In the earliest Epistles--those to the Thessalonians--we have the naïve

picture of Messiah coming on the clouds, which, as we now know, was part

of the Pharisaic tradition. In the central group the Christology is far

more complex. Besides the Pharisaic Messiah, and the records of the

historical Jesus of Nazareth, we have now to reckon with the

Jewish-Alexandrian idea of the generic, archetypal man, which is

unintelligible without reference to the Platonic philosophy. Philo is

here a great help towards understanding one of the most difficult parts

of the Apostle's teaching. We have also, fully developed, the mystical

doctrine of the Spirit of Christ immanent in the soul of the believer, a

conception which was the core of St. Paul's personal religion, and more

than anything else emancipated him from apocalyptic dreams of the

future. We have also a fourth conception, quite distinct from the three

which have been mentioned--that of Christ as a cosmic principle, the

instrument in creation and the sustainer of all his in the universe. We

must again have recourse to Philo and his doctrine of the Logos, to

understand the genesis of this idea, and to the Fourth Gospel to find it

stated in clear philosophical form. In this second period, these

theories about the Person of Christ are held concurrently, without any

attempt to reconcile or systematise them. The eschatology is being

seriously modified by the conception of a 'spiritual body,' which is

prepared for us so soon as our 'outward man' decays in death. The

resurrection of the flesh is explicitly denied (1 Cor. xv. 50); but a

new and incorruptible 'clothing' will be given to the soul in the future

state. Already the fundamental Pharisaic doctrine of the two ages--the

present age and that which is to come--is in danger. St. Paul can now,

like a true Greek, contrast the things that are seen, which are

temporal, with the things that are not seen, which are eternal. The

doctrine of the Spirit as a present possession of Christians brings down

heaven to earth and exalts earth to heaven; the 'Parousia' is now only

the end of the existing world-order, and has but little significance for

the individual. These ideas have not displaced the earlier apocalyptic

language; but it is easy to see that the one or the other must recede

into the background, and that the Pharisaic tradition will be the one to

fade.

The third group of Epistles--Philippians, Colossians, and Ephesians--are

steeped in ideas which belong to Greek philosophy and the Greek

mystery-religions. It would be impossible to translate them into any

Eastern language. The Rabbinical disputes with the Jews about

justification and election have disappeared; the danger ahead is now

from theosophy and the barbarised Platonism which was afterwards matured

in Gnosticism. The teaching is even more Christocentric than before; and

the Catholic doctrine of the Church as the body of Christ is more

prominent than individualistic mysticism. The cosmology is thoroughly

Johannine, and only awaits the name of the Logos.

This receptiveness to new ideas is one of the most remarkable features

in St. Paul's mind. Few indeed are the religious prophets and preachers

whose convictions are still malleable after they have begun to govern

the minds of others. St. Paul had already proved that he was a man who

would 'follow the gleam,' even when it called him to a complete breach

with his past. And the further development of his thought was made much

easier by the fact that he was no systematic philosopher, but a great

missionary who was willing to be all things to all men, while his own

faith was unified by his strength of purpose, and by the steady glow of

the light within.

It is difficult for us to realise the life of his little communities

without importing into the picture features which belong to a later

time. The organisation, such as it was, was democratic. The congregation

as a whole exercised a censorship over the morals of its members, and

penalties were inflicted 'by vote of the majority' (2 Cor. ii. 6). The

family formed a group for religious purposes, and remained the

recognised unit till the second century. In Ignatius and Hermas we find

the campaign against family churches in full swing. The meetings were

like those of modern revivalists, and sometimes became disorderly. But

of the moral beauty which pervaded the whole life of the brotherhoods

there can be no doubt. Many of the converts had formerly led

disreputable lives; but these were the most likely to appreciate the

gain of being no longer outlaws, but members of a true family. The

heathen were amazed at the kind of people whom the Christians admitted

and treated like brethren; but in the first century scandals do not seem

to have been frequent. Women, who were probably always the majority,

enjoyed a consideration unknown by them before. The extreme importance

attached by the early Church to sexual purity made it possible for them

to mix freely with Christian men; indeed, the strange and perilous

practice of a 'brother' and a virgin sharing the same house seems to

have already begun, if this is the meaning of the obscure passage in I

Cor. vii. 36.

