The “Second Company”.
Before David Nitschmann, the “Hausmeister”, left London, after the
sailing of the first Moravian company for Georgia, he presented to the
Trustees a series of propositions, the acceptance of which would open
the way for a large increase of Moravian emigration. The proposals were,
in brief, that the Trustees should give credit to the Moravians to the
extent of 500 Pounds sterling, which, deducting the 60 Pounds advanced
to the first company, would provide passage money and a year’s provision
for fifty-five more of Count Zinzendorf’s “servants”, the loan to be
repaid, without interest, in five years, and to bear interest at the
usual rate if payment was longer deferred. He also suggested that the
money, when repaid, should be again advanced for a like purpose.
In addition he requested that each man of twenty-one years, or over,
should be granted fifty acres near Count Zinzendorf’s tract.
The Trustees were pleased to approve of these proposals, and promised
the desired credit, with the further favor that if the debt was not
paid within five years it should draw interest at eight per cent. only,
instead of ten per cent., the customary rate in South Carolina.
During the summer, therefore, a second company prepared to follow the
pioneers to the New World. On the 5th of August, 1735, two parties left
Herrnhut, one consisting of three young men, and the other of thirteen
men, women and children, who were joined at Leipzig by Jonas Korte,
who went with them to London. On August 8th, five more persons left
Herrnhut, under the leadership of David Nitschmann, the Bishop, who was
to take the second company to Georgia, organize their congregation, and
ordain their pastor.
This David Nitschmann, a carpenter by trade, was a companion of David
Nitschmann, the “Hausmeister”, and John Toeltschig, when they left
Moravia in the hope of re-establishing the Unitas Fratrum, and with them
settled at Herrnhut, and became one of the influential members of the
community. When missionaries were to be sent to the Danish West Indies,
Nitschmann and Leonard Dober went on foot to Copenhagen (August 21st,
1732), and sailed from there, Nitschmann paying their way by his work
as ship’s carpenter. By the same handicraft he supported himself and
his companion for four months on the island of St. Thomas, where
they preached to the negro slaves, and then, according to previous
arrangement, he left Dober to continue the work, and returned to
Germany. In 1735, it was decided that Bishop Jablonski, of Berlin,
and Bishop Sitkovius, of Poland, who represented the Episcopate of the
ancient Unitas Fratrum, should consecrate one of the members of the
renewed Unitas Fratrum at Herrnhut, linking the Church of the Fathers
with that of their descendents, and enabling the latter to send to the
Mission field ministers whose ordination could not be questioned by
other denominations, or by the civil authorities. David Nitschmann, then
one of the Elders at Herrnhut, was chosen to receive consecration,
the service being performed, March 13th, by Bishop Jablonski, with the
written concurrence of Bishop Sitkovius.
The three parties from Herrnhut met at Magdeburg on August 13th,
proceeding from there to Hamburg by boat, and at Altona, the sea-port of
Hamburg, they found ten more colonists who had preceded them. Here also
they were joined by Christian Adolph von Hermsdorf, who went with them
to Georgia as “a volunteer”. Apparently Lieutenant Hermsdorf wanted the
position of Zinzendorf’s Agent in Georgia, for the Count wrote to him
on the 19th of August, agreeing that he should go with the Moravians, at
their expense, but saying that if he desired office he must first prove
himself worthy of it by service with and for the others, even as the
Count had always done. If the reports from Georgia justified it, the
Count promised to send him proper powers later, and to find a good
opportunity for his wife to follow him. Rosina Schwarz and her child,
who had come with them to Hamburg to meet her husband, returned with him
to their home in Holstein; and on account of Rosina Neubert’s serious
illness, she and her husband reluctantly agreed to leave the company,
and wait for another opportunity to go to Georgia. In 1742 they
carried out their intention of emigrating to America, though it was to
Pennsylvania, and not to Georgia.
The “second company”, therefore, consisted of twenty-five persons:
David Nitschmann, the Bishop.
Christian Adolph von Hermsdorf, a volunteer.
John Andrew Dober, a potter.
David Zeisberger.
David Tanneberger, a shoemaker.
John Tanneberger, son of David, a boy of ten years.
George Neisser.
Augustin Neisser, a young lad, brother of George.
Henry Roscher, a linen-weaver.
David Jag.
John Michael Meyer, a tailor.
Jacob Frank.
John Martin Mack.
Matthias Seybold, a farmer.
Gottlieb Demuth.
John Boehner, a carpenter.
Matthias Boehnisch.
Maria Catherine Dober, wife of John Andrew Dober.
Rosina Zeisberger, wife of David Zeisberger.
Judith Toeltschig, Catherine Riedel, Rosina Haberecht, Regina Demuth,
going to join their husbands already in Georgia.
Anna Waschke, a widow, to join her son.
Juliana Jaeschke, a seamstress.*
* Fifteen of these colonists were originally from Moravia
and Bohemia.--
During an enforced stay of three weeks at Altona, the Moravians
experienced much kindness, especially at the hands of Korte and his
family, and Mrs. Weintraube, the daughter of a Mennonite preacher, who
had come from her home in London on a visit to her father. By this time
the Moravian settlement at Herrnhut was coming to be well and favorably
known in Holland, and every visit won new friends, many of whom came
into organic fellowship with them. A few years later, when the Unitas
Fratrum was confronted by a great financial crisis, it was largely the
loyalty and liberality of the Dutch members that enabled it to reach a
position of safety.
On the 9th of September, the company went aboard an English boat,
homeward bound, but contrary winds held them in port until the 13th,
and it was not until Sunday, Oct. 2nd, that they reached London, after a
long and stormy crossing, which gave many of them their first experience
of sea-sickness.
Nitschmann and Korte at once went ashore to report their arrival to
Secretary Verelst, and on Monday a house was rented, and the twenty-five
colonists and Jonas Korte moved into it, to wait for the sailing of Gen.
Oglethorpe’s ship, the General having offered them berths on his own
vessel. The General was out of town when they reached London, but called
on Monday evening, and showed them every kindness,--“Oglethorpe is
indeed our good friend, and cares for us like a father.”
Nitschmann found a good deal of difficulty on account of the language,
for he could not speak Latin, as Spangenberg had done, and knew no
English, so that all of his conversations with Oglethorpe had to be
carried on through an interpreter; nevertheless a number of important
points were fully discussed.
On the question of military service he could reach no definite and
satisfactory conclusion, and thought it a great pity that there had not
been a perfect mutual understanding between Zinzendorf and the Trustees
before the first company sailed. That Zinzendorf’s “servants” should be
free from military service was admitted by all, but Oglethorpe thought
three men must be furnished to represent Zinzendorf, Spangenberg and
Nitschmann (the Hausmeister), the three free-holders, and suggested that
Lieutenant Hermsdorf might take one place. Nitschmann said that would
not do, that the Moravians “could not and would not fight,” and there
the matter rested. Nitschmann wrote to Zinzendorf, begging him to come
to London, and interview the Trustees, but advised that he wait for
Oglethorpe’s return from Georgia some nine months later.
On this account the members of the second company agreed that it would
be better for them not to accept land individually, but to go, as the
others had done, as Zinzendorf’s “servants”, to work on his tract.
Oglethorpe suggested that an additional five hundred acres should
be requested for Count Zinzendorf’s son, and Nitschmann referred the
proposal to the authorities at Herrnhut. In regard to the five hundred
acre tract already granted, the General said that it had been located
near the Indians, at the Moravians’ request, but that settlers there
would be in no danger, for the Indians were at peace with the English,
there was a fort near by, and besides he intended to place a colony of
Salzburgers fifty miles further south, when the Moravians would be, not
on the border but in the center of Georgia.
Gen. Oglethorpe assured Nitschmann that there would be no trouble
regarding the transfer of title to the Georgia lands, for while, for
weighty reasons, the grants had been made in tail male, there was no
intention, on the part of the Trustees, to use this as a pretext for
regaining the land, and if there was no male heir, a brother, or
failing this, a friend, might take the title. (In 1739 the law entailing
property in Georgia was modified to meet this view, and after 1750, all
grants were made in fee simple.) He also explained that the obligation
to plant a certain number of mulberry trees per acre, or forfeit the
land, was intended to spur lazy colonists, and would not be enforced in
the case of the Moravians.
Nitschmann told Gen. Oglethorpe of the wives and children who had been
left in Herrnhut, and suggested the advisability of establishing an
English School for them, that they might be better fitted for life
in Georgia. Oglethorpe liked the idea, and, after due consideration,
suggested that some one in Herrnhut who spoke French or Latin,
preferably the latter, should be named as Count Zinzendorf’s Agent, to
handle funds for the English school, and to accompany later companies
of Georgia colonists as far as London, his expenses to be paid by the
Trustees. Of this the Trustees approved, and donated 40 Pounds sterling,
partly for Nitschmann’s use in London, and the balance,--about 4 Pounds
it proved to be,--for the Herrnhut school. An English gentleman also
gave them 32 Pounds, with the proviso that within four years they in
turn would give an equal amount to the needy, which Nitschmann readily
agreed should be done.
