CHAPTER I

CHILDHOOD

CHAPTER II

YEARS OF YOUTH

CHAPTER III

FRIEDRICH NIETZSCHE AND RICHARD WAGNER--TRIEBSCHEN

CHAPTER IV

FRIEDRICH NIETZSCHE AND RICHARD WAGNER--BAYREUTH

CHAPTER V

CRISIS AND CONVALESCENCE

CHAPTER VI

THE LABOUR OF ZARATHUSTRA

CHAPTER VII

THE FINAL SOLITUDE

INDEX

INTRODUCTION

The duel between Nietzsche and civilisation is long since over;

and that high poet and calamitous philosopher is now to be judged

as he appears in the serene atmosphere of history, which--need it

be said?--he infinitely despised. The crowd, the common herd, the

multitude--which he also despised--has recorded its verdict with its

usual generosity to the dead, and that verdict happens to be an ample

revenge. It has dismissed Nietzsche's ideas in order to praise his

images. It has conceded him in literature a brilliant success, and

has treated his philosophy as fundamental nonsense of the sort that

calls for no response except a shrug of the shoulders. The immoralist

who sought to shatter all the Tables of all the Laws, and to achieve

a Transvaluation of all Values, ends by filling a page in _Die Ernte_

and other Anthologies for the Young. And in certifying his style to

be that of a rare and real master the "crowd" has followed a true

instinct. More than Schopenhauer, more even than Goethe, Nietzsche is

accounted by the critics of his country to have taught German prose

to speak, as Falstaff says, like a man o' this world. The ungainly

sentences, many-jointed as a dragon's tail, became short, definite,

arrowy. "We must 'Mediterraneanise' German music," he wrote to Peter

Gast, and in fact he did indisputably "Mediterraneanise" the style of

German literature. That edged and glittering speech of his owed much to

his acknowledged masters, La Rochefoucauld, Voltaire, and Stendhal,

the lapidaries of French. But it was something very intimately his

own; he was abundantly dowered with the insight of malice, and malice

always writes briefly and well. It has not the time to be obscure.

Nietzsche had this perfection of utterance, but a far richer range and

volume. He was a poet by grace divine, and a true Romantic for all the

acid he dropped on Romanticism; the life of his soul was an incessant

creative surge of images, metaphors, symbolisms, mythologies. These two

tendencies produced as their natural issue that gnomic and aphoristic

tongue which sneers, preaches, prophesies, chants, intoxicates and

dances through the pages of _Also Sprach Zarathustra._ German critics

have applied to Nietzsche, and with even greater fitness, Heine's

characterisation of Schiller: "With him thought celebrates its orgies.

Abstract ideas, crowned with vine-leaves, brandish the thyrsus and

dance like bacchantes; they are drunken reflections." Of many aspects

of his own personality Nietzsche may have thought not wisely but too

well; but in this regard it appears that he did not exaggerate himself.

"After Luther and Goethe," he wrote to Rohde, "a third step remained

to be taken.... I have the idea that with _Zarathustra_ I have brought

the German language to its point of perfection." The German world of

letters has not said No! to a claim so proud as to seem mere vanity.

Friedrich Nietzsche holds a safe, and even a supreme position in the

history of literature.

What is to be said of his place in the history of philosophy? Höffding

allows him a high "symptomatic value," but only that. His work has

the merit of a drama, in which the contradictions of modern thought,

vibrant with passion, clash and crash together in a tumultuous

conflict which, unhappily, has no issue. M. Alfred Fouillée, who has

contrasted him with Guyau--that noblest of "modern" thinkers--in his

book _Nietzsche et l'immoralisme,_ draws out a table of antitheses,

and cancelling denials against affirmations, arrives at a result that

looks remarkably like zero. Nietzsche in truth was a man of ecstasies

and intuitions, rather than of consequent thought. He troubled little

to purge himself of self-contradictions, as became a writer whose first

word had been a vehement assault on that Socratic rationalism which,

as he believed, had withered up the vital abundance of Greece. His

instincts were those of an oracle, a mystagogue; and mystagogues do

not argue. Heinrich von Stein, in styling his first book an _Essay in

Lyrical Philosophy,_ spoke in terms of his master's mind.

With Nietzsche reason deliberately abdicates, bearing with it into

exile its categories of good and evil, cause and end. Schopenhauer

had suggested to him that the true key to the riddle of existence was

not intellect but will; behind the mask of phenomena the illuminated

spirit discerned not a Contriving but a Striving, a monstrous Will,

blind as old Œdipus, yearning like him through blood and anguish

to a possible redemption. But in time he cast off Schopenhauer and

pessimism. The Will to Live he "construed in an optimistic sense," and

it darkened into that other mystery, at once vaguer and more malign,

the Will to Power. The problem remained to find a ground for optimism,

and a clue to the harmony, to the recurring rhythms and patterns of

reality as we know it. So was born what is perhaps the characteristic

idea of Nietzsche. The universe is not a phenomenon of Will, it is a

phenomenon of Art. "In my preface to the book on Wagner I had already,"

wrote Nietzsche in 1886, "presented art, and not morality, as the

essentially metaphysical activity of man: in the course of the present

book I reproduce in many forms the singular proposition that the world

is only to be justified as an artistic phenomenon." For the optimist

_quand-même_ this interpretation has many advantages. Cruelty, sorrow

and disaster need no longer dismay him; since a world may at the same

time be a very bad world and a very good tragedy. "It may be," the

lyricist, turned philosopher, wrote later, "that my _Zarathustra_ ought

to be classified under the rubric Music." These two passages, with a

hundred others, determine the atmosphere into which we are introduced.

