1. Men gave him this name[1] in view of his claim to honor; and,
scattered over islands and continents, through city and tribe,
they revere him by building temples and by sacrificing to him,[2]
thus requiting him for his great virtue and acts of kindness
toward themselves. For this man, having attained preeminent power
and discretion, ruled over the greatest number of people within
the memory of man, established the furthest boundaries for the
Roman Empire, and settled securely not only the tribes of Greeks
and barbarians, but also their dispositions; at first with arms
but afterward even without arms, by attracting them of their own
free will. By making himself known through kindness he persuaded
them to obey him. The names of some of them men had never heard
before, nor had they been subject within the memory of anyone,
but he subdued them: all those that live as far as the Rhine[3]
and beyond the Ionian[4] Sea and the Illyrian peoples. These are
called Pannonians and Dacians.[5] (See the work: ‘Concerning
Brave Honest Deeds.’)[6]
2. To set forth the full power of this man’s intelligence and
virtue, both in the administration which he exercised at Rome
and in the conduct of great wars both domestic and foreign,
is a subject for competition in speech and essay, that men
may win renown by treating it well. I myself shall relate his
achievements, so that all can know the truth. First I shall speak
of his birth and breeding, his parents, his nurture and education
from infancy, by means of which he came to such an estate.[7]
His father was Caius Octavius, a man of senatorial rank.[8] His
forebears, renowned for both wealth[9] and justice, left their
estates to him, an orphan, at their death.[10] His guardians[11]
spent his money, but he remitting his just claims was satisfied
with the remainder.
3. Octavius at the age of about nine years was an object of no
little admiration to the Romans, exhibiting as he did great
excellence of nature, young though he was; for he gave an
oration[12] before a large crowd and received much applause from
grown men. After his grandmother’s death he was brought up by
his mother Atia[13] and her husband Lucius Philippus, who was
a descendant of the conquerors of Philip of Macedonia.[14] At
Philippus’ house, as if at his father’s, Octavius was reared and
showed great promise, already seeming to be treated with respect
by his comrades, the children of highest birth. Many of them
associated with him, and even not a few of the youths who had
hopes to undertake affairs of state. Daily many lads, men, and
boys of his own age attended him whether he rode on horseback
outside of the town or went to the house of his relations or
of any other person; for he exercised his mind with the finest
practices and his body with both genteel and warlike pursuits;
and more quickly than his teachers he himself applied his lesson
to the facts in hand, so that for this reason also much praise
redounded to him in the city.[15] Both his mother and her
husband Philippus took care of him, inquiring each day from the
instructors[16] and curators whom they had placed in charge of
the boy what he had accomplished, how far he had advanced, or how
he had spent the day and with whom he had associated.
4. At the time when the Civil War had laid hold on the city,[17]
his mother Atia and Philippus quietly sent Octavius off to one of
his father’s country places.[18]
He entered the forum, aged about fourteen, to put off the toga
praetextata and assume the toga virilis, this being a token of
his becoming registered as a man.[19] Then while all the citizens
looked upon him, because of his comeliness and very evidently
noble descent, he sacrificed to the gods and was registered in
the sacred college in the place of Lucius Domitius, who had
died.[20] The people indeed had very eagerly elected[21] him to
this position. Accordingly, he performed the sacrifice, adorned
with the toga virilis and at the same time the honors of a very
high priestly office.[22] Nevertheless, though he was registered
as of age according to law, his mother would not let him leave
the house other than as he did before, when he was a child, and
she made him keep to the same mode of life and sleep in the same
apartment as before. For he was of age only by law and in other
respects was taken care of as a child. He did not change the
fashion of his clothes, but continued to use the Roman garb.[23]
5. He went to the temples on the regular days, but after dark on
account of his youthful charm, seeing that he attracted many
women by his comeliness and high lineage; though often tempted
by them he seems never to have been enticed. Not only did the
watchful care of his mother, who guarded him and forbade
his wandering, protect him but he too was prudent now that
he was advancing in age. During the Latin festival when the
consuls had to ascend the Alban Mount to perform the customary
sacrifices,[24] the priests meanwhile succeeding to the
jurisdiction of the consuls, Octavius sat on the tribunal in the
centre of the forum.[25] And there came many people on legal
business[26] and many on no business at all except for a sight
of the boy; for he was well worth beholding especially when he
assumed the dignity and honorable aspect of office.
6. Caesar had by this time completed the wars in Europe,[27] had
conquered Pompey in Macedonia,[28] had taken Egypt,[29] had
returned from Syria and the Euxine[30] sea, and was intending to
advance into Libya[31] in order to put down what was left of war
over there; and Octavius wanted to take the field with him in
order that he might gain experience in the practice of war. But
when he found that his mother Atia was opposed he said nothing
by way of argument but remained at home. It was plain that
Caesar, out of solicitude for him, did not wish him to take the
field yet, lest he might bring on illness to a weak body through
changing his mode of life and thus permanently injure his health.
For this cause he took no part in the expedition.
7. After finishing that war also, Caesar returned to Rome,[32]
having granted pardon to a very few of the captives who fell to
him because they had not learned wisdom in the earlier wars.[33]
Then the following incident occurred: There was a particular
associate and friend of Octavius, Agrippa,[34] who had been
educated at the same place and who was a very special friend of
his. His brother was with Cato and treated with much respect; he
had participated in the Libyan War, but was at this time taken
captive. Although Octavius had never yet asked anything of Caesar
he wanted to beg the prisoner off, but he hesitated because
of modesty and at the same time because he saw how Caesar was
disposed toward those who had been captured in that war. However,
he made bold to ask it, and had his request granted. Thereupon
he was very glad at having rescued a brother for his friend and
he was praised by others for employing his zeal and right of
intercession first of all for a friend’s safety.
8. After this, Caesar celebrated his triumphs for the Libyan War
and the others which he had fought;[35] and he ordered the
young Caesar, whom he had now adopted, and who was in a way
a son even by nature, on account of the closeness of their
relationship,[36] to follow his chariot, having bestowed upon him
military decorations, as if he had been his aide in war. Likewise
at the sacrifices and when entering the temples he stationed him
at his side and he ordered the others to yield precedence to him.
Caesar already bore the rank of Imperator, which was the highest
according to the Roman usage,[37] and he was highly esteemed in
the state. The boy, being his companion both at the theatre and
at the banquets, and seeing that he conversed kindly with him, as
if with his own son, and having by this time become somewhat more
courageous, when many of his friends and citizens asked him to
intercede for them with Caesar, in matters in which they were in
need of aid, looking out for the opportune moment he respectfully
asked and was successful; and he became of great value to many
of his kinsfolk, for he took care never to ask a favor at an
inopportune time, nor when it was annoying to Caesar. And he
displayed not a few sparks of kindness and natural intelligence.
9. Caesar wished Octavius to have the experience of directing the
exhibition of theatrical productions (for there were two
theatres,[38] the one Roman, over which he himself had charge,
and the other Greek). This he turned over to the care of
Octavius. The latter, wishing to exhibit interest and benevolence
in the matter, even in the hottest and longest days, never left
his post before the end of the play; with the result that he fell
ill, for he was young and unaccustomed to toil. Being very ill,
every one felt considerable apprehension regarding him, lest a
constitution such as his might suffer some mishap, and Caesar
most of all. Accordingly, every day he either called himself
and encouraged him or else sent friends to do so, and he kept
physicians in continuous attendance. On one occasion word was
brought to him while he was dining that Octavius was relaxed
and was dangerously ill. He sprang up and ran barefooted to the
place where the patient was, and in great anxiety and with great
emotion questioned the physicians, and he sat down by the bedside
himself. When Octavius’ full recovery[39] was brought about he
showed much joy.