Various other gifts must have been received, for when the company
sailed, Nitschmann reported to Count Zinzendorf that, without counting a
considerable amount which Korte had generously expended on their behalf,
they had received 115 Pounds in London, and had spent 113 Pounds. “This
will seem much to you, but when you look over the accounts, and consider
the number of people, and how dear everything is, you will understand.”
Unfortunately the colonists had left Herrnhut without a sufficient
quantity of warm clothing, thinking that it would not be needed, but
letters from Georgia gave them quite new ideas of the climate there, and
they were forced to supply themselves in London, though at double what
it would have cost in Germany.
In addition to these expenditures, the second company borrowed from the
Trustees the funds for their passage to Georgia, and a year’s provision
there, binding themselves jointly and severally to repay the money, the
bond, dated Oct. 26th, 1735, being for the sum of 453 Pounds 7 Shillings
6 Pence, double the amount of the actual debt. This included
Passage for 16 men, 8 women and 1 boy,
25 persons, 24-1/2 “heads”. Pounds 122: 10: 0
25 sets of bed-clothes. 6: 5: 0
1 year’s provisions in Georgia,
being 12 bushels Indian Corn,
100 lbs. Meat, 30 lbs. Butter,
1 bushel Salt, 27 lbs. Cheese,
per head. 64: 6: 3
Advanced in London for necessaries. 33: 12: 6
----------------- Pounds 226: 13: 9
This was to be repaid in five years, drawing eight per cent. interest
after three years, further security to be given within twelve months if
requested by the Trustees or their Agent; and any provisions not used to
be credited on their account.
In the matter of forming new acquaintances in London, the second company
was far less active than the first had been, Spangenberg’s standing
and education having given him access to many people, attracting their
attention to his companions. The second company profited by the friends
he had made, Mr. Wynantz especially devoting himself to their service,
and while Nitschmann and his associates did not reach many new people,
they inspired the respect and confidence of those whom Spangenberg had
introduced to the Moravian Church, and so strengthened its cause. A
carpenter from Wittenberg, Vollmar by name, who was attracted to them,
requested permission to go to Georgia with them, although not at their
expense, and to this they agreed. A number of Salzburgers who were to
go to Georgia with General Oglethorpe, though not on the same ship, were
under the leadership of the young Baron von Reck with whom Zinzendorf
had corresponded during the early stages of the Moravian negotiations,
and the Baron called on the second company several times, offered to
assist them in any way in his power, and expressed the wish that the
Moravians and Salzburgers could live together in Georgia. Nitschmann
doubted the wisdom of the plan, but courteously agreed to refer it to
Zinzendorf, who, however, refused his sanction.
On the 12th of October, the Moravians went aboard Gen. Oglethorpe’s
ship, the ‘Simmonds’, Capt. Cornish, where they were told to select the
cabins they preferred, being given preference over the English colonists
who were going. The cabins contained bare bunks, which could be closed
when not in use, arranged in groups of five,--three below and two
above,--the five persons occupying them also eating together. The
Moravians chose their places in the center of the ship, on either side
of the main mast, where the ventilation was best, and there would be
most fresh air when they reached warmer latitudes. “The number of people
on the ship is rather large, for we are altogether one hundred and
fifty who are going to Georgia, but besides ourselves they are all
Englishmen.” “Many of them are like wild animals, but we have resolved
in all things to act as the children of God, giving offence to no one,
that our purpose be not misconstrued.”
After seeing his companions comfortably settled on the vessel,
Nitschmann returned to his numerous tasks in London. On the 24th,
he came back to the ship, accompanied by Korte, who bade them an
affectionate farewell. By the 27th all of the passengers, including Gen.
Oglethorpe, were on board, but it was not until the afternoon of October
31st, that the ‘Simmonds’ sailed from Gravesend.
Four Journals.
On the ‘Simmonds’, as she sailed slowly down the Thames on her way to
Georgia, there were four Englishmen, with whom the Moravians were to
become well acquainted, who were to influence and be influenced by them,
and through whom a great change was to come into the religious history
of England. These were John and Charles Wesley, Benjamin Ingham and
Charles Delamotte. The Wesleys were sons of Samuel Wesley, a clergyman
of the Church of England, and while at the University of Oxford
they, with two companions, had formed a little society for religious
improvement, and by their strict and methodical habits gained the name
of “Methodists”; both brothers had taken orders in the English Church,
and were on their way to Georgia, John to serve as rector at Savannah,
and Charles as Gen. Oglethorpe’s private secretary. Benjamin Ingham was
born in Yorkshire, and met the Wesleys at Oxford, where he joined their
Methodist society. He, too, had been ordained in the English Church,
and now, at the age of twenty-three, had yielded to John Wesley’s
persuasions, and agreed to go with him “to the Indians”. Charles
Delamotte, the son of a London merchant, met the Wesleys at the home of
James Hutton, shortly before they sailed for Georgia, and was so much
impressed by them, and by their object in seeking the New World, that he
decided “to leave the world, and give himself up entirely to God,” and
go with them.
For the greater part of his life John Wesley kept a Journal, extracts
from which were given to the public from time to time, and Benjamin
Ingham’s account of the voyage to Georgia was also printed, so that the
story of those weeks is quite well known. Nevertheless, something of
interest may be gained by comparing these two Journals with the Diaries
kept by David Nitschmann, Bishop of the Moravians, and John Andrew
Dober, one of the second company.
To avoid confusion it should be noted that the difference of eleven days
in the dates is only apparent, not real, for the Englishmen used the
old style calendar, the Germans employed the modern one. In 46 B. C. the
Roman Calendar had gained two months on the actual seasons, and a more
accurate calculation resulted in the adoption of the so-called “Julian
Calendar” (prepared at the request of Julius Caesar), the two missing
months being inserted between November and December in that “year of
confusion”. By 1582, however, the Julian Calendar had fallen ten days
behind the seasons, so another calculation was made, and Pope Gregory
XIII abolished the Julian Calendar in all Catholic countries, dropped
the dates of ten days from that year, and established the “reformed”, or
“Gregorian Calendar”. This was adopted in Catholic Germany, in 1583, in
Protestant Germany and Holland, in 1700, but in England not until 1752,
by which time the difference had increased to eleven days. Following the
ancient Jewish custom the Year, for many centuries, began with the 25th
of March, but public sentiment came to favor the 1st of January as
the more appropriate date, and it was gradually adopted. In England,
however, the legal year continued to begin with March 25th, until 1752,
although many people were either using the newer fashion, or indicating
both, and a date might be correctly written in four ways, e.g. January
10th, 1734, old style, legal, January 10th, 1734-5, or January 10th,
1735, old style, popular, and January 21st, 1735, new style, the last
agreeing with the calendar now in general use.
Bishop Nitschmann gives the outline of their religious services on
almost every day, and in the translation which follows these are
generally omitted; in the same way some paragraphs are left out of the
Wesley Journal. Extracts from Dober’s and Ingham’s Journals are inserted
when they give facts not otherwise noted.
====== 24 Oct. 1735.
Nitschmann’s Diary. Oct. 24th, 1735.
I went to the ship, (the ‘Simmonds’, Captain Cornish).
My heart rejoiced to be once more with the Brethren.
In the evening we held our song service.
(We have all given ourselves to the Lord, and pray that the Saviour may
comfort our hearts with joy, and that we may attain our object, namely,
to call the heathen, to become acquainted with those whom we have not
known and who know us not, and to worship the name of the Lord.--Letter
of Oct. 28.)
====== 25 Oct. 1735.
John Wesley’s Journal. Oct. 14th, 1735, (O. S.) Tuesday.
Mr. Benjamin Ingham, of Queen’s College, Oxford, Mr. Charles Delamotte,
son of a merchant in London, who had offered himself some days before,
my brother Charles Wesley, and myself, took boat for Gravesend, in order
to embark for Georgia. Our end in leaving our native country was not to
avoid want, (God having given us plenty of temporal blessings,) nor to
gain the dung or dross of riches or honor; but singly this,--to save our
souls, to live wholly to the glory of God. In the afternoon we found the
‘Simmonds’ off Gravesend, and immediately went on board.
(We had two cabins allotted us in the forecastle; I and Mr. Delamotte
having the first, and Messrs. Wesley the other. Theirs was made pretty
large, so that we could all meet together to read or pray in it. This
part of the ship was assigned to us by Mr. Oglethorpe, as being most
convenient for privacy.--Ingham’s Journal.)
====== 27 Oct. 1735.
Nitschmann. Oct. 27th.
Bled Mrs. Toeltschig and Mrs. Zeisberger. On deck one man was knocked
down by another, striking his head on the deck so as to stun him. In the
evening we held our song service at the same hour that the English had
theirs. I spoke with Mr. Oglethorpe and the two English clergymen, who
asked concerning our ordination and our faith. Mr. Oglethorpe said he
would be as our father, if we would permit it.
====== 28 Oct. 1735.
Nitschmann. Oct. 28th.
At our prayer-meeting considered Eph. 1, how our election may be made
sure; I also wrote to the Congregation at Herrnhut. Mrs. Zeisberger was
sick, and Mr. Oglethorpe concerned himself about her comfort.
----
Wesley. Oct. 17th.