We have to deal not with a thinker who expounds a system, but with a

prophet who dispenses a Revelation: Nietzsche is not the apologist but

the mystic of Neo-Paganism.

Coming to closer range, we may dismiss at once a great part of his

polemical writings. They were a sort of perpetual bonfire in which

from time to time Nietzsche burned what he had once adored, and much

more beside. They bear witness to that proud independence, one may

almost say that savage isolation, which was the native climate of his

soul. _Niemandem war er Untertan,_ "he was no man's man," he wrote

of Schopenhauer, and that iron phrase expressed his own ideal and

practice. His brochures of abuse he regarded as a mode, though an

unhappy mode, of liberation. He had little love of them himself in his

creative moments: he desired with a fierce desire to rid his soul of

hatreds and negatives and rise to a golden affirmation. "I have been

a fighter," declares Zarathustra, "only that I might one day have my

hands free to bless." "In dying I would offer men the richest of my

gifts. It was from the sun I learned that, from the sun who when he

sets is so rich; out of his inexhaustible riches he flings gold into

the sea, so that the poorest fishermen row with golden oars." It is

not the Will to Power that speaks here, but that older and more sacred

fountain of civilisation, the Will to Love. But if Nietzsche had

that inspiration one is tempted to say of him what he said of Renan:

He is never so dangerous as when he loves. The truth is that he had

the genius of belittlement. It was the other side of his vanity, a

vanity so monstrous that it seems from the first to have eaten of the

insane root. There is no humour, no integral view of things, behind

his critical work. It is sick with subjectivity. And yet Zarathustra

in a temper is, by times, far more amusing than sinister. What could

be better than some of the characterisations in _A Psychologist's

Hedge-School,_ "Seneca, the Toreador of virtue ... Rousseau, or the

return to nature _in impuris naturalibus._ ... John Stuart Mill; or

wounding lucidity"? But when, in this mood, he gnaws and nibbles about

the sanctuaries of life; when he tells us that the true Fall of Man

was the Redemption, that the two most noxious corruptions known to

history are Christianity and alcohol; when he presses his anti-Feminism

to a point that goes beyond even the gross German tradition of which

Luther's _Table Talk_ is a monument, the best that one can do for him

is to remember that he often took too much chloral. It may be that

to the circles in these countries to whom the cult of Nietzscheanism

appeals, this strain of his thought also appeals. This particular

music is not played on many trumpets, but every Superman ought to know

it. And he ought to know further that Zarathustra, being brave, gibes

not only at St. Paul, but even at Herbert Spencer, and has no more

toleration for the gospel according to Marx than for that according to

Matthew.

What is the gospel of this ambiguous prophet? It is, he himself

declares, a long "Memento vivere." His own experience taught him

that the characteristic of life, in its highest moments, is to

be unimaginably alive. From a mere process it becomes a sudden

intoxication, and on the psychology of that intoxication, which is the

psychology of the artist and also that of the lover and the saint,

he has written pages which are a wonder of pure light. From this

standpoint he criticises justly the mechanical theory of adjustments

in which there is nothing to adjust, of adaptations in which there

is nothing to adapt, the whole _ab extra_ interpretation of life

popularised by Darwin, Spencer, and the English school in general. The

living unit is more than a mere node or knot in a tangle of natural

selection; it is a fountain of force, of spontaneity, constantly

overflowing. "The general aspect of life is not indigence and famine,

but on the contrary richness, opulence, even an absurd prodigality."

To live is for Nietzsche, as for the Scholastics, to be a centre of

self-movement. With the Pragmatists he asserts the primacy of life over

thought. But this tension of consciousness, this Dionysiac drunkenness,

is only a foundation, it is not yet a philosophy. Philosophy, or at all

events moral philosophy, begins with the discovery that there are other

people in the world. Your ego, thus drunken and expansive, collides

sharply with another ego, equally drunken and expansive, and it becomes

at once necessary to frame a code of relations, a rule of the road. Is

this force and spontaneity of the individual to flow out towards others

through the channel of domination or through that of love?

Zarathustra had marched with the Germans over prostrate France, he had

said in his Gargantuan egoism: "If there were Gods, how could I bear

not to be a God? _Consequently_ there are no Gods." If the Goths and

the Vandals had read Hegelian metaphysics, observes Fouillée, they

would have answered this question as Nietzsche answered it. The living

unit accumulates a superabundance of force in order to impose its power

on others ... _an andern Macht auslassen._ The Will to Power is the

sole source of human activity. The strong must live as warriors and

conquerors, adopting as their three cardinal virtues pride, pleasure,

and the love of domination. Pity is the deepest of corruptions; it but

doubles pain, adding to the pain of him who suffers the pain of him

who pities. If you have helped any one, you must wash the hands that

helped him, for they are unclean. The Crusaders brought home but one

treasure, the formula, namely, of the Assassins, "Nothing is true,

everything is permitted." Science is mere illusionism; but the warrior,

knowing how to be hard--for that is the new law--will impose his own

arbitrary values on all things, and will make life so good that he will

desire it to be indefinitely repeated. The earth, thus disciplined,

will bring forth the Superman, who, having danced out his day, will

disappear to be recreated by the Eternal Return. Thus spake Zarathustra.

