the Lord’s Table. We entirely refused
to admit them into the Congregation, and I (Toeltschig) gave them the
reasons therefor: (1) That we did not know them well enough; (2) and
that they perhaps did not know us well enough, both things which we
considered highly important; and (3) that their circumstances and
situation were such that it would be difficult if not impossible for
them to comply with the requirements of such admission.” The promises
expected from a Confirmand,--to which they also must have bound
themselves,--are thus summarized. “To give body and soul to the Lord now
and forever; to devote and dedicate himself to the service of the Unity,
according to the grace and gifts bestowed on him by the Saviour; and
willingly to submit to the discipline and regulations which the Unity
has established for the welfare and improvement of souls.” Could these
two men, in the zeal and vigor of their youth, honestly have made
these promises, the Moravian Church would have gained two invaluable
co-workers, but they seem to have accepted Toeltschig’s argument as
conclusive, and dropped the matter, with no ill-will or disturbance of
the existing pleasant relations.
Concerning the Communion “we assured them that we loved them, and would
welcome them as honored guests at the Lord’s Supper, for we believed
that they loved the Lord.” This invitation, however, the young clergymen
would not accept.
On the 6th of August, Charles Wesley left for England, bearing
dispatches to the Trustees, and with the hope of interesting others in
the evangelizing of the Indians. He meant himself to return to Georgia,
but feeble health prevented, and he resigned his office as Secretary to
Gen. Oglethorpe the following May. His brother John accompanied him to
Charlestown, and then went to Frederica to deliver certain letters to
Gen. Oglethorpe. He found there was “less and less prospect of doing
good at Frederica, many there being extremely zealous, and indefatigably
diligent to prevent it,” his opposers even attempting personal violence.
One “lady” tried to shoot him, and when he seized her hands and took
away her pistol, she maliciously bit a great piece out of his arm. Still
he made two more visits to the place, and then in “utter despair of
doing good there,” took his final leave of Frederica.
Work Among the Indians.
When the Moravians adopted the conversion of the Indians as their main
object for settling in America, they were greatly influenced by the
attractive descriptions of the “wild people” which were being published.
In a “Report”, ascribed to Gen. Oglethorpe, it is stated that “nothing
is lacking for their conversion to the Christian faith except a
knowledge of their language, for they already have an admirable
conception of ‘morals’, and their conduct agrees perfectly therewith.
They have a horror of adultery, and disapprove of polygamy. Thieving is
unknown to them. Murder is considered an abominable crime, and no one
may be killed except an enemy, when they esteem it a virtue.” This,
like too many a description written then and now to exploit a colonizing
scheme, was far too good to be true. The Indians proved apt learners,
but of the vices rather than the virtues of the English, and drunkenness
with all its attendant evils, was quickly introduced. Afraid of their
dusky neighbors, anxious to keep on good terms with them, distrusting
their loyalty to the English under the bribes offered by French and
Spanish, the Government tried to limit the intercourse between the
Indians and the settlers as much as possible, treating the former as
honored guests whenever they came to Savannah, but forbidding the latter
to go to them without special permit in times of peace, and not at all
in time of war.
When the Moravians came the restlessness which presaged war was stirring
among the tribes, becoming more and more pronounced, and one of the
Indian Chiefs said frankly, “Now our enemies are all about us, and we
can do nothing but fight, but if the Beloved Ones should ever give us to
be at peace, then we would hear the Great Word.”
Tomochichi, indeed, bade the missionaries welcome, and promised to
do all in his power to gain admission for them into all parts of his
nation, but the time was not ripe, nor was his influence equal to his
good-will. Though called a “king”, he was only chief of a small
tribe living some four or five miles from Savannah, part of the Creek
Confederacy, which was composed of a number of remnants, gradually
merged into one “nation”. The “Upper Creeks” lived about the head waters
of the creeks from which they took their name, and the “Lower Creeks”,
including Tomochichi’s people, were nearer the sea-coast. Ingham, whose
heart was set on the Indian work, was at first very anxious to go to the
Cherokees, who lived near the mountains, at a considerable distance from
Savannah, having been told that they had a desire to hear the “Great
Word”. On April 22nd, he spoke of his wish to Toeltschig, inviting
Seifert and, if they chose, another Moravian to join him in the work. It
was the best opportunity that had yet offered, and Seifert wanted to go
to the Indians, having already studied their language as best he could,
but they hesitated to undertake the work conjointly with Ingham. After
some time the Cherokee plan was abandoned. Oglethorpe objected on
account of the danger that they would be intercepted and killed, it
being a fourteen day land journey to reach the Cherokee country, and
he positively refused to let John Wesley go because that would leave
Savannah without a minister. Toeltschig says Wesley’s interest in the
Indian work failed, and another writer says he gave up the work because
he could not learn the Indian language, but Wesley lays all the blame on
Oglethorpe.