Chastity and indifference to death were the two qualities in Christians

which made the greatest impression on their neighbours. Galen is

especially interesting on the former topic. But we must add a third

characteristic--the cheerfulness and happiness which marked the early

Christian communities. 'Joy' as a moral quality is a Christian

invention, as a study of the usage of charha in Greek will show. Even in

Augustine's time the temper of the Christians, 'serena et non dissolute

hilaris' was one of the things which attracted him to the Church. The

secret of this happy social life was an intense realisation of

corporate unity among the members of the confraternity, which they

represented to themselves as a 'mystery'--a mystical union between the

Head and members of a 'body.' It is in this conception, and not in

ritual details, that we are justified in finding a real and deep

influence of the mystery-cults upon Christianity. The Catholic

conception of sacraments as bonds uniting religious communities, and as

channels of grace flowing from a corporate treasury, was as certainly

part of the Greek mystery-religion as it was foreign to Judaism. The

mysteries had their bad side, as might be expected in private and

half-secret societies; but their influence as a whole was certainly

good. The three chief characteristics of mystery-religion were, first,

rites of purification, both moral and ceremonial; second, the promise of

spiritual communion with some deity, who through them enters into his

worshippers; third, the hope of immortality, which the Greeks often

called 'deification,' and which was secured to those who were initiated.

It is useless to deny that St. Paul regarded Christianity as, at least

on one side, a mystery-religion. Why else should he have used a number

of technical terms which his readers would recognise at once as

belonging to the mysteries? Why else should he repeatedly use the word

'mystery' itself, applying it to doctrines distinctive of Christianity,

such as the resurrection with a 'spiritual body,' the relation of the

Jewish people to God, and, above all, the mystical union between Christ

and Christians? The great' mystery' is 'Christ in you, the hope of

glory' (Col i. 27). It was as a mystery-religion that Europe accepted

Christianity. Just as the Jewish Christians took with them the whole

framework of apocalyptic Messianism, and set the figure of Jesus within

it, so the Greeks took with them the whole scheme of the mysteries, with

their sacraments, their purifications and fasts, their idea of a

mystical brotherhood, and their doctrine of 'salvation' (sôtêrhia is

essentially a mystery word) through membership in a divine society,

worshipping Christ as the patronal deity of their mysteries.

Historically, this type of Christianity was the origin of Catholicism,

both Western and Eastern; though it is only recently that this character

of the Pauline churches has been recognised. And students of the New

Testament have not yet realised the importance of the fact that St.

Paul, who was ready to fight to the death against the Judaising of

Christianity, was willing to take the first step, and a long one,

towards the Paganising of it. It does not appear that his personal

religion was of this type. He speaks with contempt of some doctrines and

practices of the Pagan mysteries, and will allow no _rapprochement_ with

what he regards as devil-worship. In this he remains a pure Hebrew. But

he does not appear to see any danger in allowing his Hellenistic

churches to assimilate the worship of Christ to the honours paid to the

gods of the mysteries, and to set their whole religion in this

framework, provided only that they have no part nor lot with those who

sit at 'the table of demons'--the sacramental love-feasts of the heathen

mysteries. The dangers which he does see, and against which he issues

warnings, are, besides Judaism, antinomianism and disorder on the one

hand, and dualistic asceticism on the other. He dislikes or mistrusts

'the speaking with tongues' (glôssolalhia), which was the favourite

exhibition of religious enthusiasm at Corinth. (On this subject Prof.