The greatest difficulty that one experiences before such a doctrine

as this is the difficulty of taking it seriously. Nietzsche, who had

a tendency to believe that every reminiscence was an inspiration,

is by no means as original as he thought. After all, there were

sceptics, optimists, tyrants and poets before Zarathustra. The "common

herd" may not be given to discussing ethical dualism, but it knows

that since society began there have been two laws, one for the rich

and another for the poor. Scepticism as to the objectivity of human

values, moral and intellectual, is no new heresy, but a tradition as

old as science, and almost as old as faith. The notion of an Eternal

Return, crystallised by Plato from a mist of earlier speculation, had

exercised many modern thinkers; one has only to name Heine, Blanqui,

von Naegeli, Guyau, Dostoievsky. The Romantics had, at the beginning

of Nietzsche's century, as Schlegel wrote, "transcended all the ends

of life," and, fascinated with the idea of mere power, had filled the

imagination of Europe with seas and storms that raged for the sole

sake of raging. There was no Scholastic compiler of a text-book on

Ethics but had "posed morality as a problem," and asked in his first

_quæstio_ whether there was a science of good and evil. The Superman

so passionately announced by Nietzsche had already been created by

the enigmatic and dilettante fancy of Renan. The name itself was

as old as Goethe, though it is to be recalled that not Goethe but

Mephistopheles applies it to Faust as a sneer and a temptation.

Zarathustra is not a prophet nor even a pioneer; he brings but a new

mode of speech, his triumphant and dancing phrase sweeps into its

whirl a thousand ghosts and phantoms. And what is to be said of the

doctrine itself? Perhaps the most adequate answer to Nietzsche, on the

plane of his own ideas, is that of Guyau. Both were poets, strayed

into philosophy, both seize upon life as the key to all reality. But

Guyau finds in the spontaneous outflow of individual life, itself the

spring of sociability, fraternity, love. An organism is more perfect

as it is more sociable, there can be no full intensity without wide

expansion. "There is a certain generosity inseparable from existence,

without which one withers up interiorly and dies. The mind must flower;

morality, altruism are the flower of human life." The reduction of

all consciousness to one mode--in Nietzsche the Will to Power--is

neither new nor difficult. La Rochefoucauld tracked down behind all

motives the motive of self-interest, and modern simplifiers have amused

themselves by analysing passion into unconscious thought. The soul,

as St. Augustine tells us, is all in every part; and since the same

self is always present, it is obviously possible in some fashion or

another to translate any one mood of its life into any other. But such

suppression of the finer details, while interesting as a tour de force,

is not scientific psychology. The Will to Power is not sufficiently

definite to serve the turn of a moralist or even an immoralist. Power

is of many kinds. Love hath its victories not less renowned than

hate. Had Cleopatra's nose been shorter, history would, says Pascal,

have been different, and in the phrase of the French _chanson_ there

are often more conquests ambushed in the hair of Delilah than in

that of Samson. Nietzsche himself perceived that it was necessary to

establish a hierarchy of values as between different manifestations

of "power," but this _Umwerthung aller Werthe_ was never either

achieved or achievable. The evangel of Zarathustra dissolves into mere

sound and fury for lack of what the Court of Equity calls reasonable

particularity. Most notable is this in regard to the two laws. Am I a

Superman--or rather a potential ancestor of the Superman, for in this

case hereditary privilege runs backwards--with the right to found my

life on pride, pleasure, and the love of power, or am I a slave with no

right except to remain a slave? The test is astral, and even nebulous.

If you can compel the stars to circle about you as their centre, if you

have a chaos in you and are about to beget a dancing star, then you

are of the seed of the Superman. Unhappily, the only people who could

seriously entertain such an estimate of themselves are the very wealthy

and the very mad. Zarathustra derides the mob in order to flatter the

snob; he is _malgré lui_ the casuist of the idle rich, the courtier of

international finance.

Friedrich Nietzsche was an optimist. It was a paradox of courage. There

is nothing nobler or more valiant in the history of thought than his

refusal to let the sun be dimmed by the mist of his own suffering. "No

invalid has the right to be a pessimist." "Let them beware: the years

in which my vitality sank to its minimum were those in which I ceased

to be a pessimist." That is magnificent, but it is not philosophy. If

Nietzsche by his insomnia and his wounded eyes is pledged on the point

of honour to optimism, is not Schopenhauer by his fixed income and

excellent digestion similarly pledged to pessimism? But Zarathustra's

optimism is not merely positive, it is ecstatic: to express its fulness

he creates the formula of the Eternal Return. He claps his hands and

cries "Encore!" to life. He is drunken with joy as men are in the

taverns with corn and the grape, and he shouts "The same again!"