10. While Octavius was convalescent, still weak physically though
entirely out of danger, Caesar had to take the field on an
expedition[40] in which he had previously the intention of taking
the boy. This however he could not now do on account of his
attack of sickness. Accordingly, he left him behind in the care
of a number of persons who were to take particular charge of
his mode of life; and giving orders that if Octavius should grow
strong enough, he was to follow him, he went off to the war. The
eldest son of Pompeius Magnus had got together a great force[41]
in a short time, contrary to the expectations of everyone, with
the intention of avenging his father’s death, and, if possible,
of retrieving his father’s defeat. Octavius, left behind in Rome,
in the first place gave his attention to gaining as much physical
strength as possible, and soon he was sufficiently robust. Then
he set out from home toward the army, according to his uncle’s
instructions (for that is what he called him). Many were eager
to accompany him on account of his great promise but he rejected
them all, even his mother herself, and selecting the speediest
and strongest of his servants he hastened on his journey and
with incredible despatch he covered the long road and approached
Caesar, who had already completed the whole war in the space of
seven months.[42]
11. When Octavius reached Tarraco it was hard to believe that he
had managed to arrive in so great a tumult of war. Not finding
Caesar there, he had to endure more trouble and danger. He caught
up with Caesar in Spain near the city of Calpia.[43] Caesar
embraced him as a son and welcomed him, for he had left him at
home, ill, and he now unexpectedly saw him safe from both enemies
and brigands. In fact, he did not let him go from him, but he
kept him at his own quarters and mess. He commended his zeal and
intelligence[44] inasmuch as he was the first of those who had
set out from Rome to arrive. And he made the point of asking
him concerning many things in the course of their conversation,
for he was anxious to make a trial of his understanding; and
finding that he was sagacious, intelligent, and concise in his
replies and that he always answered to the point, his esteem
and affection for him increased. After this they had to sail
for Carthago Nova, and arrangements were made whereby Octavius
embarked in the same boat as Caesar, with five slaves, but, out
of affection, he took three of his companions aboard in addition
to the slaves, though he feared that Caesar would be angry when
he found this out. However, the reverse was the case, for Caesar
was pleased in that Octavius was fond of his comrades and he
commended him because he always liked to have present with him
men who were observant and who tried to attain to excellence;
and because he was already giving no little thought to gaining a
good reputation at home.
12. Caesar duly arrived at Carthago Nova, intending to meet with
those who were in need of him. A great many came to see him,
some for the purpose of settling any differences they might
have with certain persons, others because of matters of civil
administration, others in order to obtain the rewards for deeds
of courage which they had performed. Regarding these matters he
gave them audience. Many other officers had congregated there
also. The Saguntini came to Octavius asking for assistance, for
there were a number of charges against them. He acted as their
spokesman, and speaking before Caesar skillfully secured their
release from the charges. He sent them home delighted, singing
his praises to everyone and calling him their savior. Thereupon
many people approached him, asking for his patronage, and he
proved of considerable value to them. Some he relieved of the
charges brought against them, for others he secured rewards,
and he placed still others in offices of state. His kindness,
humanity, and the prudence he had revealed at these gatherings
were subjects of comment to all. In fact, Caesar himself
cautiously....[45]
13. ... of silver, according to the ancestral custom;[46] nor to
associate with young fellows who drank freely, nor to remain
at banquets till nightfall, nor to dine before the tenth hour,
except at the house of Caesar or Philippus or Marcellus,[47]
his sister’s husband, a man of sobriety and of the best Roman
descent. Modesty, which one might assume was fitting for one of
that age (for nature has assigned it an earlier place than the
other virtues) was apparent in his actions and continued during
his whole life. Therefore Caesar made much of him and not, as
some think, entirely because of relationship. Some time before
he had decided to adopt him, but fearing that elated at the hope
of such good fortune, as those usually are who are brought up in
wealth, he might become forgetful of virtue and depart from his
accustomed mode of life, Caesar concealed his intention but he
adopted him as son in his will[48] (for he had no male children
of his own) and made him residuary legatee of his entire estate,
after bequeathing one fourth of his property to friends and
townsmen, as was afterwards known.[49]
14. Octavius asked permission to go home to see his mother, and
when it was granted, he set out. When he reached the Janiculan
hill near Rome, a man who claimed to be the son of Caius Marius
came with a large crowd of people to meet him.[50] He had taken
also some women who were relatives of Caesar, for he was anxious
to be enrolled in the family, and they testified to his descent.
He did not succeed in persuading Atia at all, nor her sister,
to make any false statement concerning their family; for the
families of Caesar and Marius were very close,[51] but this
young man was really no relative whatever. So then, he came up
to the young Caesar with a great multitude and tried to gain his
authority also for being enrolled in the family. The citizens who
accompanied him were also earnestly persuaded that he was Marius’
son. Octavius was in quite a quandary and began to consider what
he should do. It was a difficult thing to greet a stranger as
a relative, one whose origin he did not know, and for whom his
mother did not vouch; and on the other hand, to repudiate the
youth and the crowd of citizens with him would be very difficult
particularly for one so modest as he. Accordingly, he quietly
answered and dismissed the fellow, saying that Caesar was the
head of their family, and the chief of the state and of the whole
Roman government. He should therefore go to him and explain to
him the kinship, and if he convinced Caesar, then both they and
the other relations would accede to his decision quite convinced;
otherwise there could be no ground for their connection with
him. In the meanwhile, until Caesar decided, he should not come
to Octavius nor ask for anything that might be expected of a
relative. Thus sensibly he answered and everyone there commended
him; nevertheless the young fellow followed him all the way home.
15. When he arrived in Rome he lodged near the house of Philippus
and his mother and passed his time with them, seldom leaving
them, except at times when he wished to invite some of his young
friends to dine with him; but that was not often. While he was
in the city, he was declared a patrician by the senate.[52]
Octavius lived soberly and in moderation; and his friends knew of
something else about him that was remarkable. For an entire year
at the very age at which youths, particularly those of wealth,
are most wanton, he abstained from sexual gratification out of
regard for both his voice and his strength. (End of the history
of Nicolaus Damascenus and of the life of the young Caesar.
Concerning virtue and vice.)[53]
16. Octavius spent three months in Rome and then came and sojourned
here.[54] He was admired by his friends and companions, revered
by everyone in the city, and praised by his instructors.[55]
In the fourth month of his stay, a freedman came from home, in
excitement and dismay, sent by his mother and carrying a letter
which said that Caesar had been killed in the senate by Cassius
and Brutus and their accomplices. She asked her son to return to
her as she did not know what the outcome of affairs would be.
She said he must show himself a man now and consider what he
ought to do and put his plans in action, according to fortune and
opportunity. His mother’s letter made all this clear, and the
man who brought it gave a similar report. He said he had been
sent immediately after Caesar’s murder, and he had wasted no time
on the way, so that hearing the news as quickly as possible,
Octavius would be able to make his plans accordingly. He added
that the relatives of the murdered man were in great danger, and
it was necessary to consider first of all how this was to be
avoided. The group of murderers was not small, and they would
drive out and murder Caesar’s relatives.
When they heard this they were greatly disturbed (it was
just about the time that they were going to dinner). Speedily
a report spread to those out of doors and through the whole
city, revealing nothing accurately, but only that some great
calamity had befallen. Then when the evening was fully come
many of the foremost Apollonians came up with torches, asking
with kind intent what the news was. After taking counsel with
his friends Octavius decided to tell the most distinguished of
them, but to send the rabble away. He and his friends did so, and
when the crowd was with difficulty persuaded by the leaders to
leave, Octavius had the opportunity of taking counsel with his
friends (much of the night already having been spent) as to what
ought to be done and how he should improve the situation. After
thoroughly considering the case, some of his friends advised him
to go and join the army in Macedonia; it had been sent out for
the Parthian War, and Marcus Acilius[56] was in command of it.
They advised him to take the army for the sake of safety, to go
to Rome, and to take vengeance upon the murderers. The soldiers
would be hostile toward the murderers because they had been fond
of Caesar, and their sympathy would increase when they saw the
boy. But this seemed a difficult course for a very young man,
and too much for his present youth and inexperience, especially
since the disposition of the people toward him was not clear as
yet and many enemies were at hand. Hence this suggestion was not
adopted.