I began to learn German in order to converse with the Germans, six and
twenty* of whom we had on board.
* Twenty-five Moravians and the Wittenberg carpenter.--
====== 29 Oct. 1735.
Nitschmann. Oct. 29th.
Spoke with the Wittenberg carpenter concerning his soul.
====== 30 Oct. 1735.
Nitschmann. Oct. 30th.
We decided who should attend to various duties during the voyage,
and held our “Band” meetings. (The “Bands” were small groups, closely
associated for mutual religious improvement.) An English boy fell
overboard, but was rescued by a sailor.
====== 31 Oct. 1735.
Nitschmann. Oct. 31st.
In the afternoon we sailed twelve miles from Gravesend.
----
Wesley. Oct. 20th, Monday.
Believing the denying ourselves, even in the smallest instances, might,
by the blessing of God, be helpful to us, we wholly left off the use of
flesh and wine, and confined ourselves to vegetable food,--chiefly rice
and biscuit. In the afternoon, David Nitschmann, Bishop of the Germans,
and two others, began to learn English. O may we be, not only of one
tongue, but of one mind and of one heart.
====== 1 Nov. 1735.
Nitschmann. Nov. 1st.
The English clergyman began to spend an hour teaching us English. In
the early service we read concerning new life in the soul; the preceding
night was blessed to me, and the Saviour was near. At the evening
service we spoke of earnest prayer and its answer.
(David Nitschmann, in the presence of all the members, formally
installed certain of our members in office,--David Tanneberger as
overseer, Dober as teacher and monitor, Seybold as nurse for the
brethren, and Mrs. Dober as nurse for the sisters.--Dober’s Diary.)
(We have arranged that one of us shall watch each night, of which Mr.
Oglethorpe approves.--Letter of Oct. 18th.) ----
Wesley. Oct. 21st.
We sailed from Gravesend. When we were past about half the Goodwin Sands
the wind suddenly failed. Had the calm continued till ebb, the ship had
probably been lost. But the gale sprung up again in an hour, and carried
us into the Downs.
We now began to be a little regular. Our common way of living was this:
From four in the morning till five, each of us used private prayer. From
five to seven we read the Bible together, carefully comparing it (that
we might not lean to our own understanding) with the writings of
the earliest ages. At seven we breakfasted. At eight were the public
prayers. From nine to twelve I usually learned German and Mr. Delamotte
Greek. My brother writ sermons, and Mr. Ingham instructed the children.
At twelve we met to give an account to one another what we had done
since our last meeting, and what we designed to do before our next.
About one we dined. The time from dinner to four, we spent in reading
to those whom each of us had taken in charge, or in speaking to them
severally, as need required. At four were the Evening Prayers; when
either the Second Lesson was explained (as it always was in the
morning,) or the children were catechised, and instructed before the
congregation. From five to six we again used private prayer. From six
to seven I read in our cabin to two or three of the passengers, (of whom
there were about eighty English on board), and each of my brethren to a
few more in theirs. At seven I joined with the Germans in their public
service; while Mr. Ingham was reading between the decks to as many
as desired to hear. At eight we met again, to exhort and instruct one
another. Between nine and ten we went to bed, where neither the roaring
of the sea, nor the motion of the ship, could take away the refreshing
sleep which God gave us.
====== 2 Nov. 1735.
Nitschmann. Nov. 2nd.
We sailed further. In the early prayer service we considered Eph. 4, the
unity of the Spirit, and the means of preserving the bond of peace. In
the song service many points of doctrine were discussed with the English
clergyman, also the decline and loss of power.
====== 3 Nov. 1735.
Nitschmann. Nov. 3rd.
A dense fog and unpleasant weather, so we lay still at anchor.
====== 4 Nov. 1735.
Nitschmann. Nov. 4th.
I visited the other ship, (the ‘London Merchant’, Capt. Thomas) where
the so-called Salzburgers are. I spend most of my time studying English.
----
Wesley. Oct. 24th.
Having a rolling sea, most of the passengers found the effects of it.
Mr. Delamotte was exceeding sick for several days, Mr. Ingham for about
half an hour. My brother’s head ached much. Hitherto it has pleased God
the sea has not disordered me at all.
During our stay in the Downs, some or other of us went, as often as we
had opportunity, on board the ship that sailed in company with us, where
also many were glad to join in prayer and hearing the word.
====== 5 Nov. 1735.
Nitschmann. Nov. 5th.
We prayed for the Congregation at Herrnhut, and also that we might be
one with it in spirit. In the evening we spoke of the Lord’s protection,
how good it is.
There is no room for fear,
The world may shake and quiver,
The elements may rage,
The firmament may shiver,
We are safe-guarded.
====== 8 Nov. 1735.
Nitschmann. Nov. 8th.
An (English) child died, and was buried in the sea at five o’clock.
====== 11 Nov. 1735.
Nitschmann. Nov. 11th.
The text was “The Lord is with me, therefore I do not fear.”
----
Wesley. Oct. 31st.
We sailed out of the Downs. At eleven at night I was waked by a great
noise. I soon found there was no danger. But the bare apprehension of
it gave me a lively conviction what manner of men those ought to be, who
are every moment on the brink of eternity.
====== 12 Nov. 1735.
Nitschmann. Nov. 12th.
(This afternoon we came near Portsmouth, and anchored. Today Dober began
to study English, and learned the Lord’s Prayer.--Dober’s Diary.)
----
Wesley. Nov. 1st, Saturday.
We came to St. Helen’s harbour, and the next day into Cowes road. The
wind was fair, but we waited for the man-of-war which was to sail with
us. This was a happy opportunity of instructing our fellow travellers.
May He whose seed we sow, give it the increase!
====== 13 Nov. 1735.
Nitschmann. Nov. 13th.
Hermsdorf visits Baron von Reck.
====== 14 Nov. 1735.
Nitschmann. Nov. 14th.
We lay at anchor at Cowes on the Isle of Wight, and some of us landed. I
went with Baron von Reck to Newport, one mile distant, it is a beautiful
place. I conversed with Baron von Reck about the Lord’s Prayer.
====== 18 Nov. 1735.
Nitschmann. Nov. 18th.
A great storm. To me the time is precious, and passes too swiftly. It
is as though we were in the midst of wild beasts, which are bound and
cannot harm us. We know the Saviour stands by us, and strengthens us
through the Holy Ghost.
====== 20 Nov. 1735.
Nitschmann. Nov. 20th.
One older and two young Englishmen were whipped for stealing.
====== 21 Nov. 1735.
Nitschmann. Nov. 21st.
Conversed with Mr. Oglethorpe about our ordination, Baron von Reck
acting as interpreter. He was well pleased when I explained our view,
and that we did not think a Bishop must be a great lord as among the
Catholics. He offered to give us anything we wished, but I told him we
needed nothing.
====== 23 Nov. 1735.
Nitschmann. Nov. 23rd.
The Man-of-war [‘Hawk’, Capt. Gascoine) joined us. A boy was beaten, and
sent away from the ship.
====== 25 Nov. 1735.
Nitschmann. Nov. 25th.
Spoke with Mr. Oglethorpe about Boehner and George Neisser, who are sick
and must go ashore for treatment. Boehner has a sore arm, and Neisser
a sore foot. An English friend gave us a guinea to buy some things we
need.
====== 29 Nov. 1735.
Nitschmann. Nov. 29th.
In the evening I prayed for a good wind, since we do not wish to lie in
one place and be of no use.
====== 1 Dec. 1735.
Nitschmann. Dec. 1st.
The wind was good, we thanked God and sailed about eight o’clock. Not
long after the wind fell, and we anchored, but I could not believe that
we were not to go. The wind rose again, and we sailed nine miles.
----
Wesley. Nov. 20th.
We fell down Yarmouth road, but the next day were forced back to Cowes.
During our stay here there were several storms, in one of which two
ships in Yarmouth roads were lost.
The continuance of the contrary winds gave my brother an opportunity of
complying with the desire of the minister of Cowes, and preaching there
three or four times.
====== 2 Dec. 1735.
Nitschmann. Dec. 2nd.
About two o’clock we returned to Cowes.
====== 3 Dec. 1735.
Nitschmann. Dec. 3rd.
The women went ashore to wash our clothes. The others went with them,
because we do not wish to annoy any one, and desired to be alone that we
might celebrate the Lord’s Supper. I could not leave the ship, but was
with them in spirit.
====== 4 Dec. 1735.
Nitschmann. Dec. 4th.
(Nitschmann and Dober spoke with several of the Brethren concerning
their spiritual condition. In the evening a storm sprang up which
continued most of the night. Mr. Oglethorpe is ill, which reminds us to
pray for him, and the English preacher, John Wesley, has promised to do
the same. This preacher loses no opportunity to be present at our song
service; he spares no pains to perform the duties of his office and he
likes us. We wish we could converse freely with him, so that we could
more carefully explain the way of God to him.--Dober’s Diary.)
----
Wesley. Nov. 23rd, Sunday.
At night I was waked by the tossing of the ship, and roaring of the
wind, and plainly showed I was unfit, for I was unwilling to die.
====== 7 Dec. 1735.