In January, 1737, the question of going to the Upper Creeks was
submitted to the “lot”, and the Moravians were bidden to wait for
another opening. Meanwhile an actual beginning had been made among the
Lower Creeks. On the 7th of May, Ingham and John Wesley went up the
river to the home of Mrs. Musgrove, the half-breed woman who at this
time was of such great use as interpreter and mediator between the
Indians and the English. Arrangements were made by which Ingham should
spend three days of each week with her, teaching her children to read in
exchange for instruction in the Indian language. The other three or four
days were to be spent in Savannah, communicating to Wesley the knowledge
he had acquired, Anton Seifert sharing in the lessons.
On the 19th of June, the Moravians held a meeting to determine whether
the time had come for them to take up the Indian work in earnest. The
“lot” was appealed to, and the answer being that the language should be
learned, Seifert, George Neisser and John Boehner were appointed to make
diligent use of Ingham’s instructions. The frequent visits of Tomochichi
and his people to Savannah gave them an opportunity to practice
speaking, for the Moravian house was always open to the red men, and
food and drink were theirs at any time of day, a fact of which the
visitors were not slow to take advantage.
The “lot” had so great an influence on the progress of affairs in the
Moravian Congregation at Savannah from this time on that it is necessary
to understand how the institution was regarded. The use of the lot was
common in Old Testament days; and in the New Testament it is recorded
that when an apostle was to be chosen to take the place of the traitor,
Judas, the lot decided between two men who had been selected as in every
way suited for the place. Following this example the members of the
ancient Unitas Fratrum used the lot in the selection of their first
ministers, and the Renewed Church did the same when the first elders
were elected at Herrnhut in 1727. It was no uncommon practice in
Germany, where many persons who desired special guidance resorted to it
more or less freely, and Count Zinzendorf, among the rest, had used
it from his youth up. Gradually it came into general use among the
Moravians, and at a later period in their history had its definite place
in their system of government, though the outside public never fully
understood it, and still holds erroneous views, despite the plain
statements that have been made. By degrees its use became more and more
restricted, and has been long since entirely abolished.
In its perfection the lot was simply this,--human intellect solving a
problem so far as earnest study and careful deliberation could go,
and then, if the issue was still in doubt, a direct appeal for Divine
guidance, in perfect faith that the Lord would plainly answer his
servants, who were seeking to do his will. This standard was not always
maintained, but the leaders of the Moravian Congregation in Savannah had
the early, absolute, belief that God spoke to them through the lot,
and felt themselves bound to implicit obedience to its dictates.
Their custom was to write two words or sentences on separate slips,
representing the two possible answers to their question, and after
earnest prayer to draw one slip, and then act accordingly. Sometimes a
third slip, a blank, was added, and if that was drawn it signified
that no action should be taken until another time, and after further
consideration.
Some time in July, Peter Rose and his wife, (the widow Riedel) went
to live among the Lower Creeks, giving all their time to learning the
language, and teaching what they could about religion.
On August 9th, Mr. Ingham went to the Moravians with a new plan. Gen.
Oglethorpe had agreed to build a schoolhouse for Indian children, near
Tomochichi’s village, with the idea that it would give opportunity also
to reach the older men and women with the Gospel message. The house
was to contain three rooms, one for Ingham, one for the Moravian
missionaries, and one to be used for the school, and it was suggested
that the Moravians undertake the erection of the building, the Trustees’
fund to pay them for their labor. The proposition was gladly accepted,
and preparations were at once made to send the necessary workmen.