Avengers of Caesar were expected to appear from among those
who in his lifetime had come upon good fortune at his hands or
who had received from him power, riches, and valuable gifts,
such as they had not hoped for even in dreams. Octavius received
advice of various sorts from different people, as is always the
case in times when a situation is obscure and unsettled, but
he determined to postpone decision in the whole matter until
he could see those of his friends who were preeminently mature
and wise and secure the aid of their counsel also. He decided
therefore to refrain from action, but to go to Rome, and having
first arrived in Italy, to find out what had taken place after
Caesar’s murder, and to take counsel with the people there
concerning the entire affair.
17. His retinue then began preparations for the voyage.
Alexander[57] pleading his age and ill health, returned to his
home at Pergamum. The inhabitants of Apollonia came in multitudes
and for some time affectionately begged Octavius to stay with
them, saying that they would put the city to any use that
he wished, out of good will toward him and reverence for the
deceased.[58] They thought that it would be better for him to
await developments in a friendly city, since so many enemies were
abroad. However, since he desired to participate in whatever was
done, and to avail himself of any opportunity for action, he did
not change his decision, but said that he must set sail. Then he
praised the Apollonians, and afterward when he became master of
Rome he conferred on them autonomy and immunity and some other
not inconsiderable favors, and made it one of the most fortunate
of cities.[59] All the people in tears escorted him at his
departure, admiring his restraint and wisdom that he had revealed
in his sojourn there; and at the same time they were sorry for
his lot.
There came to him from the army not a few from the cavalry
and infantry, both tribunes and centurions, and many others for
the sake of serving him, but some for their own gain. Then they
exhorted him to take up arms and they promised that they would
take the field with him and persuade others also, in order to
avenge Caesar’s death. He commended them, but said that he had no
need of them at present; when, however, he would call them to
take vengeance, he asked that they be ready; and they agreed to
this.
Octavius put out to sea on ships which were at hand, though
it was still quite perilously wintry, and crossing the Ionian
Sea, arrived at the nearest promontory of Calabria, where the
news regarding the revolution at Rome had not yet been clearly
announced to the inhabitants. He came ashore here and started on
foot for Lupiae.[60] When he arrived there he met people who had
been in Rome when Caesar was buried; and they told him, among
other things, that he had been named in the will as Caesar’s son,
inheriting three fourths of his property, the remaining share
having been set aside to pay the sum of seventy five drachmae
to each man in the city.[61] He had enjoined Atia, the youth’s
mother, to take charge of his burial, but a great crowd had
forced its way into the forum and had there cremated the body and
interred the remains. They told Octavius that Brutus and Cassius
and the other murderers had taken possession of the Capitol, and
were obtaining, through the promise of freedom, the slaves as
allies. On the first two days while Caesar’s friends were still
panic stricken[62] many men came and joined the murderers; but
when colonists from the neighboring cities (whom Caesar had
furnished with grants and had established in those cities) began
to come in large numbers and attach themselves to the followers
of Lepidus, the master of horse,[63] and to those of Antonius,
Caesar’s colleague in the consulship,[64] who were promising to
avenge Caesar’s death, most of the conspirators’ group dispersed.
The conspirators being thus deserted gathered some gladiators
and others who were implacably hostile to Caesar, or who had had
a share in the plot. A little later, all these came down from
the Capitoline, having received pledges of safety from Antonius
who now had a large force, but who for the present had given
up his plan to avenge Caesar’s murder. (That was why they were
allowed to leave Rome safely and go to Antium.)[65] Even their
houses were besieged by the people, not under any leader, but the
populace itself was enraged on account of the murder of Caesar,
of whom they were fond, and especially when they had seen his
bloody garment and newly slain body brought to burial when they
had forced their way into the forum and had there interred it.
18. When Octavius heard this he was moved to tears and grief
because of his memory and affection for the man, and his sorrow
stirred anew. Then he stopped and waited for other letters from
his mother and friends in Rome, although he did not disbelieve
those who had reported the events, for he saw no reason why
they should fabricate any falsehood. After this he set sail for
Brundisium, for he had now learned that none of his enemies
were there, though previously he had been suspicious lest the
city might be held by some of them, and consequently he had not
recklessly approached it directly from the other shore.[66] There
arrived from his mother also a letter in which was written an
urgent request for him to return to her and the whole household
as soon as possible, so that no treachery should come upon him
from without, seeing that he had been designated Caesar’s son.
It bore out the earlier news, and said that the whole populace
was aroused against Brutus and Cassius and their party, and was
greatly vexed at what they had done. His step-father Philippus
sent him a letter asking him not to take steps to secure Caesar’s
bequest but even to retain his own name[67] because of what had
happened to Caesar and to live free from politics and in safety.
Octavius knew that this advice was given with kind intent, but he
thought differently, as he already had his mind on great things
and he was full of confidence; he therefore took upon himself the
toil and danger and the enmity of men whom he did not care to
please. Nor did he propose to cede to anyone a name or a rule so
great as his, particularly with the state on his side and calling
him to come into his father’s honors;[68] and very rightly, since
both naturally and by law the office belonged to him, for he
was the nearest relative and had been adopted as son by Caesar
himself, and he felt that to follow the matter up and avenge his
death was the proper course to pursue. This is what he thought,
and he wrote and so answered Philippus, though he did not succeed
in convincing him. His mother Atia when she saw how glorious
his fortune was and the extent of the empire rejoiced that it
devolved upon her own son; but on the other hand knowing that the
undertaking was full of fear and danger, and having seen what
had happened to her uncle Caesar, she was not very enthusiastic;
so it looked as though she was between the view of her husband
Philippus and that of her son. Hence she felt many cares, now
anxious when she enumerated all the dangers awaiting one striving
for supreme power, and now elated when she thought of the extent
of that power and honor. Therefore she did not dare to dissuade
her son from attempting the great deed and effecting a just
requital, but still she did not venture to urge him on, because
fortune seemed somewhat obscure.[69] She permitted his use of the
name Caesar and in fact was the first to assent. Octavian, having
made inquiry as to what all his friends thought about this also,
without delay accepted both the name and the adoption, with good
fortune and favorable omen.[70]
This was the beginning of good both for himself and all
mankind, but especially for the state and the entire Roman
people. He sent immediately to Asia for the money and means[71]
that Caesar had previously despatched for the Parthian War, and
when he received it along with a year’s tribute from the people
of Asia, contenting himself with the position that had belonged
to Caesar[72] he turned the public property over to the state
treasury. At that time, too, some of his friends urged him as
they had at Apollonia to go to Caesar’s colonies and to levy an
army,[73] inducing the men to join an expedition on his behalf
by employing the prestige of the great name of Caesar.[74] They
declared that the soldiers would gladly follow the leadership of
Caesar’s son and would do everything for him; for there persisted
among them a wonderful loyalty and good will toward Caesar and a
memory of what they had accomplished with him in his lifetime,
and they desired under the auspices of Caesar’s name to win the
power which they had formerly bestowed upon Caesar. However, the
opportunity for this did not seem to be at hand. He therefore
turned his attention toward seeking legally, through a senatorial
decree, the dignity his father had held;[75] and he was careful
not to acquire the reputation of being one who was ambitious and
not a law-abiding man. Accordingly, he listened especially to the
eldest of his friends and those of the greatest experience, and
set out from Brundisium for Rome.[76]
19. From this point my narrative will investigate the manner in
which the assassins formed their conspiracy against Caesar and
how they worked out the whole affair, and what happened afterward
when the whole state was shaken. Accordingly, I shall in the
first place rehearse the circumstances of the plot itself, its
reasons, and its final momentous outcome. In the next place I
shall speak of Octavian on whose account this narrative was
undertaken; how he came into power, and how, after he had taken
his predecessor’s place, he employed himself in deeds of peace
and war.