Nitschmann. Dec. 7th.
A great storm, and we thanked God that we were in a safe harbor.
====== 10 Dec. 1735.
Nitschmann. Dec. 10th.
All hands summoned to lift the anchor. Mr. Oglethorpe called me, took
me by the hand, led me into the cabin, and gave me 1 Pound for the
Brethren. Later the wind was again contrary, and we had to lie still.
====== 18 Dec. 1735.
Nitschmann. Dec. 18th.
We lifted the anchor at three o’clock, but as we got under sail the wind
changed again. We must stay still, but what the Lord intends we do not
know.
----
Wesley. Dec. 7th, Sunday.
Finding nature did not require such frequent supplies as we had been
accustomed to, we agreed to leave off suppers; from doing which we have
hitherto found no inconvenience.
====== 21 Dec. 1735.
Nitschmann. Dec. 21st.
An east wind sprang up, and with the help of God we sailed at nine
o’clock from Cowes, where we had been for five weeks and three days.
When we reached the open sea many became sea-sick. There was so much to
be done that we could not hold our prayer-meeting, for our people help
in all the work, and therefore the sailors treat us well, no matter what
they think of us in their hearts. In the evening our song service was
much blessed.
(With us went two ships, the man-of-war, and that which carried Baron
von Reck and his Salzburgers. Two of the Salzburgers were on shore, and
were left behind when the ship sailed, whereat their wives and children
who were on board, were sorely grieved.--Dober’s Diary.)
----
Wesley. Dec. 10th, Wednesday.
We sailed from Cowes, and in the afternoon passed the Needles. From
this day to the fourteenth being in the Bay of Biscay, the sea was very
rough. Mr. Delamotte and others were more sick than ever; Mr. Ingham a
little; I not at all. But the fourteenth being a calm day, most of the
sick were cured at once.
====== 22 Dec. 1735.
Nitschmann. Dec. 22nd.
The wind was east, and we sailed nine miles an hour, but were all very
sea-sick.
====== 23 Dec. 1735.
Wesley. Dec. 12th.
(In the forenoon we left the man-of-war, he not being able to sail as
fast as our ships.--Ingham’s Journal.)
====== 25 Dec. 1735.
Nitschmann. Dec. 25th.
As this was Christmas Day we read Matt. 8 in our prayer service. The
wind had died down, everyone felt much better, and it was a beautiful
day.
====== 27 Dec. 1735.
Nitschmann. Dec. 27th.
At midnight there was a great storm, and the waves broke over the ship;
the middle hatch was open, and the water poured in, running into our
cabin, so that we had to take everything out of them until we could dry
them.
====== 30 Dec. 1735.
Nitschmann. Dec. 30th.
The weather was again pleasant.
----
Wesley. Dec. 19th.
(Messrs. Wesley and I, with Mr. Oglethorpe’s approbation, undertook to
visit, each of us, a part of the ship, and daily to provide the sick
people with water-gruel, and such other things as were necessary for
them.--Ingham’s Journal.)
====== 1 Jan. 1736.
Nitschmann. Jan. 1, 1736.
It was New Year’s Day, and Mr. Oglethorpe’s birthday.
(Br. Nitschmann asked us to select a number of verses, wrote them out
and presented them as a birthday greeting to Mr. Oglethorpe. It was a
beautiful day, warm and calm.--Dober’s Diary.)
----
Wesley. Dec. 21st, Sunday.
We had fifteen communicants, which was our usual number on Sundays.
(This being Mr. Oglethorpe’s birthday, he gave a sheep and wine to the
people, which, with the smoothness of the sea, and the serenity of
the sky, so enlivened them that they perfectly recovered from their
sea-sickness.
On Christmas Day, also, Mr. Oglethorpe gave a hog and wine to the
people.--Ingham’s Journal.)
====== 5 Jan. 1736.
Nitschmann. Jan. 5th.
(To-day, according to the old style, Christmas was celebrated on our
ship. Br. Nitschmann spoke on the words, “Unto us a Child is born, unto
us a Son is given.”--Dober’s Diary.)
====== 9 Jan. 1736.
Wesley. Dec. 29th.
(We are now past the latitude of twenty-five degrees, and are got into
what they call the Trade winds, which blow much the same way all the
year round. The air is balmy, soft, and sweet. The ship glides smoothly
and quietly along. The nights are mild and pleasant, being beautifully
adorned with the shining hosts of stars,
“Forever singing as they shine,
The Hand that made us is divine.”
--Ingham’s Journal.)
====== 10 Jan. 1736.
Nitschmann. Jan. 10th.
(We have been running for several days with the Trade winds. Here
the day is two hours longer than it is in Germany at this season. The
sailors wished to adhere to their custom of initiating those who crossed
the Tropic of Cancer for the first time, but Gen. Oglethorpe forbade it.
The weak, the children, and the sick, are well cared for, so that
the nine months’ old child receives an egg and some goat’s milk every
day.--Dober’s Diary.)
====== 12 Jan. 1736.
Nitschmann. Jan. 12th.
To-day, according to the old style, we celebrated the New Year.
====== 20 Jan. 1736.
Nitschmann. Jan. 20th.
An English clergyman asked us how often we celebrated the Lord’s Supper,
saying that he thought it a sacrifice which consecrated and improved the
life. We told him our view; he said he would like to visit Herrnhut.
(We re-crossed the Tropic of Cancer.--Dober’s Diary.)
====== 21 Jan. 1736.
Nitschmann. Jan. 21st.
(We are still in the Trade wind, and sail swiftly and steadily.)
We cannot thank God enough that we are all well, only Mrs. Demuth is
always sea-sick when the wind rises.
====== 23 Jan. 1736.
Nitschmann. Jan. 23rd.
We saw a ship.
----
Wesley. Jan. 12th, 1736.
(I began to write out the English Dictionary in order to learn the
Indian tongue.--Ingham’s Journal.)
====== 26 Jan. 1736.
Wesley. Jan. 15th.
Complaint being made to Mr. Oglethorpe of the unequal distribution of
the water among the passengers, he appointed new officers to take charge
of it. At this the old ones and their friends were highly exasperated
against us, to whom they imputed the change. But “the fierceness of man
shall turn to thy praise.”
====== 27 Jan. 1736.
Nitschmann. Jan. 27th.
(As there was little good water left the passengers were given poor
water, but when Oglethorpe heard of it, he ordered that all, in the
Cabin and outside, should be treated alike, as long as the good water
lasted. Mr. Oglethorpe and the preacher, John Wesley, are very careful
of the passengers’ welfare; the latter shows himself full of love for
us.--Dober’s Diary.)
====== 28 Jan. 1736.
Nitschmann. Jan. 28th.
There was a great storm, the waves went over the ship, and poured into
it. Then many who knew not God were frightened, but we were of good
cheer, and trusted in the Lord who does all things well. Roscher and
Mack are good sailors and not afraid of anything.
----
Wesley. Jan. 17th, Saturday.
Many people were very impatient at the contrary wind. At seven in the
evening they were quieted by a storm. It rose higher and higher till
nine. About nine the sea broke over us from stem to stern; burst through
the windows of the state cabin, where three or four of us were, and
covered us all over, though a bureau sheltered me from the main shock.
About eleven I lay down in the great cabin, and in a short time fell
asleep, though very uncertain whether I should wake alive, and much
ashamed of my unwillingness to die. O how pure in heart must he be, who
would rejoice to appear before God at a moment’s warning! Toward morning
“He rebuked the wind and the sea, and there was a great calm.”
====== 29 Jan. 1736.
Nitschmann. Jan. 29th.
We read the 13th chapter of Mark at our early prayer service. The
weather was a little better, but the wind was contrary. We also saw
a ship which was sailing northeast. In the evening we read the
ninety-eighth Psalm, the Lord was with us and we were blessed.
----
Wesley. Jan. 18th, Sunday.
We returned thanks to God for our deliverance, of which a few appeared
duly sensible. But the rest (among whom were most of the sailors) denied
we had been in any danger. I could not have believed that so little good
would have been done by the terror they were in before. But it cannot be
that they should long obey God from fear, who are deaf to the motives of
love.
====== 1 Feb. 1736.
Nitschmann. Feb. 1st.
The weather was fine, and there was no wind until ten o’clock, when
it came from the right quarter. In addition to our usual allowance the
Captain sent us fresh meat, which he has done thrice already, and we do
not altogether like it, for we are content with what we have, and do not
desire more.
====== 3 Feb. 1736.
Nitschmann. Feb. 3rd.
There was a great storm, which lasted all night.
----
Wesley. Jan. 23rd, Friday.
In the evening another storm began. In the morning it increased, so that
they were forced to let the ship drive. I could not but say to myself,
“How is it that thou hast no faith?” being still unwilling to die. About
one in the afternoon, almost as soon as I had stepped out of the great
cabin door, the sea did not break as usual, but came with a smooth
full tide over the side of the ship. I was vaulted over with water in a
moment, and so stunned, that I scarce expected to lift up my head again,
till the sea should give up her dead. But thanks be to God, I received
no hurt at all. About noon our third storm began.
====== 4 Feb. 1736.
Nitschmann. Feb. 4th.