On Monday, the 13th, Toeltschig and five others went to the spot which
had been selected for the Indian Schoolhouse, usually called ‘Irene’.
The site of this schoolhouse has been considered uncertain, but a
short manuscript account of “the Mission among the Indians in America”,
preserved in the Herrnhut Archives, says distinctly that it stood “a
mile above the town (of Savannah) on an island in the Savannah River
which was occupied by the Creeks.”
When the carpenters arrived the first act was to unite in prayer for a
blessing on their work, and then they began to fell trees and cut down
bushes, clearing the ground for the hut in which they were to live while
building the schoolhouse. The hut was placed on the grave of an Indian
chief. “The Indians are accustomed to bury their chiefs on the spot
where they died, to heap a mound some 24 feet high above them, to
mourn them for a while, and then to abandon the spot,” and this little
elevation was a favorable site for their hut. Until the hut was finished
the men lodged with the Indians, Tomochichi himself taking charge of
their belongings. Toeltschig returned the same day to Savannah, going
back later with a supply of provisions. The Indians made them heartily
welcome to their neighborhood, and the Moravians, even in the midst of
their building operations, began to teach them the English alphabet, at
the same time putting forth every effort to learn the Indian tongue, in
which Rose was rapidly becoming proficient.
By the 20th of September the schoolhouse was finished, and Ingham and
the Moravians held a conference to plan the future work, and decide what
duties each should assume, as he proposed to move thither at once, and,
with the approval of the lot, Rose and his wife were to do the same.
Morning and evening they were to read the English Bible, accompanied by
silent prayer; morning, mid-day and evening an hour was to be given to
the study of the Indian language; and Rose and his wife were to have
an hour for their private devotions. Mrs. Rose was to teach the Indian
girls to read, and the boys, who had already begun to read, were to be
taught to write. In their remaining time they were to clear and plant
some land, that they might not be too long dependent on the Congregation
at Savannah, and on the friendly Indians, who were giving them much.
The next day Mr. and Mrs. Toeltschig escorted Rose and his wife to their
new home, and at Ingham’s request united with them in a little
prayer service. Four days later fourteen of the Moravians went to the
schoolhouse, which was solemnly consecrated by Seifert, the Chief Elder.
That evening, in Savannah, Rose and his wife were formally set apart for
their missionary work, and the next day they returned to “Irene”, as the
school was called, to enter upon their duties.
At first everything was encouraging. The children learned readily, not
only to read but some to write; they committed to memory many passages
of Scripture, and took special delight in the hymns they were taught to
sing.
The older Indians looked on with wonder and approval, which stimulated
the missionaries to new zeal in mastering the language, and in taking
every opportunity to make the “Great Word” known to them. Zinzendorf
wrote a letter from Herrnhut to Tomochichi, commending his interest in
their message, and urging its full acceptance upon him; the Indians gave
some five acres of land for a garden, which Rose cleared and planted,
and everything looked promising, until the influence of the Spanish war
rumor was felt. True to their nature, the fighting spirit of the Indians
rose within them, and they took the war-path against the Spanish, for
the sake of their English allies, and perhaps more for the pure love
of strife. Then Ingham decided to go to England for reinforcements,
and Rose was left in charge of the work. He seems to have been a
well-meaning man, and much beloved by the Indians, but he was not a man
of much mental strength or executive ability, and the Congregation at
Savannah soon decided that he and his wife should be recalled until the
way opened for one or more of the others to go back to Irene with him.
The “Society”.
In their personal affairs the Moravians were experiencing the usual
mingling of light and shadow.
Dober’s effort to make pottery was a failure, for lack of proper clay,
but through Gen. Oglethorpe’s kindness a good deal of carpenter’s work
was given to them. They built a house for Tomochichi at his village,
and a house in Savannah, both in the style of the Moravian house, and
another town house in English fashion, as well as the Indian school, a
large share of their wages being applied on account, so that their debt
was gradually reduced, and their credit sustained.