At first a few men started the conspiracy,[77] but afterwards
many took part, more than are remembered to have taken part
in any earlier plot against a commander. They say that there
were more than eighty who had a share in it.[78] Among those
who had the most influence were: Decimus Brutus, a particular
friend of Caesar, Caius Cassius, and Marcus Brutus, second to
none in the estimation of the Romans at that time. All these
were formerly members of the opposite faction, and had tried to
further Pompeius’ interests,[79] but when he was defeated, they
came under Caesar’s jurisdiction and lived quietly for the time
being; but although Caesar tried to win them over individually by
kindly treatment, they never abandoned their hope of doing him
harm.[80] He on his part was naturally without grudge against the
beaten party, because of a certain leniency of disposition,[81]
but they, using to their own advantage his lack of suspicion, by
seductive words and pretence of deeds treated him in such a way
as to more readily escape detection in their plot. There were
various reasons which affected each and all of them and impelled
them to lay hands on the man. Some of them had hopes of becoming
leaders themselves in his place if he were put out of the way;
others were angered over what had happened to them in the war,
embittered over the loss of their relatives, property, or offices
of state. They concealed the fact that they were angry, and
made the pretense of something more seemly, saying that they
were displeased at the rule of a single man and that they were
striving for a republican form of government. Different people
had different reasons, all brought together by whatever pretext
they happened upon.
At first the ringleaders conspired; then many more joined, some
of their own accord because of personal grievances, some because
they had been associated with the others and wished to show
plainly the good faith in their long-standing friendship, and
accordingly became their associates. There were some who were of
neither of these types, but who had agreed because of the worth
of the others, and who resented the power of one man after the
long-standing republican constitution. They were very glad not
to start the affair themselves, but were willing to join such
company when someone else had initiated proceedings, not even
hesitating to pay the penalty if need be. The reputation which
had long been attached to the Brutus family was very influential
in causing the uprising, for Brutus’ ancestors had overthrown
the kings who ruled from the time of Romulus, and they had first
established republican government in Rome.[82] Moreover, men who
had been friends of Caesar were no longer similarly well disposed
toward him when they saw people who were previously his enemies
saved by him and given honors equal to their own. In fact, even
these others were not particularly well disposed toward him,[83]
for their ancient grudges took precedence over gratitude and made
them forgetful of their good fortune in being saved, while, when
they remembered the good things they had lost in being defeated,
they were provoked. Many also hated him because they had been
saved by him although he had been irreproachable in his behavior
toward them in every respect; but nevertheless, the very thought
of receiving as a favor the benefits which as victors they would
readily have enjoyed, annoyed them very much.
Then there was another class of men, namely those who had
served with him, whether as officers or privates, and who did
not get a share of glory. They asserted that prisoners of war
were enrolled among the veteran forces and that they received
identical pay. Accordingly, his friends were incensed at being
rated as equal to those whom they themselves had taken prisoners,
and indeed they were even outranked by some of them. To many,
also, the fact that they benefitted at his hands, both by gifts
of property and by appointments to offices, was a special source
of grievance, since he alone was able to bestow such benefits,
and everyone else was ignored as of no importance. When he became
exalted through many notable victories (which was fair enough)
and began to think himself super human[84] the common people
worshipped him, but he began to be obnoxious to the optimates and
to those who were trying to obtain a share in the government.
And so, every kind of man combined against him: great and small,
friend and foe, military and political, every one of whom put
forward his own particular pretext for the matter in hand, and
as a result of his own complaints each lent a ready ear to the
accusations of the others. They all confirmed each other in their
conspiracy and they furnished as surety[85] to one another the
grievances which they held severally in private against him.
Hence, though the number of conspirators became so great, no one
dared to give information of the fact. Some say, however, that a
little before his death, Caesar received a note in which warning
of the plot was given, and that he was murdered with it in his
hands before he had a chance to read it, and that it was found
among other notes after his death.[86]
20. However, all this became known subsequently. At that time
some wished to gratify him by voting him one honor after another,
while others treacherously included extravagant honors, and
published them, so that he might become an object of envy and
suspicion to all.[87] Caesar was of guileless disposition and
was unskilled in political practices by reason of his foreign
campaigns, so that he was easily taken in by these people,
supposing, naturally enough, that their commendations came rather
from men who admired him than from men who were plotting against
him.[88]
To those who were in authority this measure was especially
displeasing: that the people were now rendered powerless to make
appointments to office, and that Caesar was given the right of
investure to bestow upon whomsoever he pleased. An ordinance
voted not long before provided this.[89] Furthermore, all sorts
of rumors were being bandied about in the crowd, some telling one
story, others another. Some said that he had decided to establish
a capital of the whole empire in Egypt, and that Queen Cleopatra
had lain with him and borne him a son, named Cyrus, there. This
he himself refuted in his will as false.[90] Others said that he
was going to do the same thing at Troy, on account of his ancient
connection with the Trojan race.[91]
Something else, such as it was, took place which especially
stirred the conspirators against him. There was a golden statue
of him which had been erected on the rostra[92] by vote of the
people. A diadem appeared on it, encircling the head, whereupon
the Romans became very suspicious, supposing that it was a symbol
of servitude. Two of the tribunes, Lucius and Caius,[93] came up
and ordered one of their subordinates to climb up, take it down,
and throw it away. When Caesar discovered what had happened, he
convened the senate in the temple of Concordia[94] and arraigned
the tribunes, asserting that they themselves had secretly placed
the diadem on the statue, so that they might have a chance to
insult him openly and thus get credit for doing a brave deed by
dishonoring the statue, caring nothing either for him or for the
senate. He continued that their action was one which indicated a
more serious resolution and plot: if somehow they might slander
him to the people as a seeker after unconstitutional power, and
thus (themselves stirring up an insurrection) to slay him. After
this address, with the concurrence of the senate he banished
them.[95] Accordingly, they went off into exile and other
tribunes were appointed in their place. Then the people clamored
that he become king and they shouted that there should be no
longer any delay in crowning him as such, for Fortune had already
crowned him. But Caesar declared that although he would grant
the people everything because of their good will toward him,
he would never allow this step; and he asked their indulgence
for contradicting their wishes in preserving the old form of
government, saying that he preferred to hold the office of consul
in accordance with the law to being king illegally.[96]
21. Such was the people’s talk at that time. Later, in the
course of the winter, a festival was held in Rome, called
Lupercalia,[97] in which old and young men together take part in
a procession, naked except for a girdle, and anointed, railing
at those whom they meet and striking them with pieces of goat’s
hide. When this festival came on Marcus Antonius was chosen
director. He proceeded through the forum, as was the custom,
and the rest of the throng followed him. Caesar was sitting in
a golden chair on the Rostra, wearing a purple toga. At first
Licinius[98] advanced toward him carrying a laurel wreath,
though inside it a diadem was plainly visible. He mounted up,
pushed up by his colleagues (for the place from which Caesar was
accustomed to address the assembly was high), and set the diadem
down before Caesar’s feet. Amid the cheers of the crowd he placed
it on Caesar’s head. Thereupon Caesar called Lepidus, the master
of horse, to ward him off, but Lepidus hesitated.[99] In the
meanwhile Cassius Longinus, one of the conspirators, pretending
to be really well disposed toward Caesar so that he might the
more readily escape suspicion, hurriedly removed the diadem and
placed it in Caesar’s lap. Publius Casca was also with him.[100]
While Caesar kept rejecting it, and among the shouts of the
people, Antonius suddenly rushed up, naked and anointed, just as
he was in the procession, and placed it on his head. But Caesar
snatched it off, and threw it into the crowd. Those who were
standing at some distance applauded this action, but those who
were near at hand clamored that he should accept it and not repel
the people’s favor. Various individuals held different views of
the matter. Some were angry, thinking it an indication of power
out of place in a democracy; others, thinking to court favor,
approved; still others spread the report that Antonius had acted
as he did not without Caesar’s connivance. There were many who
were quite willing that Caesar be made king openly. All sorts of
talk began to go through the crowd. When Antonius crowned Caesar
a second time, the people shouted in chorus, ‘Hail, King;’[101]
but Caesar still refusing the crown, ordered it to be taken
to the temple of Capitoline Jupiter, saying that it was more
appropriate there. Again the same people applauded as before.