The storm lasted all day, and the waves often swept over the ship. The
storm rudder was lashed fast, and so we were driven.
====== 5 Feb. 1736.
Nitschmann. Feb. 5th.
In the early morning we had a fairly good breeze, but about ten o’clock,
a storm rose, of such violence that the wind seemed to blow from all
four quarters at once, and we were in danger of being overpowered. The
waves were like mountains; the rudder was lashed fast, only one sail was
spread, and we drove on, only the Lord knew whither. But we did not let
it prevent us from holding our song service. The text given to us was
Psalm 115:14, which assured us that we were blessed of God,--may He ever
bless us more and more. During the service the ship was covered with a
great wave, which poured in upon us, and on the deck there was a great
cry that the wind had split the one sail which was spread. There was
great fright among the people who have no God; the English clergyman was
much aroused, ran to them, and preached repentance, saying among other
things that they could now see the difference. I was content, for our
lives are in God’s hands, and He does what He will; among us there was
no fear, for the Lord helped us.
(There was a terrible storm which lasted till midnight. During the song
service a great wave struck the ship with a noise like the roar of a
cannon. The wind tore the strong new sail in two; the people, especially
the English women, screamed and wept; the preacher Wesley, who is always
with us in our song service, cried out against the English, “Now man can
see who has a God, and who has none.” During the last eight days we have
had so much contrary wind, and so many storms that we could not approach
the land, though we were near it several times.--Dober’s Diary.)
----
Wesley. Jan. 25th, Sunday.
At noon our third storm began. At four it was more violent than before.
The winds roared round about us, and whistled as distinctly as if it had
been a human voice. The ship not only rocked to and fro with the utmost
violence, but shook and jarred with so unequal, grating, a motion, that
one could not but with great difficulty keep one’s hold of anything, nor
stand a moment without it. Every ten minutes came a shock against the
stern or side of the ship, which one would think should dash the planks
to pieces.
We spent two or three hours after prayers, in conversing suitably to the
occasion, confirming one another in a calm submission to the wise, holy,
gracious will of God. And now a storm did not appear so terrible as
before. Blessed be the God of all consolation!
At seven I went to the Germans; I had long before observed the great
seriousness of their behaviour. Of their humility they had given a
continual proof, by performing those servile offices for the other
passengers, which none of the English would undertake; for which they
desired, and would receive no pay, saying “It was good for their proud
hearts,” and “their loving Saviour had done more for them.” And every
day had given them occasion of showing a meekness, which no injury could
move. If they were pushed, struck, or thrown down, they rose again and
went away; but no complaint was found in their mouth. There was now an
opportunity of trying whether they were delivered from the spirit of
fear, as well as from that of pride, anger, and revenge. In the midst of
the psalm wherewith their service began, the sea broke over, split the
mainsail in pieces, covered the ship, and poured in between the decks,
as if the great deep had already swallowed us up. A terrible screaming
began among the English. The Germans calmly sung on. I asked one of
them afterward, “Were you not afraid?” He answered, “I thank God, no.” I
asked, “But were not your women and children afraid?” He replied mildly,
“No; our women and children are not afraid to die.”
From them I went to their crying, trembling neighbors, and pointed out
to them the difference in the hour of trial, between him that feareth
God, and him that feareth Him not. At twelve the wind fell. This was the
most glorious day which I have hitherto seen.
====== 6 Feb. 1736.
Nitschmann. Feb. 6th.
(The oldest sailors say they have never seen so fierce a storm as the
one we had last night. The wind came from all sides at once, lifted the
water from the sea, bore it through the air and cast it on the other
ship, where Baron von Reck and the Salzburgers were, and so flooded it
that twelve persons were kept at the pumps all night.--Dober’s Diary.)
----
Wesley. Jan. 26th.
We enjoyed the calm. I can conceive no difference comparable to that
between a smooth and a rough sea, except that which is between a mind
calmed by the love of God, and one torn up by the storms of earthly
passion.
====== 8 Feb. 1736.
Nitschmann. Feb. 8th.
(There was a calm, and very fine weather, so that a boat could be
lowered to visit the other ship.--Dober’s Diary.)
----
Wesley. Jan. 28th.
(Being a calm day, I went on board the other ship, read prayers, and
visited the people. At my return I acquainted Mr. Oglethorpe with their
state, and he sent them such things as they needed.--Ingham’s Journal.)
====== 9 Feb. 1736.
Nitschmann. Feb. 9th.
(The wind was again favorable to us, but there was much
lightning.--Dober’s Diary.)
----
Wesley. Jan. 29th.
About seven in the evening we fell in with the skirts of a hurricane.
The rain as well as the wind was extremely violent. The sky was so dark
in a moment, that the sailors could not so much as see the ropes, or
set about furling the sails. The ship must, in all probability, have
overset, had not the wind fell as suddenly as it rose.
====== 10 Feb. 1736.
Nitschmann. Feb. 10th.
The whole day was stormy, and all night the waves broke over the ship.
----
Wesley. Jan. 30th.
We had another storm, which did us no other harm than splitting the
foresail. Our bed being wet, I laid me down on the floor and slept sound
till morning.
====== 12 Feb. 1736.
Nitschmann. Feb. 12th.
(We were obliged to drift, because we did not know how far we were from
land. About noon we sighted three ships, sailed toward them, and saw
they were English; our sailors lowered the boat, we wrote in haste, and
sent letters to Herrnhut. The ships came from Charlestown, and told us
we were thirty hours’ run from Georgia.--Dober’s Diary.)
----
Wesley. Feb. 1st, Sunday.
(Three sails appearing, we made up toward them, and got what letters we
could write, in hopes some of them might be bound for England. One of
them, that was bound for London, made towards us, and we put our letters
on board her.--Ingham’s Journal.)
====== 13 Feb. 1736.
Nitschmann. Feb. 13th.
To-day we had another storm, and twice saw the ocean not far from us,
drawn up like smoke, so that the water reached up to the clouds, and the
ship would have been in great danger if it had struck us.
====== 14 Feb. 1736.
Nitschmann. Feb. 14th.
Soundings toward evening showed twenty-eight fathoms of water, and we
hope to see land to-morrow.
====== 15 Feb. 1736.
Nitschmann. Feb. 15th.
About two o’clock we saw land. I climbed the mast, and poured out my
heart to God, thanking Him, and praying that He would care for us in our
new home. We anchored for the night.
----
Wesley. Feb. 4th, Wednesday.
About noon the trees were visible from the mast, and in the afternoon
from the main deck. In the Evening Lesson were these words, “A great
door, and effectual, is opened,” O let no one shut it!
====== 16 Feb. 1736.
Nitschmann. Feb. 16th.
It was a beautiful day, and the land looked very fair. At two o’clock
we reached Tybee, and were all very happy. The song service was blessed,
and we thanked God with prayer and praise.
----
Wesley. Feb. 5th.
Between two and three in the afternoon God brought us all safe into the
Savannah River. We cast anchor near Tybee Island, where the grove of
pines, running along the shore, made an agreeable prospect, showing, as
it were, the bloom of spring in the depths of winter.
====== 17 Feb. 1736.
Nitschmann. Feb. 17th.
I went on shore with Mr. Oglethorpe, and we together fell on our knees
and thanked God, and then took a boat to Savannah. I went at once to the
Brethren, and we rejoiced to meet again. I found the Brethren well, and
looked with wonder at what they had accomplished, went with Toeltschig
and Spangenberg to the garden, and also received letters from Herrnhut.
Spangenberg had to go immediately to Mr. Oglethorpe to discuss many
things with him.
----
Wesley. Feb. 6th, Friday.
About eight in the morning we first set foot on American ground. It was
a small, uninhabited island, (Peeper Island), over against Tybee. Mr.
Oglethorpe led us to a rising ground, where we all kneeled down to give
thanks. He then took boat for Savannah. When the rest of the people were
come on shore, we called our little flock together to prayers. Several
parts of the Second Lesson (Mark 6) were wonderfully suited to the
occasion.
====== 18 Feb. 1736.
Nitschmann. Feb. 18th.
(About six o’clock in the evening, Br. Spangenberg came from Savannah to
us, which made us very glad and thankful. He told us of the death of Br.
Riedel, and held the song service, praying and thanking God for having
brought us together again.--Dober’s Diary.)
----
Wesley. Feb. 7th.
Mr. Oglethorpe returned from Savannah with Mr. Spangenberg, one of the
pastors of the Germans. I soon found what spirit he was of; and asked
his advice with regard to my own conduct.
====== 19 & 20 Feb. 1736.
Nitschmann. Feb. 19th and 20th.
(We waited for the small vessel that was to come for us. Br. Spangenberg
held the prayer and song services.--Dober’s Diary.)
----
Wesley. Feb. 9th.
I asked Mr. Spangenberg many questions, both concerning himself and the
church at Herrnhut.
====== 21 Feb. 1736.
Nitschmann. Feb. 21st.
(The small vessel came; we had much rain, and the wind was so strong
against us that we had to spend the night on the transport.--Dober’s
Diary.)
====== 22 Feb. 1736.
Nitschmann. Feb. 22nd.