Lake's excursus is the most instructive discussion that has yet

appeared. The 'Testament of Job' and the magical papyri show that

gibberish uttered in a state of spiritual excitement was supposed to be

the language of angels and spirits, understood by them and acting upon

them as a charm.) He urges his converts to do all things 'decently and

in order.' He is alarmed at signs of moral laxity on the part of

self-styled 'spiritual persons'--a great danger in all times of ecstatic

enthusiasm. He is also alive to the dangers connected with that kind of

asceticism which is based on theories of the impurity of the body--the

typical Oriental form of world-renunciation. But he does not appear to

have foreseen the unethical and polytheistic developments of sacramental

institutionalism. In this particular his Judaising opponents had a

little more justification than he is willing to allow them.

ST. PAUL

There is something transitional about all St. Paul's teaching. We cannot

take him out of his historical setting, as so many of his commentators

in the nineteenth century tried to do. This is only another way of

saying that he was, to use his own expression, a wise master-builder,

not a detached thinker, an arm-chair philosopher. To the historian,

there must always be something astounding in the magnitude of the task

which he set himself, and in his enormous success. The future history of

the civilised world for two thousand years, perhaps for all time, was

determined by his missionary journeys and hurried writings. It is

impossible to guess what would have become of Christianity if he had

never lived; we cannot even be sure that the religion of Europe would be

called by the name of Christ. This stupendous achievement seems to have

been due to an almost unique practical insight into the essential

factors of a very difficult and complex situation. We watch him, with

breathless interest, steering the vessel which carried the Christian

Church and its fortunes through a narrow channel full of sunken rocks

and shoals. With unerring instinct he avoids them all, and brings the

ship, not into smooth water, but into the open sea, out of that perilous

strait. And so far was his masterly policy from mere opportunism, that

his correspondence has been 'Holy Scripture' for fifty generations of

Christians, and there has been no religious revival within Christianity

that has not been, on one side at least, a return to St. Paul.

Protestants have always felt their affinity with this institutionalist,

mystics with this disciplinarian. The reason, put shortly, is that St.

Paul understood what most Christians never realise, namely, that the

Gospel of Christ is not _a_ religion, but religion itself, in its most

universal and deepest significance.

INSTITUTIONALISM AND MYSTICISM

(1914)

It happens sometimes that two opposite tendencies flourish together,

deriving strength from a sense of the danger with which each is

threatened by the popularity of the other. Where the antagonism is not

absolute, each may gain by being compelled to recognise the strong

points in the rival position. In a serious controversy the right is

seldom or never all on one side; and in the normal course of events both

theories undergo some modification through the influence of their

opponents, until a compromise, not always logically defensible, brings

to an end the acute stage of the controversy. Such a tension of rival

movements is very apparent in the religious thought of our day. The

quickening of spiritual life in our generation has taken two forms,

which appear to be, and to a large extent are, sharply opposed to each

other. On the one side, there has been a great revival of mysticism.

Mysticism means an immediate communion, real or supposed, between the

human soul and the Soul of the World or the Divine Spirit. The

hypothesis on which it rests is that there is a real affinity between

the individual soul and the great immanent Spirit, who in Christian

theology is identified with the Logos-Christ. He was the instrument in

creation, and through the Incarnation and the gift of the Holy Spirit,

in which the Incarnation is continued, has entered into the most

intimate relation with the inner life of the believer. This revived

belief in the inspiration of the individual has immensely strengthened

the position of Christian apologists, who find their old fortifications

no longer tenable against the assaults of natural science and

historical criticism. It has given to faith a new independence, and has

vindicated for the spiritual life the right to stand on its own feet and

rest on its own evidence. Spiritual things, we now realise, are

spiritually discerned. The enlightened soul can see the invisible, and

live its true life in the suprasensible sphere. The primary evidence for

the truth of religion is religious experience, which in persons of

religious genius--those whom the Church calls saints and

prophets--includes a clear perception of an eternal world of truth,

beauty, and goodness, surrounding us and penetrating us at every point.

