COMMENTARY

1. [1] Σεβαστός, Augustus, must be understood. The word was

doubtless given in the context immediately preceding the present

opening sentence. The title was proposed by Plancus and was

ratified by the senate on January 16, 27 B.C. (CIL 1^2 p. 307,

Suet., Aug. 7, 2; Dio 53, 16, 6-8; 20, 1; Liv., Epit. 134; Vell.

2, 91, 1; Flor. 2, 34; Mon. Anc. 6, 16). Nicolaus attaches no

significance of divinity to the title, though Suetonius and

Dio do so. Verg., Ec. 1, 6; G. 1, 24-39, speaks of Octavian as

divine, but no attribute of divinity is mentioned in the Aeneid

with reference to Augustus.

[2] Nicolaus does not necessarily infer that an imperial cult

existed at this period in Italy, and hence is not at variance

with Suet., Aug. 52; Dio 51, 20, where it is stated that Augustus

did not permit an imperial cult in Italy, although he allowed

temples to be erected to ‘Rome and Augustus’ in the provinces.

See also H. Heinen, Klio 11, pp. 139 ff.; W. S. Ferguson, Am.

Hist. Rev., 18, pp. 243 ff. J. Asbach, Rh. Mus., 37, p. 297, is

mistaken in reasoning that Augustus must have died before any

worship could have taken place. L. R. Taylor, Trans. Am. Philol.

Ass., 51, p. 124 suggests that whatever savored of an imperial

cult in Italy from 30 B.C. on, was in fact simply a cult of the

_genius_ of the emperor (Dio 51, 19, 7; Ov., Fast. 2, 637; Hor.,

Od. 4, 5, 31-35).

[3] Drusus’ expedition of 11 B.C. is probably alluded to (Vell.,

2, 97, 2-3; Suet., Aug., 21; Dio 35, 2, 4; Tac., Ann., 2, 26,

12, 39). There is a noteworthy consonance between the phrase

of Nicolaus, ‘nor had they been subject within the memory of

any one’ and Mon. Anc., 5, 44, ‘Pannoniorum gentes quas ante me

principem populi Romani exercitus nunquam adiit.’ This may be due

to the use by Nicolaus of Augustus’ memoirs.

[4] Adriatic.

[5] Tiberius succeeded Agrippa as leader of expeditions against

the Pannonians (Mon. Anc., 30; Dio 54, 36, 2-3).

[6] A remark of the excerptor is enclosed within the parentheses.

2. [7] Nicolaus employs the method of a Peripatetic in presenting

the order of events in the life of an individual. (Leo, die

Griech. Röm. Biogr., p. 190).

[8] His family was from Velitrae (Suet., Aug., 1, 94; Dio 45, 1,

1). C. Octavius the father was praetor (Cic., Q. frat. 1, 1, 7)

and proconsul for Macedonia (Suet., Aug., 3; CIL 6, 1311) and was

only prevented by death from attaining the consulship. (Cic.,

Phil., 3, 6, 15).

[9] C. Octavius is characterized as rich by Velleius (2, 59).

[10] C. Octavius died in 58 B.C. when his son was 4 years old

(Suet., Aug., 8).

[11] One of those involved was C. Toranius, who had been an

aedile with the elder C. Octavius (CIL 6, 1311). He was in due

time proscribed by Augustus, (App., 4, 12; Suet., Aug., 27) so

that Octavius’ remission of his claims and apparent satisfaction

with his remainder as expressed by Nicolaus did not prevent a

subsequent day of reckoning.

3. [12] Nicolaus’ statement of Octavius’ age is not corroborated

by Suetonius (Aug. 8) nor by Quintilian (12, 6, 1) who give

Octavius’ age as 12 years when the oration was given. Perhaps

separate occasions are referred to by Nicolaus and the other

writers. If a closer agreement is to be desired, ἐννέα could be

altered to ἕνδεκα (Müller). Suetonius identifies this occasion

with the death of Octavius’ grandmother Julia, while Nicolaus

does not expressly do so. His mention of Julia’s death in the

following sentence, however, admits of the inference that the one

occurrence suggested the other to his mind, and that there was

therefore some connection between them.

[13] With a single exception the name Atia is written Antia

throughout the excerpt. She was C. Octavius’ second wife (Plut.,

Ant. 31) and was from Aricia (Cic., Phil., 3, 6, 16; Suet., Aug.,

4).

[14] Incorrect as the text stands. Valesius indicated that L.

Marcius Philippus’ ancestor, Q. Marcius Philippus, was engaged

not with Philip V of Macedonia but with his son Perseus (CIL 1,

p. 359). Either Nicolaus was misinformed, or Φίλιππον has been

inserted in the text by attraction in place of Περσέα. Cicero

(Att. 12, 9) calls L. Philippus ‘son of Amyntas’ jokingly.

Amyntas was the father of the great Philip of Macedon.

Q. Philippus was actually in Macedonia during Philip’s lifetime

according to Livy (39, 48; 40, 2-3). The passage in Nicolaus

shows that the Marcii of Cicero’s day were descended from the

noble Marcii active during the 2nd century B.C.

[15] Octavius’ youth was spent in Rome and the vicinity (Suet.,

Aug. 94).

[16] One of the instructors was one Epidius (Suet., Rhet. 4). For

the question of his identification, see Schanz, Röm. Lit. Gesch.,

1, p. 290.

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