There is told another story, that Antonius acted thus wishing
to ingratiate himself with Caesar, and at the same time was
cherishing the hope of being adopted as his son.[102] Finally, he
embraced Caesar and gave the crown to some of the men standing
near to place it on the head of the statue of Caesar which was
near by. This they did. Of all the occurrences of that time this
was not the least influential in hastening the action of the
conspirators, for it proved to their very eyes the truth of the
suspicions they entertained.
22. Not long after this,[103] the praetor Cinna propitiated
Caesar to the extent of securing a decree which allowed the
exiled tribunes to return. Though in accordance with the wish
of the people they were not to resume their office, but to
remain private citizens, yet not excluded from public affairs.
Caesar did not prevent their recall, so they returned. Caesar
called the annual comitia (for he had the authority of a decree
to do so)[104] and appointed Vibius Pansa and Aulus Hirtius as
consuls for the ensuing year; for the year after that, Decimus
Brutus, one of the conspirators, and Munatius Plancus. Directly
after this, another thing happened that greatly aroused the
conspirators. Caesar was having a large, handsome forum laid
out in Rome, and he had called together the artisans and was
letting the contracts for its construction. In the meanwhile up
came a procession of Roman nobles, to confer the honors which
had just been voted him by common consent. In the lead was the
consul (the one who was Caesar’s colleague at that time),[105]
and he carried the decree with him. In front of him were lictors,
keeping the crowd back on either side. With the consul came the
praetors, tribunes, quaestors, and all the other officials. Next
came the senate in orderly formation, and then a multitude of
enormous size--never so large. The dignity of the nobles was
awe-inspiring--they were entrusted with the rule of the whole
empire, and yet looked with admiration on another as if he were
still greater. Caesar was seated[106] while they advanced and
because he was conversing with men standing to one side, he did
not turn his head toward the approaching procession or pay any
attention to it, but continued to prosecute the business which
he had on hand, until one of his friends, nearby, said, ‘Look at
these people coming up in front of you.’ Then Caesar laid down
his papers and turned around and listened to what they had come
to say. Now among their number were[107] the conspirators, who
filled the others with ill-will toward him, though the others
were already offended at him because of this incident.
Then those also were excited who wished to lay hands on him
not to recover liberty but to destroy the entire extant system;
they were looking for an opportunity to overcome one who seemed
to be absolutely invincible. For, although he had participated
up to this time in three hundred and two battles in both Asia
and Europe, it appeared that he had never been worsted. Since,
however, he frequently came out by himself and appeared before
them, the hope arose that he could be taken by treachery. They
tried to bring about, somehow, the dismissal of his body guard
by flattering him when they addressed him, saying that he ought
to be considered sacred in the eyes of all and be called ‘pater
patriae’;[108] and by proposing decrees to that effect in the
hope that he would be thus misled and actually trust to their
affection, and that he would dismiss his spearmen in the belief
that he was guarded by the good will of everyone. This actually
came to pass, and made their task far easier.[109]
23. The conspirators never met to make their plans in the open,
but in secret, a few at a time in each other’s houses. As was
natural, many plans were proposed and set in motion by them as
they considered how and when they should commit the awful deed.
Some proposed to attack him while on his way through the ‘Via
sacra’, for he often walked there;[110] others, at the time of
the comitia, when he had to cross a certain bridge[111] to hold
the election of magistrates in the field before the city. They
would so divide their duties by lot that some should jostle him
off the bridge and the others should rush upon him and slay him.
Others proposed that he be attacked when the gladiatorial shows
were held[112] (they were near at hand), for then, because of
these contests no suspicion would be aroused in the sight of men
armed for the deed. The majority urged that he be killed during
the session of the senate, for then he was likely to be alone.
There was no admittance to non-members, and many of the senators
were conspirators, and carried swords under their togas. This
plan was adopted.[113] Fortune had a part in this by causing
Caesar himself to set a certain day on which the members of the
senate were to assemble to consider certain motions which he
wished to introduce. When the appointed day came the conspirators
assembled, prepared in all respects. They met in the portico
of Pompeius’ theatre, where they sometimes gathered. Thus the
divinity showed the vanity of man’s estate--how very unstable
it is, and subject to the vagaries of fortune--for Caesar was
brought to the house of his enemy, there to lie, a corpse, before
the statue of one whom, now dead, he had defeated when he was
alive. And fate becomes a still stronger force if indeed one
acknowledges her part in these things: on that day his friends,
drawing conclusions from certain auguries, tried to prevent him
from going to the senate room, as did also his physicians on
account of vertigoes to which he was sometimes subject, and from
which he was at that time suffering; and especially his wife
Calpurnia, who was terrified by a dream that night. She clung
to him and said that she would not let him go out that day. But
Brutus, one of the conspirators, though he was at that time
thought to be one of his most intimate friends, came up to him
and said: ‘What do you say, Caesar? Are you going to pay any
attention to a woman’s dreams and foolish men’s omens, a man such
as you? Are you going to insult the senate which has honored you
and which you yourself convened, by not going out? No; if you
take my advice you will dismiss from your mind the dreams of
these people and go, for the senate has been in session since
morning, and is awaiting you.’ He was persuaded and went out.
24. Meanwhile the assassins were making ready, some of them
stationing themselves beside his chair, others in front of it,
others behind it. The augurs brought forward the victims for him
to make his final sacrifice before his entry into the senate
room. It was manifest that the omens were unfavorable. The augurs
substituted one animal after another in the attempt to secure a
more auspicious forecast. Finally they said that the indications
from the gods were unfavorable and that there was plainly some
sort of curse hiding in the victims. In disgust, Caesar turned
away toward the setting sun,[114] and the augurs interpreted
this action still more unfavorably. The assassins were on hand
and were pleased at all this. Caesar’s friends begged that he
postpone the present session on account of what the soothsayers
had said; and for his part, he was just giving the order[115] to
do this, but suddenly the attendants came to summon him, saying
that the senate had a quorum. Then Caesar cast a look toward his
friends. And Brutus approached him again and said: ‘Come, sir,
turn your back on these people’s nonsense and do not postpone
the business that deserves the attention of Caesar and of the
great empire but consider your own worth a favorable omen.’ Thus
persuading him, he at the same time took him by the hand and led
him in, for the senate-chamber was near by. Caesar followed in
silence. When he came in and the senate saw him, the members rose
out of respect to him. Those who intended to lay hands on him
were all about him. The first to come to him was Tullius Cimber,
whose brother Caesar had exiled, and stepping forward as though
to make an urgent appeal on behalf of his brother, he seized
Caesar’s toga, seeming to act rather boldly for a suppliant,[116]
and thus prevented him from standing up and using his hands if
he so wished. Caesar was very angry, but the men held to their
purpose and all suddenly bared their daggers and rushed upon him.
First Servilius Casca stabbed him on the left shoulder a little
above the collar bone, at which he had aimed but missed through
nervousness. Caesar sprang up to defend himself against him, and
Casca called to his brother, speaking in Greek in his excitement.
The latter obeyed him and drove his sword into Caesar’s side. A
moment before Cassius had struck him obliquely across the face.
Decimus Brutus struck him through the thigh. Cassius Longinus
was eager to give another stroke, but he missed and struck Marcus
Brutus on the hand. Minucius, too, made a lunge at Caesar but he
struck Rubrius on the thigh. It looked as if they were fighting
over Caesar. He fell, under many wounds, before the statue of
Pompey, and there was not one of them but struck him as he lay
lifeless, to show that each of them had had a share in the deed,
until he had received thirty-five wounds, and breathed his
last.[117]
25. A tremendous uproar arose from those who had no knowledge of
the plot and who were rushing terror-stricken from the senate
house, thinking that the same awful thing was going to happen to
themselves also; and from those of Caesar’s associates who were
outside and who thought that the whole senate was involved and
that a large army was on hand for the purpose; and from those
who, ignorant of the affair, were terrified and thrown into
confusion from the suddenness of the noise and from what burst
upon their view (for all at once the assassins, with bloody
daggers in their hands...).[118] The whole place was full of
people running and shouting. There was a crowd, too, in the
theatre, which got up and rushed out in disorder (there happened
to be a gladiatorial exhibition in progress) knowing nothing
definite of what had happened but frightened by the shouting all
about them. Some said that the senate was being slaughtered by
gladiators, others that Caesar had been murdered and that his
army had started to pillage the city; some got one impression,
others another. There was nothing clear to be heard, for there
was a continuous tumult until the people saw the assassins and
Marcus Brutus trying to stop the outcry and exhorting[119] the
people to be of good courage, for that no evil had taken place.