Their manner of living remained very simple. Morning and evening prayers
began and ended their days of toil, the company being divided, part
living at the garden, and part in town during the week, all gathering in
the town-house for Sunday’s rest and worship. When the weather was very
warm the morning Bible reading was postponed until the noon hour, that
advantage might be taken of the cooler air for active labor. Once a
month a general conference was held on Saturday evening, with others as
needed, so that all might do the work for which they were best fitted,
and which was most necessary at the time. “Who worked much gave much,
who worked less gave less, who did not work because he was sick or weak
gave nothing into the common fund; but when they needed food, or drink,
or clothing, or other necessary thing, one was as another.”
On the 3rd of April, Matthias Seybold asked to be received into the
communicant Congregation, which was done on the 5th of May, and he
shared in the Lord’s Supper for the first time June 3rd. John Boehner
also was confirmed on January 12th of the following year.
On the 11th of November two little girls, Anna and Comfort, were added
to their household. The mother had recently died, and the father offered
to pay the Moravians for taking care of them, but they preferred to have
them bound, so they could not be taken away just when they had begun to
learn, and so it was arranged. On the 28th, a man from Ebenezer brought
his son, and apprenticed him to Tanneberger, the shoemaker.
The dark side of the picture arose from two causes, ill health, and
matrimonial affairs. There was a great deal of sickness throughout
Georgia that summer, and the second company became acclimated through
the same distressing process that the first had found so hard to bear.
Mrs. Dober, Mrs. Waschke, Mrs. Toeltschig, Gottlieb Demuth, John Boehner
and others were sick at various times, and David Jag cut his foot so
severely that he was unable to use it for four months. Nor was this the
worst, for three more of their number died. Roscher was sick when
he reached Savannah, with consumption, it was supposed, but Regnier
suspected that this was not all, and when Roscher died, March 30th, he
secured permission to make an autopsy, in which he was assisted by John
Wesley. The examination showed a large hematoma in the left wall of the
abdomen, and other complications. The records say, “we have no cause to
grieve over his departure, for he was a good soul,” and died in peace.
The next to pass away was Mrs. Haberecht. Her health began to fail the
latter part of March, but she did not become seriously ill until the
26th of May, when she returned from the farm, where she and others had
been employed, and told her friends that the Saviour had called her, and
her end was near. With joy and peace she waited for the summons, which
was delayed for some time, though on several occasions her death seemed
only a matter of hours. On the 16th of June she shared with the others
in the celebration of the Communion, and on the following evening “went
to the Saviour”.
Matthias Boehnisch’s illness was of short duration, lasting only from
the 27th of September to the 3rd of October. He had had a severe fall on
the ship coming over, from which he continued to suffer, and now a hard
blow on the chest injured him mortally. Some of his companions found it
hard to understand why he should be taken, for he was a good man, who
gave promise of much usefulness in the Lord’s service. It is an old
question, often asked and never fully answered, but Boehnisch, conscious
almost to the last, was perfectly willing to go, and his associates felt
that the influence of his life “would be a seed, which would bear fruit”
in others.
It was a serious mistake that sent Juliana Jaeschke to Savannah with
the second company. A seamstress was badly needed, and had she been
so minded she might have been very useful, but in a list giving very
briefly the standing of each one in the “Society”, it is curtly stated
that she was “ill-mannered, and obstructing everything.” Soon after her
arrival it was suggested that she marry Peter Rose, but the lot forbade
and he found a much better helpmeet in the widow of Friedrich Riedel.
Waschke thought he would like to marry Juliana, but she refused, even
though Bishop Nitschmann, Mr. and Mrs. Toeltschig pled with her. Her
preference was for George Haberland, and the result was an uncomfortable
state of affairs, which disturbed the leaders of the “Society” not a
little, for living as they did as one large family it meant constant
friction on all sides. They did not know whether to force Juliana to
submit to their authority, (as a member of the “Society” she had pledged
herself to obedience to the duly elected officers), or whether they
should wait and hope for a better frame of mind. At last they referred
it to the lot, which read “Juliana shall not marry any one yet.” This
settled the question for the time being, but did not improve the spirit
of the parties concerned. A few of the others were homesick, and lost
interest in their work and the cause for which they had come over.
Hermsdorf returned from Frederica, sick and depressed, and was kindly
received by the Moravians in Savannah, though their first favorable
impression of him had been lost on the voyage across the Atlantic, when
he complained of the fare, and lay in bed most of the time.