(In the afternoon we reached Savannah, where we were lodged in the house
which the Brethren who came a year ago have built in the town. The
Lord has done all things well, and has turned to our good all that has
befallen us, even when we did not understand His way, and has laid His
blessing upon our journey,--thanks be unto Him.--Dober’s Diary.)
====== 27 Feb. 1736.
Wesley. Feb. 16th.
Mr. Oglethorpe set out for the new settlement on the Altamahaw River.
He took with him fifty men, besides Mr. Ingham, Mr. Hermsdorf, and three
Indians.
====== 6 Mar. 1736.
Wesley. Feb. 24th, Tuesday.
Mr. Oglethorpe returned. The day following I took my leave of most of
the passengers of the ship. In the evening I went to Savannah.
======
Organization.
The arrival of the “second company” was a marked event in the eyes
of the Moravians already settled at Savannah. Hitherto all had been
preparation, and labor had seemed less arduous and privations less
severe because they were smoothing the path for those who were to
follow, and it was with well-earned satisfaction that wives and friends
were lodged in the new house, taken to the garden and the farm, and
introduced to acquaintances in the town. No doubt poor Catherine
Riedel’s heart ached with loneliness, and her tears flowed fast, when,
at the close of that long and stormy voyage, she heard of her husband’s
death, and stood beside his grave in the Savannah cemetery;--but there
was little time for grieving in the press of matters that required
attention, for Spangenberg’s long visit was now to end, Nitschmann was
to remain only until the organization of the Congregation was complete,
and there was much to be done before these two able leaders took their
departure.
Scarcely had Bishop Nitschmann greeted the members of the “first
company” in the dawn of Feb. 17th, 1736, when Spangenberg and Toeltschig
took him to the garden two miles distant, that they might have a private
and undisturbed conference. All too soon, however, word was brought
that Gen. Oglethorpe wanted to see Spangenberg at once, so they retraced
their steps, and Spangenberg received a hearty greeting from the
General, and many compliments on what he and his party had accomplished.
There is no record of the conversations among the Moravians on that day,
but they are not difficult to imagine, for the news from home and from
the mission fields on the one side, and the problems and prospects in
Georgia on the other, would furnish topics which many days could not
exhaust.
That evening Spangenberg again called on Gen. Oglethorpe, who gave
orders that a boat should take him next day to Tybee, where the ship
lay at anchor, with all her passengers aboard. He also told Spangenberg
about the English preacher whom he had brought over, and made inquiries
about Nitschmann’s position, asking that the explanation be repeated to
the English preacher, who was also interested in him.
The following day Spangenberg waited upon Gen. Oglethorpe to ask about
Hermsdorf, as he heard the General had promised to take him to the
Altamaha, where a new town was to be built. He also begged Oglethorpe
to help him arrange his departure for Pennsylvania as soon as possible,
which the General agreed to do.
About six o’clock that evening Spangenberg reached the ship at Tybee,
and was warmly welcomed by the Moravians, and at their song service he
met the much-talked-of English preacher, John Wesley. The two men liked
each other at the first glance; Wesley wrote in his Journal, “I soon
found what spirit he was of, and asked his advice in regard to my
own conduct,” while Spangenberg paralleled this in his Diary with the
remark, “He told me how it was with him, and I saw that true Grace dwelt
in and governed him.”
During the two days which elapsed before the transport came to take
the Moravians from the ship, Wesley and Spangenberg had several long
conversations, each recording the points that struck him most, but
without comment. These discussions regarding doctrine and practice
were renewed at intervals during the remainder of Spangenberg’s stay
in Savannah, and the young Englishman showed himself eager to learn the
Indian language so that he might preach to the natives, generous in his
offers to share his advantages of study with the Moravians, and above
all determined to enforce the letter of the ecclesiastical law, as he
understood it, in his new parish. He thought “it would be well if two of
the Moravian women would dedicate themselves to the Indian service, and
at once begin to study the language,” and “as the early Church employed
deaconesses, it would be profitable if these women were ordained to
their office.” He was also convinced “that the apostolic custom of
baptism by immersion ought to be observed in Georgia.” “He bound himself
to no sect, but took the ground that a man ought to study the Bible
and the writings of the Church Fathers of the first three centuries,
accepting what agreed with these two sources, and rejecting all else.”
He requested the Moravians to use the Lord’s Prayer at all their public
services, “since this is acknowledged to have been the custom of the
early Church,” and since that early Church celebrated the Holy Communion
every day, he thought it necessary that all members should partake at
least on every Sunday. “He also had his thoughts concerning Fast days.”
Spangenberg promised to lay these matters before the congregation, but
so far as Fast days were concerned, he said that while he would observe
them as a matter of conscience if he belonged to a Church which required
them, he doubted the wisdom of forcing them upon a Church in which they
were not obligatory.
On the 21st, the periagua (“so they call a rather deep, large boat”)
came to take the Moravians to Savannah, but it was necessary to call
at the other ship, as some of their baggage had been brought in that
vessel. Spangenberg went ahead, and found that for some reason the
baggage could not be taken off that day. He was pleasantly received by
“the younger” Reck, but the Baron was absent, having gone to see the
site to which the Salzburgers wished to move their settlement, Gen.
Oglethorpe having given his permission. About the time the periagua
arrived, a heavy rain came up, and fearing the effect on the new-comers,
Spangenberg obtained permission to take them into the cabin. When ten
o’clock came they decided to wait no longer, and started for Savannah,
with the result that they spent the entire night in the rain, in an
open boat, and then had passed but half way up the river! Early in the
morning Spangenberg took two men and his small boat and went ahead,
stopping at Capt. Thomson’s ship to get some things Korte had sent them
from London. They reached Savannah in the afternoon, and before daybreak
on Thursday, Feb. 23rd, the periagua at last landed its passengers at
Savannah.
That evening Spangenberg returned with Oglethorpe to the ship, that
various important matters might be more fully discussed. They agreed,
(1) that the five hundred acres already surveyed for Zinzendorf
should be retained, and settled, but that it would be wise to take an
additional five hundred acres of more fertile land nearer Savannah,
where it would be more accessible, the grant to be made to Christian
Ludwig von Zinzendorf, the Count’s eldest son; (2) that no Moravian
could accept a fifty acre tract without pledging himself to military
service, but land could be secured for a number of them at the rate
of twenty acres apiece, without this obligation. This land could be
selected near Zinzendorf’s estate, the town to be built on the Count’s
property. If any wished to leave the Moravian Congregation, he should
receive twenty acres elsewhere for himself. (3) Non-Moravians, like John
Regnier, might live with them on the same conditions. (4) If one of
the Moravians died without male issue, the Congregation should name his
successor in the title to the land. (5) The promised cattle should still
be given.
It was further arranged that Spangenberg should continue to hold the
title to his fifty acres, but with the understanding that it was in
trust for the Congregation; the same to apply to Nitschmann’s land, if
desired.
On the 25th and 26th, a number of Indians visited the ship, being
received with much ceremony. “King” Tomochichi, and others, Spangenberg
had often seen, and they were formally presented to Mr. Wesley, of whom
they had heard, and to whom they gave a flask of honey and a flask of
milk, with the wish that “the Great Word might be to them as milk and
honey.” Tomochichi told of his efforts to keep peace among the tribes,
in the face of rumors that the English meant to enslave them all, and
of his success so far, but he feared the Indians were not in a frame
of mind to give much heed to the Gospel message. Still he welcomed
the attempt, and would give what aid he could, advising that the
missionaries learn the Indian tongue, and that they should not
baptize,--as the Spanish did,--until the people were instructed and
truly converted.
On Feb. 27th, General Oglethorpe started for the Altamaha. His journey
to Georgia on this occasion had been principally to protect the southern
borders of the colony by establishing two new towns on the frontier, and
erecting several forts near by. One company, which sailed direct
from Scotland, had landed in January, and begun a settlement at New
Inverness, on the north bank of the Altamaha, and a second was now to
be established on St. Simon Island, and was to be called Frederica.
Oglethorpe had expected to take the Salzburgers who came on the ‘London
Merchant’, to the southward with him, but nearly all of them decided
that they preferred to join those of their number who were preparing to
move to New Ebenezer, and the General did not insist, contenting himself
with his English soldiers.
A periagua had been started a little in advance of the sloop which bore
the provisions, arms, ammunition, and tools, and in the evening Gen.
Oglethorpe followed in a swift, ten-oared boat, called,--from the
service in which it was often employed,--a scout boat.
With the General went Mr. Ingham, and Lieut. Hermsdorf. The latter
assured Spangenberg that he had really meant little more than to
compliment the General on the occasion when he remarked “that he would
ask nothing better than to follow him through bush and valley, and see
him carry out his wise designs,” that he did not know at that time that
Oglethorpe was going to the Altamaha, nor how far away the Altamaha was.
But Spangenberg gravely told him that Gen. Oglethorpe had taken his
word as that of an honest man, and that he would not attempt to hold him
back, only he wished him to so demean himself as to bring credit and
not shame to Zinzendorf and the Moravians, to whom he was at liberty to
return when he desired. Hermsdorf, therefore, went with Oglethorpe and
his fifty men, was made a Captain and was given a position of importance
in superintending the erection of the necessary fortifications on St.