The sum and substance of his words (as the rest of the assassins
also loudly boasted) was that they had slain a tyrant. It was
proposed by some of the conspirators that they ought to put out
of the way still others who were likely to oppose them and again
try to gain control. They say that Marcus Brutus restrained
them,[120] declaring that it was not right to kill, for the
sake of vague suspicion, people against whom there was no clear
charge; and this view prevailed. Then rushing forth the assassins
fled in haste through the forum up to the Capitoline, carrying
their swords bare and shouting that they had acted in behalf
of common freedom. A great crowd of gladiators and slaves, who
had been prepared for the purpose, followed them. There was
much running in the streets and through the forum, now that the
news that Caesar had been murdered became known to the throng.
The city looked as if it had been occupied by an enemy. After
the conspirators had ascended the Capitoline, they distributed
themselves in a circle about the place and mounted guard, fearing
that Caesar’s soldiers would attack them.
26. The body of Caesar lay just where it fell, ignominiously
stained with blood--a man who had advanced westward as far as
Britain and the Ocean, and who had intended to advance eastward
against the realms of the Parthians and Indi,[121] so that,
with them also subdued, an empire of all land and sea might be
brought under the power of a single head. There he lay, no one
daring to remain to remove the body. Those of his friends who
had been present had run away, and those who were away remained
hidden in their houses, or else changed their clothing and went
out into the country districts nearby. Not one of his many
friends stood by him, either while he was being slaughtered or
afterward, except Calvisius Sabinus and Censorinus,[122] but
these also, though they offered some slight opposition when
Brutus and Cassius and their followers made their attack, had
to flee because of the greater number of their opponents. All
the others looked out for themselves and some even acquiesced in
what had occurred. They say that one of them thus addressed the
body: ‘Enough of truckling to a tyrant.’ A little later, three
slaves,[123] who were nearby, placed the body on a litter and
carried it home through the forum, showing, where the covering
was drawn back on each side, the hands hanging limp and the
wounds on the face. Then no one refrained from tears, seeing
him who had lately been honored like a god. Much weeping and
lamentation accompanied them from either side, from mourners
on the roofs, in the streets, and in the vestibules. When they
approached his house, a far greater wailing met their ears, for
his wife rushed out with a number of women and servants, calling
on her husband and bewailing her lot in that she had in vain
counseled him not to go out on that day. But he had met with a
fate far worse than she ever expected.
26 b. These were now preparing for his burial, but the assassins had
secured a number of gladiators some time previous to the deed
when they were about to attack him and had placed them under
arms, between the senate house and the theatre in Pompeius’
arcade. Decimus Brutus had got them ready under the pretext that
he wished to seize one of the gladiators who were assembling in
that theatre, a man whom he had previously hired. (The contests
were taking place at that time,[124] and as he was going to
conduct some himself, he pretended that he was jealous of the
present exhibitor.) As a matter of fact, this preparation was
more with reference to the assassination, so that, in case
any resistance should be offered by Caesar’s guards,[125]
the conspirators should have assistance at hand. With these
gladiators and an additional throng of slaves they descended
from the Capitoline. Calling together the people, they decided
to test them and the magistrates, finding out how they were
regarded by them; whether they were looked upon as having ended
a tyranny or as murderers. ...[126] that still greater ills
were likely to burst forth in consequence of the late deed; for
the action had taken place with no inconsiderable forethought
and preparation on the part of those who accomplished it, and
on the part of those against whom the plot was laid; and that
there was a considerable number of Caesar’s auxiliary troops
and important commanders still left, who would take over the
task of carrying out his plans. There was profound silence then
because of the unusual nature of the situation, for men’s minds
were confused, everyone watching eagerly to see what bold move
might first be made in such a crisis, and be the beginning of a
revolution. Meanwhile since the people were quietly awaiting the
consequences, Marcus Brutus (honored throughout his whole life
because of his discretion and the renown of his ancestors and
the fairness which he was supposed to have) made the following
speech.[127] (See my work: ‘Concerning Public Speeches.’)
27. After this harangue the conspirators withdrew again to the
Capitoline and took council[128] as to what ought to be done
under the present circumstances. They decided to send envoys to
Lepidus and Antonius to persuade them to come to them in the
temple[129] and there confer with them in planning the future
of the state; and to promise them that everything which they
possessed from Caesar’s hands would be considered as authorized
gifts, so that there would be no cause for dissent on these
grounds.[130] When the envoys arrived Antonius and Lepidus said
that they would answer on the following day. These things were
done in the late evening, and a greater confusion laid hold on
the city. Everyone saw to his own property, deserting the public
interests, for they feared sudden plots and attacks, seeing
that the leaders were encamped under arms in opposition to each
other; nor was it yet clear to them who would gain complete
control. When night came on they dispersed. On the following day
the consul Antonius was under arms; and Lepidus,[131] having
collected a considerable force of auxiliaries proceeded through
the middle of the forum, having decided to avenge Caesar. When
those who had previously been in doubt saw this, they joined
Antonius and Lepidus, with their respective retinues under arms,
and the result was an army of considerable size. There were some
who acted thus through fear, not wishing to seem too delighted
at Caesar’s death, and at the same time looking to their future
interests by joining the consuls.
Many messages were sent to those who had benefitted at
Caesar’s hands (whether through grants of dwelling places in
cities, through grants of land, or allotments of money) saying
that everything would be changed unless some strenuous efforts
were exerted by them as well. Then his friends received many
mournful entreaties, reminding those especially who had once
taken the field with him how he had suffered death abandoned
by his friends, great as he was. Accordingly, many joined the
consuls out of compassion and friendship, finding a chance for
private gain as well as what would result from a revolution,[132]
especially since the course of their opponents seemed to lack
vigor and was not what they previously expected it to be when
they believed that they had a stronger force. Now it was openly
said that Caesar must be avenged, and that this was the only
thing to do, and that his death must not go unpunished. Gathering
into groups they expressed various views, some suggesting one
course, others another.
However, those who advocated a republican form of government
were gratified at the whole change, and only blamed Caesar’s
murderers because they had not done away with more of the people
who were at that time viewed with suspicion, and thus brought
about a real liberty; for those who were still left would be
likely to give considerable trouble. There were also men who had
a reputation for greater foresight, and who had gained knowledge
from experience with what had happened before in Sulla’s time;
they cautioned one another to keep to a middle course, for at
the time of Sulla those who were thought to have been destroyed,
suddenly took fresh courage and drove out their late conquerors.
They declared that Caesar would give his murderers and their
companions much trouble, even though he was dead, since here was
a large force threatening them, with energetic men in charge of
it.
Antonius and his associates before preparing for action sent a
legation to parley with the forces on the Capitoline, but later,
emboldened by the amount of their arms and the number of their
men, they felt justified in taking full charge of the government,
and ending the disturbance in the city. First of all they took
council (having asked their friends to be present) how they ought
to act toward the assassins. Lepidus proposed that they should
fight them and avenge Caesar.[133] Hirtius thought that they
should discuss the matter with them and come to friendly terms.
Someone else,[134] supporting Lepidus, expressed the opposite
opinion, saying that it would be sacrilegious to pass by the
murder of Caesar unavenged, and furthermore, it would not be
safe for all those who had been his friends; ‘for even if the
murderers are inactive now, yet as soon as they get more power,
they will go still further.’ Antonius favored the proposal of
Hirtius, and voted to save them. There were others who urged that
they be dismissed from the city under truce.[135]
28. After the great Caesar’s death and burial, his friends
counselled Octavian to cultivate Antonius’ friendship, and put
him in charge of his interests....[136] And though there were
many other contributory causes toward disagreement between
them, he[137] seemed the more to incite enmity between them,
for he was at odds with Octavian, and a partisan of Antonius.