The leaders of the party, trying to pacify the discontented, comfort the
sick, and strengthen those that were left as one and another was called
away; planning the daily routine to the best advantage so that they
might repay their debt, and still have the necessaries of life for their
large company; seeking to teach and convert the Indians, and help the
poor about them;--these leaders were further tried by the non-arrival of
answers to the letters sent to Germany. Feeling that they MUST know the
will of those at home if they were to be able successfully to
continue their work, they at last decided to send a messenger to Count
Zinzendorf, and the lot designated Andrew Dober.
A ship was lying at anchor, ready to take Gen. Oglethorpe to England,
and he readily agreed to take Dober and wife with him, and on December
2nd, they embarked, Dober carrying a number of letters and papers. Mrs.
Dober was quite ill when they left, but rapidly improved in the sea
breezes. January 20th, the ship reached London, and Mr. and Mrs. Dober
went at once to Mr. Weintraube, who was to forward the letters to
Herrnhut. As they were talking Bishop Nitschmann walked in, to their
mutual great astonishment. He reported that Count Zinzendorf had just
arrived in London, and had sent to inquire for letters, so those brought
from Georgia were at once delivered. Zinzendorf rented a house, the
Countess arrived a few days later, and Dober and wife remained in his
service during the seven weeks of his stay.
The Count’s object in visiting London at this time was fourfold: to
confer with the Georgia Trustees about the Moravians in Savannah; to
extend acquaintances among the Germans in London and do religious
work among them; to discuss the Episcopate of the Unitas Fratrum with
Archbishop Potter of Canterbury; and if possible to revive the “Order
of the Mustard Seed”. This order had been established by Zinzendorf and
several companions in their early boyhood, and grew with their growth,
numbering many famous men in its ranks, and it is worthy of note that
even in its boyish form it contained the germs of that zeal for missions
which was such a dominant feature of the Count’s manhood.
Archbishop Potter not only fully acknowledged the validity of the
Unity’s Episcopate, but urged Zinzendorf himself to accept consecration
at the hands of Jablonski and David Nitschmann, and encouraged by him
Zinzendorf was consecrated bishop at Berlin, May 20th, 1737.
The Count held frequent services during his stay in London, and before
he left a society of ten members had been formed among the Germans, with
a few simple regulations, their object being “in simplicity to look to
these three things:--to be saved by the blood of Christ; to become holy,
or be sanctified by the blood of Christ; to love one another heartily.”
With the Trustees it was agreed: “That the Count’s men” might remain for
two years longer at Savannah, without cultivating the five hundred
acre tract, “and be exempt from all forfeitures arising from such
non-cultivation;” but if they chose they might move to the tract
any time during the two years. They might go to Tomochichi’s Indians
whenever they saw fit and he consented. Other Indians could not be
visited in time of war, but in peace four Moravians should be licensed
to go to them, on the same footing as the English ministers. Those
living with Tomochichi were not included in this number. “As the
Moravian Church is believed to be orthodox and apostolic” no one should
interfere with their preaching the Gospel, or prevent the Indians from
attending their services in Savannah, or elsewhere. The title to their
five hundred acre tract was secured to the Moravians, even in case the
Count’s male line should become extinct.
Reference to military service is conspicuous by its absence, and at the
very time that these resolutions were being framed, assurance on that
one point was being desperately needed in Savannah.
Rumors of War.
In February, 1737, that which Spangenberg had feared came upon the
Moravians,--military service was peremptorily demanded of them, the
occasion being a fresh alarm of Spanish incursions.
The feud between the colonists of Spain and England was of long
standing, dating back to rival claims to the New World by right of
discovery. The English asserted that through the Cabots they had a
right to the greater part of North America, and a grant to the Lords
Proprietors of Carolina, in 1663, named the 31 degree of latitude as the
southern boundary. Another patent two years later set the line at the
29 degree, but that availed nothing as it included the northern part of
Florida, where the Spanish were already settled in considerable numbers.