Simon.
Benjamin Ingham’s visit to Frederica proved to be his first unpleasant
experience in the New World. Like John Wesley, he came with the
strictest ideas of Sabbath observance, etc., and as one said, in answer
to a reproof, “these were new laws in America.” The effect may be summed
up in his own words: “My chief business was daily to visit the people,
to take care of those that were sick, and to supply them with the best
things we had. For a few days at the first, I had everybody’s good word;
but when they found I watched narrowly over them, and reproved them
sharply for their faults, immediately the scene changed. Instead of
blessing, came cursing, and my love and kindness were repaid with hatred
and ill-will.”
Oglethorpe remained on the Altamaha but a few days, and then returned
to Savannah for the rest of his colonists. Meanwhile the Moravian
Congregation was being fully organized. During Spangenberg’s visit to
Oglethorpe on his vessel, the Moravians, including Bishop Nitschmann,
met together, and John Toeltschig was elected manager (Vorsteher),
Gottfried Haberecht, monitor (Ermahner), and Gotthard Demuth to perform
various minor duties (Diener). The name of the nurse (Krankenwaerter) is
not given, but he was probably John Regnier, who acted as physician, not
only for the Moravians, but for many of their poorer neighbors. Andrew
Dober was associated with Toeltschig in the management of the finances,
and all of these men were solemnly inducted into office, it being the
custom to give a kind of specialized ordination even for positions not
commonly considered ministerial.
Three “Bands” were formed among the men,--smaller companies associated
for religious improvement, each Band electing a leader charged with
special oversight of the members. There was one among the married men,
one among the unmarried men who were communicants, and another for
the unmarried non-communicants, Toeltschig, Seifert and Rose being the
leaders. The women were organized in like manner, though being few in
number there was probably but one Band among them, under Mrs. Toeltschig
who had been appointed Elderess before leaving Herrnhut. There is no
reference to the celebration of the Holy Communion by the first company
during their months of preparation in Savannah, nor had opportunity been
given to the second company since they left the English coast, but now,
with Bishop Nitschmann to preside, they were able to partake together,
finding much blessing therein. They resolved in the future to commune
every two weeks, but soon formed the habit, perhaps under Wesley’s
influence, of coming to the Lord’s Table every Sunday.
When Spangenberg returned to them, a conference was held each evening,
and on Sunday they had a Lovefeast, especially for those who had been
selected to superintend the material and spiritual affairs of the
Congregation.
On the 1st of March, John and Charles Wesley called on them, and on
the 6th, Charles Wesley came again, and “opened his heart” to them.
The Diary calls him “an awakened but flighty man,” who had come as Gov.
Oglethorpe’s secretary, and was now about to go to Frederica as pastor
of that turbulent flock. From him Spangenberg learned of Oglethorpe’s
return from Altamaha, and accompanied by Nitschmann went with him to
the ship, where the Wesleys were still living. Two days were spent with
Oglethorpe, who promised to give them ground containing a good bed of
clay, where they could make brick, which should be sold to the Trustees’
agent at 15 shillings per 1,000, two-thirds of the price to be applied
on their debt, and one-third to be paid them in cash. Moreover several
English boys should be apprenticed to them to learn the trade. Hemp
and flax seed should also be given them, and he urged them to weave the
linen, for they had men who understood the art, and cloth was scarce and
dear in Georgia. He also advised them to buy oxen to use in cultivating
their land; and said that they should have one-third of the grape-vines
he had brought over with him, another portion was to be given to
Tomochichi, the remainder to be planted in his own garden.
On the 8th, Spangenberg and Nitschmann returned to Savannah, and
with Andrew Dober and John Wesley, (who had now moved from the ship,)
proceeded up the river to Mrs. Musgrove’s, about five miles distant.
Wesley wished to select a site for a small house, which Oglethorpe had
promised to build for him, where he and his companions might live while
they were studying the Indian language, under Mrs. Musgrove’s direction.
Nitschmann wanted to visit and talk with the Indian “King”, Tomochichi,
and Dober was trying to find some clay suitable for pottery. The
following day they returned to Savannah, and Mr. Wesley and Mr.
Delamotte took up their abode with the Moravians, as Mr. Quincy,
Wesley’s predecessor in the Savannah pastorate, had not yet vacated
his house. Wesley writes, “We had now an opportunity, day by day, of
observing their whole behaviour. For we were in one room with them from
morning to night, unless for the little time I spent in walking. They
were always employed, always cheerful themselves, and in good humor with
one another; they had put away all anger, and strife, and wrath, and
bitterness, and clamor, and evil speaking; they walked worthy of the
vocation wherewith they were called, and adorned the Gospel of our Lord
in all things.” The impression thus made upon John Wesley was lasting,
and even during the subsequent years in England, when differences of
every kind arose between him and the Moravians, and his Journal is full
of bitter denunciations of doctrines and practices which he did not
understand, and with which he was not in sympathy, he now and again
interrupts himself to declare, “I can not speak of them but with tender
affection, were it only for the benefits I have received from them.”
An event which occurred on March 10th, is of more than local interest,
in that it is the first unquestioned instance of the exercise of
episcopal functions in the United States. Prior to this, and for
a number of years later, clergymen of the Church of England, and
English-speaking Catholic priests, were ordained in the Old World,
before coming to the New, remaining under the control of the Bishop and
of the Vicar Apostolic of London, while the Spanish Catholics were under
the Suffragan of Santiago de Cuba, and the French Catholics under the
Bishop of Quebec. Tradition mentions the secret consecration of two
Bishops of Pennsylvania before this time, but its authenticity is
doubted, and the two men did not exercise any episcopal powers.
Therefore when Bishop Nitschmann came to Georgia, and in the presence of
the Moravian Congregation at Savannah ordained one of their number to be
their pastor, he was unconsciously doing one of the “first things” which
are so interesting to every lover of history.
Whenever it was possible the Moravians spent Saturday afternoon and
evening in rest, prayer, and conference, and on this occasion four
services were held at short intervals.
At the first service the singing of a hymn was followed by the reading
of Psalm 84, a discourse thereon, and prayer. The second was devoted to
reading letters from Germany, and some discussion as to Hermsdorf and
his relation to the Congregation. The third service was the important
one, and the following account was recorded in the Diary. “When we
re-assembled the question: ‘Must not our Congregation have a Chief Elder
(Aeltester)?’ was presented for discussion. All thought it necessary,
and were unanimous in their choice of Anton Seifert, and no other was
even suggested. While his name was being considered, he was sent from
the room, and when he had been recalled, we sang a hymn, and Nitschmann
and Toeltschig led the Congregation in most earnest prayer. Then
Nitschmann delivered an earnest charge, setting before him the
importance of his office, which made him the foremost member of the
Congregation, especially in times of danger, for in the early Church,
as well as among our forefathers in Moravia, the bishops were ever the
first victims. He was asked if he would freely and willingly give up his
life for the Congregation and the Lord Jesus. He answered, ‘Yes.’ Then
he was reminded of the evil which arose when bishops, seeing their power
in a Congregation, began to exalt themselves, and to make outward show
of their pre-eminence. He was asked whether he would recognize as evil,
abjure, and at once suppress any inclination he might feel toward pride
in his position as Chief Elder, and his larger authority. He answered
with a grave and thoughtful ‘Yes.’ Then our Nitschmann prayed over him
earnestly, and ordained him to his office with the laying on of hands.
Nitschmann was uncommonly aroused and happy, but Anton Seifert was
very humble and quiet.” John Wesley, who was present, wrote “The great
simplicity, as well as solemnity, of the whole, almost made me forget
the seventeen hundred years between, and imagine myself in one of those
assemblies where form and state were not; but Paul the tent-maker, or
Peter the fisherman, presided; yet with the demonstration of the Spirit
and of power.”
Both Wesley and Benjamin Ingham refer to Seifert as a “bishop”, which is
a mistake, though a natural one. Wesley was present at the ordination,
and heard the charge, with example and warning drawn from the actions
of earlier bishops; while Ingham, in the course of several long
conversations with Toeltschig concerning the Moravian Episcopate and
Seifert’s ordination, asked “is Anton a bishop?” and was answered,
“yes, FOR OUR CONGREGATION.” This was in view of the fact that Bishop
Nitschmann, in ordaining Seifert, had empowered him to delegate another
member to hold the Communion, baptize, or perform the marriage ceremony
in case of his sickness or necessary absence. At that time the Moravian
Church was just beginning to form her own ministry, the ranks of Deacon,
Presbyter and Bishop were not fully organized, and the definite system
was only established by the Tenth General Synod of the Church in 1745.
The exigencies of the case required large powers for a man serving in an
isolated field, and they were given him, but strictly speaking, Seifert
was only ordained a Deacon, and never was consecrated Bishop.
The fourth and last service of the day was given up to song, a
discourse, and prayer.