This Eternal Return is presented to us as a conclusion of mathematical

physics and spectrum analysis. St. Thomas Aquinas taught, following

Aristotle, that the stars were composed of a substance nobler than

that of earth, not subject to birth or death, and so immune from

corruption. But Fraunhofer and his successors have, with their prisms

and telescopes, discovered in the stars the same eighty-one or

eighty-two elements which constitute the earth. Since then we have

but a finite number of indestructible elements and forces, and an

infinite space and time--or at least a space and time to which we can

conceive no limits--it must follow that the same combinations will

repeat themselves incessantly both in space and time. There is not only

an Eternal Return, but an Infinite Reduplication. And if thought, as

Nietzsche assumed, is only the phosphorescence accompanying certain

arrangements of matter, the same conscious life must also repeat

itself. One does not stay to discuss this phantasy of mathematics

except to say that whoever was entitled to entertain it Zarathustra

was not. If science is, as he held, a mere linked illusionism, how can

it give so absolute a prophecy? To Nietzsche it was no conclusion, but

a reminiscence from Greek speculation which came to him, disguised in

the flame of an inspiration, under that pyramidal rock near Sorlei,

"six thousand feet above men and time." He accepted it because it

seemed to him the supreme formula of optimism. His mind was incited

to it perhaps by that sombre passage in which his rejected master,

Schopenhauer, declares that if you were to knock on the graves, with

power to summon forth the dead to rise up and live their lives again,

none would answer to your call. Christianity agrees with Schopenhauer;

for though Christianity is an optimism, it is founded on pessimism. It

is an optimism poised on a centre that does not lie within the walls

of space and time. Christianity called a new world into existence to

redress the balance of the old; and were this old world all--a closed

circuit, a rounded whole--Zarathustra might dance and chant through all

its Campo Santos without finding more than a very few to rise up and

follow him.

The practical consequences to which Nietzsche was led were in his own

phrase inactual, out of time and out of season. Zarathustra is, by a

natural kinship, a prophet of the Anarchists, but he hated Anarchism;

by a strange transformation, the genius of a certain school of

Socialists, but he despised Socialism. German officials in Poland may

find in him a veritable Oppressors' Handbook; he danced through the

streets at the victory over France, but he derided the German State

and Empire as a new idol. He contemned women, but praised indissoluble

marriage. He preached pleasure, but celebrated chastity in a noble

hymn. He was all for authority and inequality, "a Joseph de Maistre,"

says Fouillée, "who believes in the hangman without believing in the

Pope"; but when he looked at a criminal on trial he acquitted everybody

except only the judge. He denounced Bismarck and the Kaiser for being

too democratic; he regarded Science, too, as disastrously democratic,

because it subjected all phenomena, great and small, to the same

uniform laws. Will was his god, but he saw the world under the aspect

of a Mahometan determinism, and submitted himself to a resignation,

an adoption of the hostile ways of existence, an _amor fati_ which a

Stoic might think extravagant. A German proletarian, full of German

prejudices, he thought himself Polish and noble, and boasted of being a

_sans-patrie_ and a "good European." Pity, generosity, self-immolation,

the whole ritual of civilisation, were condemned by Zarathustra and

practised by him. In brief, Nietzsche never rose above a sort of

philosophical cinematograph; he had the glitter but never the hard

definiteness of the diamond which he chose as his symbol.

But it would be very superficial to suppose that a thought so

passionate could be altogether unreal. Zarathustra is a counter-poison

to sentimentalism, that worst ailment of our day. He brings a sort of

ethical strychnine which taken in large doses is fatal, but in small

doses is an incomparable tonic. He disturbed many who were woefully at

ease in Zion, and was a poet of the heroic life. Germany, so apt to

lose herself in the jungle of scholarship, needed to be reminded that

erudition exists for the sake of life and not life for the sake of

erudition. To literature, when he wrote in conformity with its settled

and common tradition, he gave great chants of courage, loneliness

and friendship. In M. Halévy's book, founded on that of Madame

Förster-Nietzsche, we have in English for the first time a portrait

of him in the intimacies of his life and thought. It exhibits him as

better than his gospel, a hundred times better than most of those

disturbers of civilisation who call themselves his disciples.

T. M. KETTLE

The Life of Friedrich Nietzsche

CHAPTER I

CHILDHOOD

Karl-Ludwig Nietzsche, a young clergyman of the Lutheran Church,

came of an ecclesiastical family. His father and his grandfather had

taught theology. His wife was the daughter and the granddaughter of

clergy-men. Ignoring modern thought and all the agitations and desires

of his time, he followed the safe path of the double tradition,

which had at once been revealed by God to the faithful and indicated

by Princes to their subjects. His superiors thought highly of him.

Frederick William IV., King of Prussia, condescended to take him under

his wing, and he might have hoped for a fine career had he not suffered

from headaches and nerves. As it was, rest became essential.

He asked for a country parish, and that of Röcken was confided to

him. The situation of this poor village, whose little houses uprear

themselves in a vast plain on the confines of Prussia and Saxony, was

melancholy; but Karl-Ludwig Nietzsche liked the place, for solitude was

acceptable to him. He was a great musician, and often, at the fall of

day, would shut himself up in his church and improvise upon the rustic

organ whilst the good folk of his parish stood without and listened in

admiration.

The pastor and his young wife waited four years for their first child,

who was born on October 15,1844, the King's birthday. The coincidence

increased the father's joy. "O month of October, blessed month," he

wrote in his church register, "ever have you overwhelmed me with joy.

But of all the joys that you have brought me, this is the deepest,

the most magnificent: I baptize my first child.... My son, Friedrich

Wilhelm, such shall be your name on earth in remembrance of the royal

benefactor whose birthday is yours."

The child soon had a brother, then a sister. There are women who

remember Friedrich's infancy, and those quickly passing days of joy

round the Nietzsches' hearth. Friedrich was slow in learning to speak.

He looked at everything with grave eyes, and kept silent. At the age

of two and a half he spoke his first word. The pastor liked his silent

boy, and was glad to have him as a companion of his walks. Never did

Friedrich Nietzsche forget the sound of distant bells ringing over the

immense pool-strewn plain as he wandered with his father, his hand

nestled in that strong hand.