No other nation questioned the English claim to the sea-board as far
as the 31 degree, which was well south of the Altamaha, but the Spanish
greatly resented the settlements in Carolina, as encroaching on their
territory, though successive treaties between the two Governments
had virtually acknowledged the English rights. With the two nations
nominally at peace, the Spanish incited the Indians to deeds of
violence, encouraged insurrection among the negro slaves, welcomed those
who ran away, and enlisted them in their army. Now and then the Governor
of Carolina would send a force, which would subdue them for a time, but
the constant uncertainty made Carolina welcome the Georgia colony as a
protection to her borders.
The settlement of Georgia gave further offense to Spain, and her
subjects in Florida burned to exterminate the intruders, as they
considered them, though nothing was done so long as operations were
confined to the Savannah River. But when towns and forts were planned
and begun on the Altamaha their opposition became more outspoken.
Oglethorpe did all he could to preserve peace without retreating from
his position, and in Oct. 1736, he concluded a treaty with the Governor
of St. Augustine.
Only too soon it became apparent that this treaty would not be
respected, for the Captain-General of Cuba disapproved, and Oglethorpe
sailed for England, in November, to urge the immediate and sufficient
fortification of the frontier. The Trustees and the Government approved
of the course he had pursued, but Spain recalled and executed the
Governor of St. Augustine, for presuming to make such a treaty, and so
plainly showed her intention to make war on Georgia that the English
Government authorized Oglethorpe to raise a regiment for service there,
and in July, 1738, he sailed for America, commissioned to take command
of all the military forces of Carolina and Georgia, and protect the
colonies.
During the nineteen months of his absence, the Georgia colonists were in
a continual state of uneasiness, which now and then became sheer panic
at some especially plausible report of imminent danger.
On February 17th, 1737, Mr. Causton received a letter from Charlestown,
in which the Governor informed him that he had news of the approach of
the Spaniards, and Savannah at once became excited, and prepared for
defence. On the 20th, officers went through the town, taking the names
of all who could bear arms, freeholders and servants alike. Three of
them came to the Moravian house and requested names from Toeltschig. He
answered “there was no one among them who could bear arms, and he would
get no names from them.” They said, “it was remarkable that in a house
full of strong men none could bear arms,--he should hurry and give them
the names, they could not wait.” Toeltschig answered, “if they wanted
to go no one would stop them, there would be no names given.” They
threatened to tell Mr. Causton, Toeltschig approved, and said he would
do the same, and they angrily left the house.
Ingham accompanied Toeltschig to Mr. Causton, who at once began to argue
the matter, and a spirited debate ensued, of which the following is a
resume.
Causton. “Everybody must go to the war and fight for his own safety, and
if you will not join the army the townspeople will burn down your house,
and will kill you all.”
Toeltschig. “That may happen, but we can not help it, it is against our
conscience to fight.”
Causton. “If you do not mean to fight you had better go and hide in the
woods, out of sight of the people, or it will be the worse for you; and
you had better go before the enemy comes, for then it will be too late
to escape, the townspeople will certainly kill you.”
Toeltschig. “You forget that Gen. Oglethorpe promised us exemption from
military service, and we claim the liberty he pledged.”
Causton. “If the Count, and the Trustees and the King himself had agreed
on that in London it would count for nothing here, if war comes it will
be FIGHT OR DIE. If I were an officer on a march and met people who
would not join me, I would shoot them with my own hand, and you can
expect no other treatment from the officers here.”
Toeltschig. “We are all servants, and can not legally be impressed.”
Causton. “If the Count himself were here he would have to take his gun
on his shoulder, and all his servants with him. If he were living on
his estate at Old Fort it would make no difference, for the order of the
Magistrates must be obeyed. If the English, to whom the country belongs
must fight, shall others go free?”
Toeltschig finally yielded so far as to tell him the number of men in
their company, “it could do no harm for we could be counted any day,”
but their names were resolutely withheld, and service firmly refused.
Then the townspeople took up the cry. Should they fight for these
strangers who would not do their share toward defending the land? They
would mob and kill them first! They only injured the colony at any rate,
for they worked so cheaply that they lowered the scale of wages; and
besides they received money from many people, for their services, but
spent none because they made everything they needed for themselves!