On Sunday, March 11th, after morning prayers, Wesley went to Tybee for
an interview with General Oglethorpe. At a general gathering of the
Moravians later in the day, the second chapter of Acts was read, with
special reference to the last four verses, and the description of the
first congregation of Christ’s followers, when “all that believed were
together, and had all things common,” was taken as the pattern of their
“Gemeinschaft”. This plan, which had already been tested during the
first year, proved so advantageous that it was later adopted by other
American Moravian settlements, being largely responsible for their rapid
growth during their early years, though in each case there came a time
when it hindered further progress, and was therefore abandoned. In
religious matters, the organization of the Savannah Congregation had
been modeled after that at Herrnhut, so far as possible, but in material
things the circumstances were very different. At Herrnhut the estates of
Count Zinzendorf, under the able supervision of the Countess, were made
to pay practically all the general Church expenses, and many of the
members were in the service of the Saxon nobleman, Nicholas Lewis, Count
Zinzendorf, in various humble positions, even while in the Church he
divested himself of his rank and fraternized with them as social
equals. But the men who emigrated to Georgia had undertaken to support
themselves and carry on a mission work, and Spangenberg, with his keen
insight, grasped the idea that a common purpose warranted a community
of service, the labor of all for the benefit of all, with every duty,
no matter how menial, done as unto the Lord, whom they all, in varying
degrees, acknowledged as their Master. Later, in Bethlehem, Pa., with
a larger number of colonists, and wider interests to be subserved,
Spangenberg again introduced the plan, and elaborated it into a more
or less intricate system, which is described in a clear and interesting
manner in “A History of Bethlehem”, by Rt. Rev. J. Mortimer Levering,
which has recently been published.
Not only on account of its successor the “Oeconomie”, at Bethlehem,
and others copied therefrom, but in view of the various modern attempts
which have been and are still being made to demonstrate that the action
of the early Church at Jerusalem can be duplicated and made financially
successful, it is worth while to rescue the resolutions of the Moravian
Congregation at Savannah from the oblivion of the manuscript Diary, in
which they have been so long concealed, noting the claim that this was
the first time since Apostolic days, that a Congregation had formed
itself into such a “Society”,--a “Gemeinschaft”.
“In our gathering we read Acts 2, and spoke of the ‘Gemeinschaft’,
for we are planning to work, to sow and reap, and to suffer with one
another. This will be very useful, for many a man who has not understood
or exerted himself, will by this means see himself and be led to
improve. Others also will see from it that we love each other, and will
glorify the Father in Heaven. There has been no “society” like that at
Jerusalem, but at this present time it becomes necessary, for material
reasons. Were we only individuals all would fear to give one of us
credit, for they would think, ‘he might die’, but nothing will be denied
the ‘Society’, for each stands for the other. Each member must work
diligently, since he does not labor for himself alone but for his
brethren, and this will prevent much laziness. No one must rely on the
fact that he understands a handicraft, and so on, for there is a curse
on him who relies on human skill and forgets the Divine power. No one
will be pressed to give to the ‘Society’ any property which has hitherto
belonged to him.--Each person present was asked if he had any remarks
to make, but there were no objections raised. Moreover the brethren were
told that if one should fall so low that he not only withdrew himself
from the brethren, but was guilty of gross sin, he would be forced
to work for another master until he had earned enough to pay his
transportation here and back again, for we would not willingly permit
such a man to remain in the land as an offence to the Indians.”
It is interesting to observe that care for the poor Indians is the
argument given for the course to be pursued in dealing with a recreant
member! They had come to preach the Gospel to the Indians, and did not
propose that evil should be learned through fault of theirs.
At his earnest request, John Regnier was now admitted to the “Society”,
his presence among them so far having been without distinct agreement
as to his standing. This did not make him a communicant member of the
Church, simply put him on a par with the other non-communicants, of whom
there were quite a number in the Congregation.
In the evening Anton Seifert, so recently ordained Chief Elder,
or pastor, of the Congregation, officiated for the first time at a
Confirmation service, the candidate being Jacob Frank. He had been in
poor health when the second company left Germany, and Count Zinzendorf
had advised him not to go, but his heart was set on it, and he would not
be persuaded. He grew worse during the voyage and was now very ill with
dropsy, but in such a beautiful Christian spirit that no one could deny
his wish for full membership in the Church. Having given satisfactory
answers to the searching questions put to him, the blessing was laid
upon his head, and he expressed so great a desire to partake of the
Lord’s Supper that his request was immediately granted, the Elders and
Helpers (Helfer) communing with him. Two or three days later he asked
Spangenberg to write his will, and then his strength gradually failed,
until on March 19th, he “passed to the Lord”, leaving to his associates
the remembrance of his willing and happy departure.
The term “Helpers” was used to express in a general way all those, both
men and women, who were charged with the spiritual and temporal affairs
of the Congregation. Many of the words employed as official titles
by the Moravians were given a specialized significance which makes it
difficult to find an exact English equivalent for them, though they are
always apt when the meaning is understood. Perhaps the best example of
this is “Diener”, which means “servant”, according to the dictionary,
and was used to designate those who “served” the Congregation in various
ways. Until quite recently a Lovefeast, held annually in Salem, N. C.,
for members of Church Boards, Sunday-School Teachers, Church Choir,
Ushers, etc. was familiarly known as “the Servants’ Lovefeast”, a direct
inheritance from the earlier days. It is now more commonly called “the
Workers’ Lovefeast”, an attempt to unite “Helper” and “Diener” in a term
understood by all.
At a “Helpers’ Conference” held on March 13th, it was decided to have
nothing more to do with Vollmar, the Wittenberg carpenter, who had
crossed with the second company, had proved false and malicious, and had
now joined Herr von Reck’s party without the consent of the Moravians.
More important, however, than the Vollmar affair, was the proposed
departure of Spangenberg for Pennsylvania. Most faithfully had he
fulfilled his commission to take the first company of Moravians to
Georgia, and settle them there, patiently had he labored for and with
them during their days of greatest toil and privation, controlling his
own desire to keep his promise and go to the Schwenkfelders, who were
complaining with some bitterness of his broken faith; but now his task
was ended, the Savannah Congregation was ready to be thrown on its
own resources, Gen. Oglethorpe had provided him with letters of
introduction, and the “lot” said, “Let him go, for the Lord is with
him.”
Final questions were asked and answered, Spangenberg’s Commission was
delivered to him, and then Bishop Nitschmann “laid his blessing upon”
him. In the Lutheran Church, to which he belonged before he joined the
Moravians, Spangenberg had been an accredited minister of the Gospel.
The Church of England refused to acknowledge the validity of Lutheran
ordination, because that Church had no Episcopate, but the Moravians,
influenced by Count Zinzendorf, himself a Lutheran by birth,
broad-minded, liberal, and devout, did not hesitate to fraternize with
the Lutherans, or even to accept the Sacraments at the hands of Pastor
Rothe, in charge of the Parish Church of Berthelsdorf. At the same time
they prized the Episcopate lately transferred to them from the ancient
Unitas Fratrum, and while continuing in free fellowship with Christians
of all denominational names, they now intended to so ordain their own
ministry that no church could question it. When the three grades were
established in 1745, a license to preach granted by the Lutheran Church
was considered equivalent to the rank of Deacon, ordination in the
Moravian Church making the minister a Presbyter.
Now fully equipped for his mission to the English Colony of
Pennsylvania, Spangenberg left Savannah on March 15th, going on Capt.
Dunbar’s ship to Port Royal, where he lodged with a man who was born in
Europe, his wife in Africa, their child in Asia, and they were all
now living in America! From Port Royal he went by land almost to
Charlestown, the last short distance being in a chance boat, and
from Charlestown he sailed to New York. From there he proceeded
to Philadelphia, and to the Schwenkfelders, making his home with
Christopher Wiegner on his farm in the Skippack woods, where George
Boehnisch was also living. Spangenberg worked on the farm that he might
not be a burden to his host, and might meet the neighbors in a familiar
way, meanwhile making numerous acquaintances, and gaining much valuable
information.
Bishop Nitschmann remained in Savannah until March 26th, when he sailed
to Charlestown. There he was detained ten days waiting for a
northbound ship, and employed the time in delivering several letters
of introduction, and learning all he could about Carolina, and the
conditions there. On the 28th of April he reached New York, and left
on the 9th of May for Philadelphia, going partly by boat, and partly
on foot, reaching there on the 13th. Six weeks he and Spangenberg spent
together, visiting many neighborhoods, and informing themselves as to
the religious and material outlook in Pennsylvania, and then Nitschmann
sailed for Germany.
His report gave a new turn to the American plans, for both he and
Spangenberg were much pleased with Pennsylvania. Quite a number of the
settlers seemed open to the idea of mutual aid in the spiritual life,
material conditions were very different from those in Georgia and better
suited to the Moravian needs, the Quaker Governor was not likely to
force military service upon people who held the same theories as himself
in regard to warfare, and there were large tribes of Indians within easy
reach, to whom the Gospel might be preached. As troubles thickened in
Savannah, therefore, the heads of the Church at Herrnhut began to look
toward Pennsylvania, and ultimately sent thither the larger companies
originally destined for Georgia.
In August, Spangenberg went to visit the Moravian Mission on the island
of St. Thomas, returning to Pennsylvania in November, where he remained
until the following year.