It is the unanimous testimony of these favoured spirits that the

obstacles in the way of realising this transcendental world are purely

subjective and to a large extent removable by the appropriate training

and discipline. Nor is there any serious discrepancy among them either

as to the nature of the vision which is the highest reward of human

effort, or as to the course of preparation which makes us able to

receive it. The Christian mystic must begin with the punctual and

conscientious discharge of his duties to society; he must next purify

his desires from all worldly and carnal lusts, for only the pure in

heart can see God; and he may thus fit himself for 'illumination'--the

stage in which the glory and beauty of the spiritual life, now clearly

discerned, are themselves the motive of action and the incentive to

contemplation; while the possibility of a yet more immediate and

ineffable vision of the Godhead is not denied, even in this life. There

is reason to think that this conception of religion appeals more and

more strongly to the younger generation to-day. It brings an intense

feeling of relief to many who have been distressed by being told that

religion is bound up with certain events in antiquity, the historicity

of which it is in some cases difficult to establish; with a cosmology

which has been definitely disproved; and with a philosophy which they

cannot make their own. It allows us what George Meredith calls 'the

rapture of the forward view.' It brings home to us the meaning of the

promise made by the Johannine Christ that there are many things as yet

hid from humanity which will in the future be revealed by the Spirit of

Truth. It encourages us to hope that for each individual who is trying

to live the right life the venture of faith will be progressively

justified in experience. It breaks down the denominational barriers

which divide men and women who worship the Father in spirit and in

truth--barriers which become more senseless in each generation, since

they no longer correspond even approximately with real differences of

belief or of religious temperament. It makes the whole world kin by

offering a pure religion which is substantially the same in all climates

and in all ages--a religion too divine to be fettered by any man-made

formulas, too nobly human to be readily acceptable to men in whom the

ape and tiger are still alive, but which finds a congenial home in the

purified spirit which is the 'throne of the Godhead.' Such is the type

of faith which is astir among us. It makes no imposing show in Church

conferences; it does not fill our churches and chapels; it has no

organisation, no propaganda; it is for the most part passively loyal,

without much enthusiasm, to the institutions among which it finds

itself. But in reality it has overleapt all barriers; it knows its true

spiritual kin; and amid the strifes and perplexities of a sad and

troublous time it can always recover its hope and confidence by

ascending in heart and mind to the heaven which is closer to it than

breathing, and nearer than hands and feet.

But on the other side we see a tendency, even more manifest if we look

for external signs, to emphasise the institutional side of religion,

that which prompts men and women to combine in sacred societies, to

cherish enthusiastic loyalties for the Church of their early education

or of their later choice, to find their chief satisfaction in acts of

corporate worship, and to subordinate their individual tastes and

beliefs to the common tradition and discipline of a historical body. It

is now about eighty years since this tendency began to manifest itself

as a new phenomenon in the Anglican Church. Since then, it has spread to

other organisations. It has prompted a new degree of denominational

loyalty in several Protestant bodies on the Continent, in America, and

in our own country; and it has arrested the decline of the Roman

Catholic Church in countries where the outlook seemed least hopeful from

the ecclesiastical point of view. Such a movement, so widespread and so

powerful in its results, is clearly a thing to be reckoned with by all

who desire to estimate rightly the signs of the times. It is a current

running in the opposite direction to the mystical tendency, which

regards unity as a spiritual, not a political ideal. Fortunately, the

theory of institutionalism has lately been defended and expounded by

several able writers belonging to different denominations; so that we

may hope, by comparing their utterances, to understand the attractions

of the theory and its meaning for those who so highly value it.

Aubrey Moore, writing in 1889, connected the Catholic revival with the

abandonment of atomism in natural philosophy and of Baconian

metaphysics. These were, he thought, the counterpart of individualism in

politics and Calvinism in religion. The adherents of mid-Victorian

science and philosophy were bewildered by the phenomenon of 'men in the

nineteenth century actually expressing a belief in a divine society and

a supernatural presence in our midst, a brotherhood in which men become

members of an organic whole by sharing in a common life, a service of

man which is the natural and spontaneous outcome of the service of

God.'[90] In the view of this learned and acute thinker, Catholicism, or

institutionalism, is destined to supplant Protestantism, as the organic

theory is destined to displace the atomic.