Misfortune came very quickly. In August, 1848, Nietzsche's father fell

from the top of the stone steps leading up to his door, and struck his

head violently against the edge of one of them. The shock brought on a

terrible attack, or, perhaps, for one cannot be certain, only hastened

its approach: Karl-Ludwig Nietzsche lost his reason, and, after a year

of aberration and decline, died. Friedrich Nietzsche was then four

years old. The incidents of this tragic time made a deep impression

upon his mind: night-alarms, the weeping in the house, the terrors of

the closed chamber, the silence, the utter abandonment to woe; the

tolling bells, the hymns, the funeral sermons; the coffin engulfed

beneath the flagstones of the church. His understanding of such things

had come too early, and he was shaken by it. His nights were troubled

with visions, and he had a presentiment of some early disaster. He had

dreams--here is the naïve recital that he makes in his fourteenth year:

"When one despoils a tree of its crown it withers and the birds desert

its branches. Our family had been despoiled of its crown; joy departed

from our hearts, and a profound sadness entered into possession of us.

And our wounds were but closing when they were painfully reopened.

About this time I had a dream in which I heard mournful organ music,

as if at a burial. And as I was trying to discover the cause of this

playing, a tomb opened sharply and my father appeared, clad in his

shroud. He crossed the church, and returned with a little child in his

arms. The tomb opened again, my father disappeared into it, and the

stone swung back to its place. At once the wail of the organ ceased,

and I awoke. The next morning I told the dream to my dear mother. A

short while after, my little brother Joseph fell ill, and after a

nervous crisis of a few hours, he died. Our grief was terrible. My

dream was exactly fulfilled, for the little body was placed in the arms

of its father. After this double calamity the Lord in heaven was our

sole consolation. It was towards the end of January, 1850."

In the spring of this year the pastor's widow left the parochial house

and went to reside in the neighbouring town of Naumburg-zur-Saale,

where she was near her own people. Relations of hers lived in the

neighbouring countryside. Her husband's mother and his sister came to

stay with her in the small house, to which the children, who at first

had been disconsolate, gradually grew accustomed.

Naumburg was a royal city, favoured by the Hohenzollerns and devoted

to their dynasty. A bourgeois society of officials and pastors, with

some officers' families and a few country squires, lived within the

grass-grown ramparts, pierced with five gates, which were closed every

evening. Their existence was grave and measured. The bell of the

metropolitan church, flinging its chimes across the little town, awoke

it, sent it to sleep, assembled it to State and religious festivals.

As a small boy Nietzsche was himself grave and measured. His instincts

were in accord with the customs of Naumburg, and his active soul was

quick to discover the beauties of his new life. He admired the military

parades, the religious services with organ and choir, the majestic

anniversary celebrations. He found himself deeply moved every year by

the return of Christmas. His birthday stirred him less deeply, but was

a source of great joy.

"My birthday being also that of our beloved King," he wrote, "I am

awakened that day by military music. I receive my presents: the

ceremony is quickly over, and we go together to the church. Although

the sermon is not directed to my special benefit, I choose the best of

it and apply it to myself. Afterwards we all assemble at the school to

celebrate the great festival.... Before the break-up a fine patriotic

chorus is sung, and the director _concilium dimisit._ Then comes for

me the best moment of all; my friends arrive and we spend a happy day

together."

Friedrich did not forget his father, and wished to follow his example

and to become, like all the men of his race, a pastor, one of the

elect who live near God and speak in His name. He could conceive no

higher vocation, nor any more congenial to himself. Young as he was,

he had an exacting and meticulous conscience. The slightest scolding

pained him, and he liked to take his own line, unaided. Whenever he

felt a scruple he would retire to some obscure hiding-place and examine

his conscience, nor would he resume his play with his sister until

he had deliberately arrived at a condemnation or a justification of

his conduct. One day, when it was raining in torrents, his mother saw

him coming back from school with slow, regular steps, although he

was without umbrella or cloak. She called him, and he came sedately

up to her. "We have always been told not to run in the streets," he

explained. His companions nicknamed him "the little pastor," and

listened, in respectful silence, when he read them aloud a chapter from

the Bible.

He was careful of his prestige. "When one is master of oneself," he

gravely taught his sister, "then one is master of the whole world." He

was proud, and believed in the nobility of the Nietzsches. This was

a family legend which his grandmother loved to relate, and of which

he and his sister Lisbeth used to dream. Remote ancestors of theirs,

Counts, Nietzski by name, had lived in Poland. During the Reformation

they defied persecution, and broke with the Catholic Church. Thereafter

they wandered wretchedly for three years, outcasts, pursued from

village to village. With them was their son, who had been born on

the eve of their flight. The mother nursed this child with devoted

constancy, and he thus acquired, in spite of all ordeals, wonderful

health, lived to a great age, and transmitted to his line the double

virtue of strength and longevity.

Friedrich was never tired of listening to so fine an adventure. Often

also he asked to be told the history of the Poles. The election of the

King by the Nobles, gathered together on horseback in the midst of a

great plain, and the right which the meanest of them had to oppose his

veto to the will of all the rest, struck him with admiration: he had no

doubt that this race was the greatest in the world. "A Count Nietzski

must not lie," he declared to his sister. Indeed, the passions and the

powerful desires which, thirty or forty years later, were to inspire

his work, already animated this child with the bulging forehead and the

big eyes, whom unhappy women loved to fold in their tender caresses.