Octavian, however, in no wise frightened, because of his high
spirit, gave some exhibitions on the occasion of the festival of
Venus Genetrix which his father had established. He again[138]
approached Antonius with a number of his friends, requesting that
permission be given for the throne and wreath to be set up in his
father’s honor. Antonius made the same threat as before, if he
did not drop that proposal and keep quiet. Octavian withdrew and
made no opposition to the veto of the consul. When he entered
the theatre, however, the people applauded him loudly, and his
father’s soldiers, angered because he had been prevented from
paying tribute to the honored memory of his father, gave him, as
a mark of their approval, one round of applause after another
all through the performance. Then he counted out for the people
their allotted money, and that secured him their especial good
will.[139]
From that day Antonius was manifestly still more ill disposed
toward Octavian who stood in the way of the people’s zeal for
him. Octavian saw (what had become very plain to him from the
present situation) that he was in need of political authority. He
also saw that the consuls,[140] secure in much power, were openly
resisting him and appropriating still more power for themselves.
Even the city treasury, which his father had filled with funds,
they had emptied within two months[141] after Caesar’s death,
wasting money in large lots on any excuse that offered in the
general confusion; and furthermore they were on good terms with
the assassins.[142] So Octavian was the only one left to avenge
his father, for Antonius let the whole matter pass, and was even
in favor of an amnesty for the assassins. A number of men,
indeed, joined Octavian, but many joined Antonius and Dolabella
also. There were others who, from a middle ground, tried to
foment enmity between them, and in doing so....[143] The chief
of these were the following men: Publius, Vibius, Lucius, and
especially Cicero.[144] Octavian was not ignorant of the reason
why they associated themselves with him, trying to provoke him
against Antonius, but he did not repel them, for he wished to
have their assistance and a more powerful guard thrown around
him, though he was aware that each of these men was very little
concerned over public interests but that they were looking about
for an opportunity to acquire public office and supreme power. To
their mind, the man who had previously enjoyed that power was out
of the way, and Octavian was altogether too young and not likely
to hold out against so great a tumult, with one man looking out
for one thing, another for another, and all of them seizing what
they could for their own gain. For with all attention to public
welfare put away, and with the foremost citizens separated into
many factions, and everyone trying to encompass all the power for
himself, or at least as much of it as could be detached, the rule
showed many strange aspects.
Lepidus, who had broken off a part of Caesar’s army and who was
trying to seize the command himself, was in nearer Spain; he also
held the part of Gaul which borders on the upper sea.[145] Gallia
Comata Lucius Munatius Plancus, the consul elect, held with
another army.[146] Further Spain was in charge of Gaius Asinius,
with another army.[147] Decimus Brutus held Cisalpine Gaul[148]
with two legions, against whom Antonius was just preparing to
march. Gaius Brutus[149] laid claim to Macedonia,[150] and was
just about to cross over to that place from Italy; Cassius
Longinus laid claim to Syria, though he had been appointed
praetor for Illyria.[151] So many were the armies that had been
assembled at that time, so many the commanders in charge, each
of whom was trying to get complete power into his own hands
without consideration of law and justice, every matter being
decided according to the amount of force that was available for
application in each case. Octavian alone, to whom all the power
had justly been bequeathed,[152] in accordance with the authority
of him who had obtained it in the first instance, and because
of his relationship to him, was without any share of authority
whatever, and he was buffeted between the political envy and
greed of men who were lying in wait to attack him and seize
the supreme command. Divine providence finally ordered these
things aright. But for the present fearing for his life, knowing
Antonius’ attitude toward him and yet quite unable to change it,
Octavian remained at home and awaited his opportunity.
29. The first move in the city came from his father’s
soldiers,[153] who resented Antonius’ contempt for them. At first
they discussed their own forgetfulness of Caesar in allowing his
son to be thus insulted, that son for whom they all ought to act
as guardians if they were to take any account of what was just
and righteous. Then gathering in a great company and reproaching
themselves still more bitterly they set out for Antonius’ house
(for he also was relying on them) and made some plain statements
to him: that he ought to treat Octavian more fairly and keep in
mind his father’s instructions; that it was their sacred duty
not to overlook these, but to carry out even the details of his
memoranda, not to mention supporting the man he had named as his
son and successor; that they saw that to Antonius and Octavian
a reconciliation would be most advantageous at the present time
because of the multitude of foes pressing on from every side.
After this speech Antonius in order not to seem to be opposing
their endeavor, for he happened to be really in need of their
services,[154] said that he approved of and desired that very
course, if only Octavian would also act with moderation and
render him the honor which was his due; that he was ready to have
a conference with him in their presence and within their hearing.
They were satisfied with this and agreed to conduct him into the
Capitol and act as mediators in the reconciliation if he should
so desire. He then assented and immediately went up into the
temple of Jupiter, and sent them after Octavian.
They were pleased and went to his house in a great body, so
that he felt some anxiety when it was announced that there was
a large crowd of soldiers outside and that some were in the
house looking for him. In his agitation, he first went upstairs
with his friends who happened to be present, and looking down,
asked the men what they wanted and why they had come, and then
he discovered that they were his own soldiers. They answered
that they had come for his own good and that of his whole party,
if he also was willing to forget what Antonius had done, for
his actions had not been pleasing to them either; that he and
Antonius ought to put aside all resentment and be reconciled
simply and sincerely. Then one of them called out in a somewhat
louder voice and bade him be of good cheer and be assured that
he had inherited all their support, for they thought of his late
father as of a god, and would do and suffer anything for his
successors. Another one shouted out still more loudly and said
that he would make away with Antonius with his own hands if he
did not observe the provisions of Caesar’s will and keep faith
with the senate. Octavian, encouraged at this, went downstairs to
them, and embracing them showed much pleasure at their eager good
will toward him. They seized him and led him in triumph through
the forum to the Capitol, vieing with each other in their zeal,
some because of their dislike of Antonius’ rule and others out
of reverence for Caesar and his heir; others led on (and rightly
enough) by the hope of obtaining great advantages at his hands,
and still others who were eager for revenge on the assassins,
believing that this would be accomplished most readily through
the boy if they had the assistance of the consul also. In fact,
all those who approached him advised him out of good will not
to be contentious but to think of their own safety, and how he
could gain more supporters, remembering how unexpected Caesar’s
death had been. Octavian heard all this and saw that the people’s
zeal for him was natural; he then entered the Capitol and saw
there many more of his father’s soldiers, on whom Antonius was
relying, but who were really far better disposed toward himself,
if Antonius should try to injure him in any way. The majority of
the throng withdrew and the two leaders with their friends were
left to discuss the situation.[155]
30. When Octavian went home after his reconciliation with
Antonius, the latter, left to himself, became provoked again at
seeing the good will of all the soldiers inclining very much
toward Octavian.[156] For they held that he was Caesar’s son
and that he had been proclaimed his heir in his will, that he
was called by the same name and that he exhibited excellent
promise from the very energy of his nature, of which Caesar had
taken cognizance in bringing about his adoption no less than
of his degree of kinship, in the belief that he alone might
be entrusted with preserving all of Caesar’s authority and the
dignity of his house. When Antonius reflected on all this he
changed his mind again, especially when he saw the Caesarian
soldiers desert him right before his eyes and escort Octavian
in a body from the temple. Some thought that he would not have
refrained from apprehending Octavian, had he not been in fear
of the soldiers, lest they should set on him and mete out
punishment, easily diverting all his faction from him; for each
of them had an army which was waiting to see how things would
turn out. Reflecting on all this, he still delayed and hesitated,
although he had changed his mind. Octavian, however, actually
believing that the reconciliation between them was in good
faith, went every day to Antonius’ house, as was quite proper,
since Antonius was consul and an older man and a friend of his
father’s; and he paid him every other respect according to his
promise until Antonius did him a second wrong in the following
manner: Having acquired the province of Gaul in exchange for
Macedonia,[157] he transferred the troops which were in the
latter place to Italy, and when they arrived he left Rome and
went down as far as Brundisium to meet them.[158] Then, thinking
that he had a suitable opportunity for what he had in mind, he
spread a report that he was being plotted against, and seizing
some soldiers, he threw them into chains, on the pretext that
they had been sent for this very purpose of killing him. He
hinted at Octavian but did not definitely name him. The report
quickly ran through the city that the consul had been plotted
against, but had seized the men who had come to attack him. Then
his friends gathered at his house, and soldiers under arms were
summoned. In the late afternoon the report reached Octavian also
that Antonius had been in danger of being assassinated, and that
he was sending for troops to guard him that night. Immediately
Octavian sent word to him that he was ready to stand beside
his bed with his own retinue to keep him safe, for he thought
that the plot had been laid by some of the party of Brutus and
Cassius. He was thus in readiness to do an act of kindness
entirely unsuspicious of the rumor Antonius had started or of
the plot. Antonius, however, did not even permit the messenger
to be received indoors, but dismissed him discourteously. The
messenger returned after hearing fuller reports and announced to
Octavian that his name was being mentioned among the men about
Antonius’ door as being himself the man who had despatched the
assassins against Antonius, who now were in prison. Octavian
when he heard this at first did not believe it because of its
improbable sound, but soon he perceived that the whole plan
had been directed against himself, so he considered with his
friends as to what he should do. Philippus and Atia[159] his
mother came also, at loss over the strange turn of affairs, and
desiring to know what the report meant and what were Antonius’
intentions. They advised Octavian to withdraw from the city at
once for a few days until the matter could be investigated and
cleared up. He, unconscious of any guilt, thought that it would
be a serious matter for him to conceal himself and in a way
incriminate himself, for he would gain nothing toward his safety
by withdrawing, while he might the more easily be destroyed in
secret if he were away from home. Such was the discussion in
which he was then engaged.