Still the Moravians stood firm in their position, indeed they could
do nothing else without stultifying themselves. The instructions from
Zinzendorf and the leaders of the Church at Herrnhut, with the approval
of the lot, were definite,--they should take no part in military
affairs, but might pay any fines incurred by refusal. To Oglethorpe and
to the Trustees they had explained their scruples, making freedom of
conscience an essential consideration of their settling in Georgia, and
from them they had received assurances that only freeholders were liable
to military duty. Therefore they had claimed no land as individuals, but
had been content to live, and labor, and be called “servants”, paying
each week for men to serve in the night watch, in place of the absent
owners of the two town lots. In Savannah their views were well known,
and to yield to orders from a Magistrate, who openly declared that
promises made by the Trustees, who had put him in office, were not worth
regarding, and who threatened them with mob violence, would have been
to brand themselves as cowards, unworthy members of a Church which
had outlived such dire persecution as that which overthrew the ancient
Unitas Fratrum, and recreant to their own early faith, which had led
them to abandon homes and kindred in Moravia, and seek liberty of
conscience in another kingdom. That Georgia needed armed men to protect
her from the Spaniards was true, but equally so she needed quiet
courage, steady industry, strict honesty, and pious lives to develop her
resources, keep peace with her Indian neighbors, and win the respect of
the world, but these traits were hardly recognized as coin current by
the frightened, jealous men who clamored against the Moravians.
On the 28th, it was demanded that the Moravians help haul wood to the
fort which was being built. They replied that their wagon and oxen were
at the officers’ service without hire, and that they would feed the
animals, but personally they could take no share in the work. This
angered the people again, and several of the members began to wonder
whether they might perhaps comply so far as to assist, as a matter of
friendship, in hewing logs for the fort, refusing the wages paid to
others. The lot was tried, and absolutely forbade it, which was well,
for it developed that the people were watching for their answer, having
agreed that if they helped on the fort it would be a proof that they
COULD do what they chose, and were simply hiding behind an excuse in
refusing to fight.
But the tension was not relaxed, and on the 2nd of March, the Moravians
met to decide on their further course. Should they keep quiet, and wait
for times to change, or should they go away? It was referred to the lot,
and the paper drawn read “GO OUT FROM AMONG THEM.” This meant not merely
from the city, but from the province, for Mr. Causton had told them that
they would be subject to the same requirements if they were living in
the adjoining country.
On the strength of this they wrote a letter to Mr. Causton, rehearsing
their motives in coming to Georgia, and the promises made them,
reiterating their claim for liberty of conscience, and concluding, “But
if this can not be allowed us, if our remaining here be burdensome to
the people, as we already perceive it begins to be, we are willing, with
the approbation of the Magistrate, to remove from this place; by this
means any tumult that might ensue on our account will be avoided, and
occasion of offense cut off from those who now reproach us that they are
obliged to fight for us.”
When it came to this point Mr. Causton found himself by no means anxious
to drive away some thirty of his best settlers, who stood well with
Oglethorpe and the Trustees, and had given him all their trade for
supplies, so he began to temporize. “They trusted in God, and he really
did not think their house would be burned over their heads.” Toeltschig
said that was the least part of it, they had come for freedom, and now
attempts were made to force them to act contrary to the dictates of
their consciences. Then he declared that he had no power in the matter
of their leaving, that must be settled between the Count, the Trustees,
and themselves, but he could not permit them to go until he received an
order from the Trustees. Meanwhile he would do what he could to quiet
the people’s dissatisfaction with them.
As their debt to the Trustees was not yet fully paid, Causton’s refusal
bound them in Savannah for the time being, according to their bond, so
they had to turn elsewhere for help. Early in February, they had heard
of Spangenberg’s return to Pennsylvania from his visit to St. Thomas,
and had written to ask him to come and help them for a while, but
being busy with other things he did not go. On the 5th of March, Ingham
suggested that he and one of their number should go to England to the
Trustees. They thought it over and decided that George Neisser should
go with him as far as Pennsylvania, where the case should be laid before
Spangenberg, with the request that he go to London, arrange matters with
the Trustees, and get permission for them to leave Georgia. Ingham was
going, with the approval of Wesley and Delamotte, to try and bring over
some of their friends to help in the work of evangelizing the Province.
A ship was ready to sail for Pennsylvania on the 9th, so Ingham and
Neisser took passage on her, and sailed, as the event proved, never to
return.