When he was nine years old his tastes widened, and music was revealed

to him by a chorus from Handel, heard at church. He studied the piano.

He improvised, he accompanied himself in chanting the Bible, and his

mother, remembering her husband's fate, was troubled, for he, too, like

the child, used to play and improvise on the organ at Röcken.

The instinct of creation--an instinct that was already

tyrannical--seized hold of him; he composed melodies, fantasies, a

succession of mazurkas, dedicated to his Polish ancestors. He wrote

verses, and mother, grandmother, aunts, sister, received, every

anniversary, a poem with his music. Games themselves became the

pretext for work. He drew up didactic treatises, containing rules

and advice, which he handed over to his comrades. First he taught

them architecture; then, in 1854, during the siege of Sebastopol,

the capture of which made him weep--for he loved all Slavs and hated

the revolutionary French--he studied ballistics and the defence of

fortified places. At the same time, he and two friends founded a

theatre of arts, in which they played dramas of antiquity and of

primitive civilisations, of which he was the author: _The Gods of

Olympus_ and an _Orkadal._

He left school to enter college at Naumburg. There he showed from the

first such conspicuous ability that his professors advised his mother

to send him to study in a superior institute. The poor woman hesitated.

She would have liked to keep her child near her.

This was in 1858. Nietzsche's vacation was of rather a serious

character. He spent it as usual in the village of Pobles, under the

shadow of wooded hills, on the banks of the fresh and lazy Saale, in

which each morning he bathed. His maternal grandparents had him and his

sister Lisbeth to stay with them. He was happy, with a heaped abundance

of life; but his mind was preoccupied with the uncertainty of his

future.

Adolescence was coming; and perhaps he was about to leave his own

people and change his friends and his home. With some anxiety he

foresaw the new course which his life was going to follow. He called

to mind his boyish past, all the long years of childhood, at which one

should not smile--thirteen years filled with the earliest affections

and the earliest sorrows, with the first proud hopes of an ambitious

soul, with the splendid discovery of music and poetry. Memories came,

numerous, vivid, and touching: Nietzsche, who had a lyric soul,

suddenly became, as it were, intoxicated with himself.

He took up his pen, and in twelve days the history of his childhood was

written. He was happy when he had finished.

"Now I have brought my first notebook to a proper end," he writes, "and

I am content with my work. I have written with the greatest pleasure

and without a moment's fatigue. It is a grand thing to pass in review

before one the course of one's first years, and to follow there the

development of one's soul. I have sincerely recounted all the truth

without poetry, without literary ornamentation. That I may write many

more like it!"

Four little verses followed:

"Ein Spiegel ist das Leben

In ihm sich zu erkennen,

Möcht' ich das erste nennen

Wonach wir nur auch streben."[1]

[1] "Life is a mirror. I might say that the recognition of ourselves in

it is the first object to which we all strive."

* * * * *

The school of Pforta is situated five miles from Naumburg, on the bank

of the Saale. Ever since a Germany has existed there have been teachers

and scholars in Pforta. Some Cistercian monks, come in the twelfth

century from the Latin West to convert the Slavs, obtained possession

of this property, which lies along both banks of the river. They built

the high walls which surround it, the houses, the church, and founded

a tradition which is not extinct. In the sixteenth century they were

expelled by the Saxon princes, but their school was continued, and

their methods conserved by the Lutherans who were installed in their

place.

"The children shall be brought up to the religious life," says an

instruction of 1540. "For six years they shall exercise themselves

in the knowledge of letters, and in the disciplines of virtue." The

pupils were kept separated from their families, cloistered with their

teachers. The school had its fixed rules and customs: anything in the

shape of easy manners was forbidden. There was a certain, established

hierarchy: the oldest scholars had charge of the youngest and each

master was the tutor of twenty pupils. Religion, Hebrew, Greek, and

Latin were taught. In this old monastery German rigour, the spirit

of humanism, and the ethic of Protestantism formed a singular and

deep-rooted alliance, a fruitful type of life and sentiment. Many

distinguished men owed their education to Pforta: Novalis, the

Schlegels, Fichte--Fichte, philosopher, educator, patriot, and chief

glory of the school. Nietzsche had long desired to study at Pforta, and

in October, 1858, a scholarship being awarded him, he left his family

to enter the school.

He now disappears for a time from our ken. An heroic and boyish

anecdote is the sole memory of his first year. The story of Mucius

Scævola seemed an improbable one to some of his comrades; they denied

it: "No man would have the courage to put his hand in fire," opined

these young critics. Nietzsche did not deign to answer, but seized from

the stove a flaming coal and placed it in the palm of his hand. He

always carried the mark of this burn, the more visible because he had

taken care to keep in repair and enlarge so glorious a wound by letting

melted wax run over it.

Assuredly, he did not easily endure this new life of his. He played

little, not caring to attach himself to unfamiliar people; moreover,

the tender customs of the maternal hearth had ill prepared him for

the disciplines of Pforta. He only went out once a week, on Sunday

afternoon. Then his mother, his sister, and two Naumburg friends of his

came to meet him at the school door, and spent the day with him in a

neighbouring inn.

In July, 1859, Nietzsche had a month's liberty. The holidays of pupils

at Pforta were never longer. He revisited the people and places that he

liked, and made a rapid voyage to Jena and Weimar. For a year he had

written only what he had to write as a task, but now the inspiration

and delight of the pen returned to him, and he composed out of his

impressions of summer a sentimental fantasy which is not barren of

pathos.