More recently Troeltsch, writing as a Protestant, has emphasised the

institutional side of religion in the most uncompromising way.

'One of the clearest results of all religious history and

religious psychology is that the essence of all religion is

not dogma and idea, but cultus and communion, the living

intercourse with the Deity--an intercourse of the entire

community, having its vital roots in religion and deriving

its ultimate power of thus uniting individuals, from its

faith in God.... Whatever the future may bring us, we cannot

expect a certainty and force of the knowledge of God and of

His redemptive power to subsist without communion and

cultus. And so long as a Christianity of any kind shall

subsist at all, it will be united with a cultus, and with

Christ holding a central position in the cultus.'[91]

From America, the last refuge of individualism, there has come a

pronouncement not less drastic. Professor Royce, the author of the

admirable metaphysical treatise entitled 'The World and the Individual,'

has recently published a double series of Hibbert Lectures on 'The

Problem of Christianity,' in which he affirms the institutionalist

theory with a surprising absence of qualification. The whole book is

dominated by one idea, advocated with a _naïveté_ which would hardly

have been possible to a theologian--the idea that churchmanship is the

essential part of the Christian religion.

'The salvation of the individual man is determined by some

sort of membership in a certain spiritual community--a

religious community, and in its inmost nature a divine

community, in whose life the Christian virtues are to reach

their highest expression and the spirit of the Master is to

obtain its earthly fulfilment. In other words, there is a

certain universal and divine spiritual community. Membership

in that community is necessary to the salvation of man....

Such a community exists, is needed, and is an indispensable

means of salvation for the individual man, and is the

fitting realm wherein alone the kingdom of heaven which the

Master preached can find its expression, and wherein alone

the Christian virtues can be effectively preached.'[92]

These statements, which in vigour and rigour would satisfy the most

extreme curialist in the Society of Jesus, are not a little startling in

an American philosopher, who, as far as the present writer knows, does

not belong to any 'Catholic' Church. The thesis thus enunciated is the

argument of the whole book, in which 'loyalty to the beloved community'

is declared to be the characteristic Christian virtue. It is true that

the satisfaction of Professor Royce's Catholic readers is destined to be

damped in the second volume, where he forbids us to look for the ideal

divine community in any existing Church, and expresses his conviction

that great changes must come over the dogmatic teaching of Christianity.

But for our purpose the significant fact is that throughout the book he

insists that Christianity is essentially an institutional religion, the

most completely institutional of all religions. For Professor Royce to

be a Christian is to be a Churchman.

Our last witness shall be the learned Roman Catholic layman, Baron

Friedrich von Hügel, the deepest thinker, perhaps, of all living

theologians in this country. 'It is now ever increasingly clear to all

deep impartial students that religion has ever primarily expressed and

formed itself in cultus, in social organisation, social worship,

intercourse between soul and soul and between soul and God; and in

symbols and sacraments, in contacts between spirit and matter.' He

proceeds to discuss the strength and weakness of institutionalism in a

perfectly candid spirit, but with too particular reference to the

present conditions within the Roman Church to help us much in our more

general survey. He mentions the drawbacks of an official philosophy,

prescribed by authority; 'only in 1835 did the Congregation of the Index

withdraw heliocentric books from its list.' He emphasises the necessity

of historical dogmas, but admits that orthodoxy cherishes, along with

them, 'fact-like historical pictures' which 'cannot be taken as

directly, simply factual.' He vindicates the orthodoxy of religious

toleration, and refuses to consign all non-Catholics to perdition,

lamenting the tendency to identify absolutely the visible and invisible

Church, which prevails among 'some of the (now dominant) Italian and

German Jesuit Canonists.' Lastly, he boldly recommends the frank

abandonment of the Papal claim to exercise temporal power in Italy. This

is not so much a critique of institutionalism as the plea of a Liberal

Catholic that the logic of institutionalism should not be allowed to

override all other considerations. The Baron is, indeed, himself a

mystic, though also a strong believer in the necessity of institutional

religion.

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