On the following morning he sat as usual with his friends and
gave orders that the doors be opened to those of his townsmen,
guests, and soldiers who were accustomed to visit him and greet
him, and he conversed with them all in his usual way, in no wise
changing his daily routine. But Antonius called an assembly of
his friends and said in their presence that he was aware that
Octavian had even earlier been plotting against him, and that
when he was to leave the city to go to the army that had come for
him, he had provided Octavian with this opportunity against him.
That one of the men sent to accomplish the crime had, by means of
substantial bribes, turned informer in the matter; and hence he
had seized the others; and he had now called his friends together
to hear their opinions as to what should be done in the light of
the recent events. When Antonius had spoken the members of his
council asked to be shown where the men were who had been seized,
so that they might find out something from them. Then Antonius
pretended that this had nothing to do with the present business,
since, forsooth, it had already been confessed to; and he turned
the discourse into other channels, watching eagerly for someone
to propose that they ought to take vengeance on Octavian and not
quietly submit. However, they all sat in silent thought, since no
apparent proof lay before them, until someone said that Antonius
would do well to dismiss the assembly, saying that he ought
to act moderately and not stir up any disturbance, for he was
consul. After this discussion, Antonius dismissed the assembly.
Two or three days afterward, he set out for Brundisium to take
over the army which had now arrived there. There was no further
discussion about the plot, and when he left, his friends who
remained behind dismissed the whole matter, and no one ever saw
any of the conspirators who were alleged to have been taken.[160]
31. Octavian, although now exonerated from the charge, was none
the less chagrined at the talk about him, interpreting it as
evidence of a great conspiracy against him. He thought that if
Antonius had happened to get the army on his side by means of
bribes he would not have delayed in attacking him, not because
he had been wronged in any respect, but simply led on to that
course as an outcome of his former hopes. It was manifest that a
man who had concocted this charge would go further to others and
that he would have been eager to do this from the first if he had
not had to fear the army. Accordingly Octavian was filled with
righteous indignation against Antonius and with some concern for
his own person, now that the other’s intention had become plain.
Reviewing all contingencies, he saw that he must not remain
quiet, for this was not safe, but that he must seek out some aid
wherewith to oppose the other’s power and strategems. So then,
reflecting upon this question, he decided that he had better take
refuge in his father’s colonies, where his father had granted
allotments and founded cities, to remind the people of Caesar’s
beneficence and to bewail his fate and his own sufferings, and
thus to secure their support, attracting them also by gifts of
money. He thought that this would be his only safe course, that
it would redound greatly to his fame, and that it would also
redeem the prestige of his family. It was a far better and juster
course than to be pushed aside out of his inherited honor by men
who had no claim to it, and finally to be foully and nefariously
slain just as his father had been. After consulting over this
with his friends and after sacrificing, with good fortune, to
the gods, that they might be his assistants in his just and
glorious endeavor, he set out, taking with him a considerable
sum of money, first of all into Campania where were the Seventh
and Eighth Legions (for that is what the Romans call their
regiments). He thought that he ought first to sound the feelings
of the Seventh, for its fame was greater, and with this colony
aligned in his favor, and many others with it ...[161] and in
this plan and in the events that followed, he had the approval of
his friends. These were: Marcus Agrippa, Lucius Maecenas, Quintus
Juventius, Marcus Modialius, and Lucius.[162] Other officers,
centurions, and soldiers followed, as well as a multitude of
slaves and a pack train carrying the pay-money and the supplies.
As for his mother,[163] he decided not to acquaint her with his
plan, lest, out of affection and weakness, like a woman and a
mother, she might be a hindrance to his great purpose. He gave
out openly that he was going to Campania to sell some of his
father’s property there, to take the money and put it to the uses
that his father had enjoined. But even so, he went off entirely
without her consent.
At that time Marcus Brutus and Gaius Cassius were at
Dicaearchia,[164] and when they learned of the throng that
was accompanying Octavian from Rome (the messengers having
exaggerated the report, as usually happens) they were struck
with much fear and consternation, thinking that the expedition
was directed against themselves. They took to flight across the
Adriatic. Brutus went to Achaea, Cassius to Syria. When Octavian
arrived in Calatia in Campania,[165] the inhabitants received him
as the son of their benefactor and treated him with the highest
honor. On the following day he disclosed the whole situation to
them and he appealed to the soldiers, telling them how unjustly
his father had been killed and how he was himself being plotted
against. As he spoke, some of the decurions did not wish to
listen at all, but the people did so eagerly and with good will,
and they sympathized with him, frequently bidding him to be of
good cheer, for they would not neglect him but would assist him
in every way until he should be established in his inherited
rights. Then he invited them to his house and gave each of them
five hundred drachmae; and the next day he called together the
members of the curia and appealed to them not to be outdone in
good will by the people, but to remember Caesar who had given
them the colony and their position of honor. He promised that
they would experience no less benefits at his own hands. He
showed that it was more fitting for him to enjoy their aid and to
make use of their influence and arms than for Antonius to do so.
They were aroused to a greater zeal to help him and to undertake
trouble and danger with him if need be. Octavian commended their
zeal and asked them to accompany him as far as the neighboring
colonies, and furnish him safe-conduct. The people were pleased
at this and gladly complied, escorting him under arms to the
next colony.[166] And gathering these also into an assembly, he
addressed them. He succeeded in persuading both legions to escort
him to Rome through the other colonies to Rome and strenuously to
repel any act of violence on the part of Antonius. He attracted
other soldiers also with high pay, and on the march he trained
and instructed the new recruits, sometimes individually and
sometimes in squads, telling them that they were going against
Antonius. He sent some of his followers who were preeminent for
intelligence and daring to Brundisium,[167] to see if they could
also win the forces just arrived from Macedonia over to his
side, bidding them remember his father Caesar and not to betray
his son. He instructed his propagandists that if they could not
achieve their purpose in the open, they were to write this
out and scatter it all about so that the men could pick up the
notices and read them;[168] and in order that they might join his
party he made promises that filled the rest with hope of what
they would receive from him when he came into his power. So they
departed.
(End of the life of Augustus and of the narrative of
Nicolaus of Damascus.)