"The sun has already set," he writes, "when we leave the dark

enclosure. Behind us, the sky is bathed in gold; above us, there is

a glow of rosy clouds: before us, we see the town, lying at rest

under the gentle breeze of evening. Ah, Wilhelm, I say to my friend,

is there any joy greater than that of wandering together across the

world? Oh, pleasure of friendship, faithful friendship: oh, breath

of this magnificent summer night, perfume of flowers, and redness of

evening! Do you not feel your thoughts soar upward, to perch like the

jubilant lark on a throne of golden clouds? The wonder of these evening

landscapes! It is my own life that unveils itself to me. So are my

own days arranged: some shut within the dark penumbra, others lifted

up in the air of liberty! At this moment our ears are pierced by a

shrill cry: it comes from the madhouse which stands near our path. Our

hands join in a tighter clasp, as if some evil genius had touched us

with a sweep of menacing wings. Go from us, ye powers of Evil! Even

in this beautiful world there are unhappy souls! But what, then, is

unhappiness?"

At the beginning of August he returned to Pforta, as sadly as he had

gone there in the first instance. He could not accept the brusque

constraint of the place, and, being unable to cease thinking of

himself, he kept for some weeks an intimate diary which shows us how he

employed his time and what his humours were from one day to another.

We find, to begin with, certain courageous maxims against ennui, given

him by his professor and transcribed; then a recital of his studies,

his distractions, his readings, and the crises which depress him.

The poetic soul of the child now resists, now resigns itself to its

impressions and bows painfully beneath a discipline. When emotion

urges him he abandons prose, which is not musical enough to express

his melancholy. Rhythm and rhyme appear; under an inspiration he makes

a few verses, a quatrain, a sextain; but he does not seek after the

lyrical impulse, nor hold to it; he merely follows it when it rises

within him; and, as soon as it weakens, prose takes its place, as in a

Shakesperean dialogue.

Life at Pforta was, however, brightened by hours of simple and youthful

joy. The pupils went out for walks, sang in chorus, bathed. Nietzsche

took part in these delights, and related them. When the heat was too

heavy, the life of the water replaced the life of study. The two

hundred scholars would go down to the river, timing their steps to the

tunes they had struck up. They would throw themselves into the water,

following the current without upsetting the order of their ranks,

accomplish a swim long enough to try, and yet elate, the youngest

members of the party, then clamber up the bank at their master's

whistle, put on their uniforms, which a ferry boat had convoyed in

their wake; then, still singing, still in good order, would march back

to their work and to the old school. "It is absolutely stunning," says

Nietzsche in effect.

So time went by, and the end of August came. The Journal is silent for

eight days, then for six, then for a whole month. When he reopens his

notebook, it is to bring it to an end.

"Since the day on which I began this Journal my state of mind has

completely changed. Then we were in the green abundance of the

late summer: now, alas! we are in the late autumn. Then I was an

_unter-tertianer_ (a lower form boy); now I am in a higher form.... My

birthday has come and gone, and I am older--time passes like the rose

of spring, and pleasure like the foam of the brook.

"At this moment I feel myself seized by an extraordinary desire for

knowledge, for universal culture. That impulse comes to me from

Humboldt, whom I have just read. May it prove as lasting as my love for

poetry!"

He now mapped out a vast programme of study in which geology, botany,

and astronomy were combined with readings in the Latin stylists,

Hebrew, military science, and all the techniques. "And above all

things," said he, "Religion, the foundation of all knowledge. Great is

the domain of knowledge, _infinite_ the search after truth."

A winter and spring-time sped away while the boy worked on. But now

came his second holidays, then the third return to school; it was when

autumn had denuded the great oaks on the estate of Pforta. Friedrich

Nietzsche is seventeen years of age, and he is sad. Too long had

he imposed upon himself a painful obedience; he had read Schiller,

Hölderlin, Byron; he dreams of the Gods of Greece, and of the sombre

Manfred, that all-powerful magician who, weary of his omnipotence,

vainly sought repose in the death which his art had conquered. What

cares Nietzsche for the lessons of his professors? He meditates on the

lines of the romantic poet:

"Sorrow is knowledge; they who know the most

Must mourn the deepest o'er the fatal truth,

The tree of knowledge is not that of life."

He grows weary at last. He longs to escape from the routine of classes,

from tasks which absorb his whole life. He would listen to his soul

alone, and thus come to understand the dreams with which his mind

overflows. He confides in his mother and his sister, and declares that

his projects for the future have changed. The thought of the University

bores him; he now wants to be not a professor, but a musician. His

mother reasons with him, and succeeds in appeasing him a little. But

her success is not for long. The death of a master to whom he had

been attached completes his confusion of mind. He neglects his work,

isolates himself, and meditates.

He writes. From his earliest childhood he had had the instinct of

the phrase and the word, the instinct of visible thought. He writes

incessantly, and not one shade of his unrest has remained hidden

from us. He surveys the vast universe of romanticism and of science,

sombre, restless, and loveless. This monstrous vision fascinates and

frightens him. The pious ways of his boyhood still hold him under their

influence; he reproaches himself for his inclinations towards audacity

and negation, as if for sins. He strives to retain his religious faith,

which is dwindling day by day. He does not break with it sharply in the

French and Catholic manner, but slowly and fearfully detaches himself;

slowly, because he venerates those dogmas or symbols which stand for

all his past, for his memories of his home and his father; fearfully,

because he knows that in renouncing the old security he will find not

a new security to take its place, but a surging throng of problems.

Weighing the supreme gravity of the choice imposed on him, he meditates:

"Such an enterprise," he writes, "is the work not of a few weeks but

of a life-time: can it be that, armed solely with the results of a

boy's reflections, any one will venture to destroy the authority of two

thousand years, guaranteed as it is by the deepest thinkers of all the

centuries? Can it be that with his own mere fancies and rudiments of

thought any one will venture to thrust aside from him all that anguish

and benediction of religion with which history is profoundly penetrated?

"To decide at a stroke those philosophical problems about which human

thought has maintained an unending war for many thousands of years;

to revolutionise beliefs which, accepted by men of the weightiest

authority, first lifted man up to the level of true humanity; to link

up Philosophy with the natural sciences, without as much as knowing the

general results of the one or the others; and finally to derive from

those natural sciences a system of reality, when the mind has not yet

grasped either the unity of universal history, or the most essential

principles--it is a masterpiece of rashness....

"What then is humanity? We hardly know: one stage in a whole, one

period in a process of Becoming, an arbitrary production of God? Is

man aught else than a stone evolved through the intermediary worlds of

flora and fauna? Is he from this time forward a completed being, or

what has history in reserve for him? Is this eternal Becoming to have

no end? What are the springs of this great clock? They are hidden; but

however long be the duration of that vast hour which we call history,

they are at every moment the same. The crises are inscribed on the

dial-face: the hand moves on, and when it has reached the twelfth hour,

it begins another series: it inaugurates a period in the history of

humanity.

"To risk oneself, without guide or compass, on the ocean of doubt is

for a young brain loss and madness; most adventurers on it are broken

by the storms, few indeed are the discoverers of new lands.... All our

philosophy has very often appeared to me a very Tower of Babel....

It has as its desolating result an infinite disturbance of popular

thought; we must expect a vast upheaval when the multitude discovers

that all Christianity is founded on gratuitous affirmations. The

existence of God, immortality, the authority of the Bible, Revelation,

will for ever be problems. I have attempted to deny everything: ah, to

destroy is easy, but to construct!"

What a marvellous instinct appears in this page! Friedrich Nietzsche

poses the precise questions which are later to occupy his thought and

gives a foretaste of the energetic answers with which he is to trouble

men's souls: humanity is a nothing, an arbitrary production of God;

an absurd Becoming impels it towards recommencements without a term,

towards eternal returns; all sovereignty is referable in the last

instance to force, and force is blind, following only chance....

Friedrich Nietzsche affirms nothing: he disapproves of rapid

conclusions on grave subjects, and, so long as he is hesitant, likes

to abstain from them. But when he commits himself, it will be with a

whole heart. Meanwhile he stays his thought. But, despite himself, it

overflows at times in its effort towards expression. "Very often," he

writes, "submission to the will of God and humility are but a mantle

thrown over the cowardice and pusillanimity which we experience at

the moment when we ought to face our destiny with courage." All the

Nietzschean ethics, all the Nietzschean heroism are included in these

few words.

We have named the authors who were Nietzsche's favourites at this

time: Schiller, Byron, Hölderlin--of these he preferred Hölderlin,

then so little known. He had discovered him, as one discovers, at a

glance, a friend in a crowd. It was a singular encounter. The life of

this child, now scarcely begun, was to resemble the life of the poet

who had just died. Hölderlin, the son of a clergyman, had wished to

follow his father's vocation. In 1780 he is studying theology at the

University of Tübingen with comrades whose names are Hegel, Sendling.

He ceases to believe. He comes to know Rousseau, Goethe, Schiller, and

the intoxication of romanticism. He loves the mystery of nature, and

the lucid mind of Greece; he loves them together, and dreams of uniting

their beauties in a German work. He is poor, and has to live the hard

life of a needy poet. As a teacher, he endures the ennui of wealthy

houses in which he is despised generally, and once is loved too much--a

brief rapture that ends in distress. He returns to his native village,

for its air and its people are pleasant to him. He works, writes at

his leisure, but as it pains him to live at the expense of his own

family, he goes away again. He has some of his verses published; but

the public shows no taste for those fine poems in which the genius

of an unknown German calls up the Gods of Olympus to people the deep

forests of Suabia and the Rhineland. The unhappy Hölderlin dreams of

vaster creations, but goes no farther than a dream: Germany is a world

in itself, and Greece is another; the inspiration of a Goethe is needed

to unite them, and to fix in eternal words the triumph of Faust, the

ravisher of Helen. Hölderlin writes fragments of a poem in prose: his

hero is a young Greek, who laments over the ruin of his race and,

frail forerunner of Zarathustra, calls for the rebirth of a valorous

humanity. He composes three scenes of a tragedy, taking for his hero

Empedocles, tyrant of Agrigentum, poet, philosopher, haughty inspirer

of the multitude, a Greek isolated among the Greeks by reason of his

very greatness, a magician, who, possessing all nature, wearies of the

satisfactions which one life can offer, retires to the summit of Etna,

sends away his family, his friends, his appealing people, and flings

himself, one evening, at sunset, into the crater.

The work is full of power; but Hölderlin abandons it. His melancholy

enfeebles and exalts him. He wishes to leave Germany where he has

suffered so much, and to free his relatives from the inconvenience of

his presence. Employment is offered to him in France, at Bordeaux, and

he disappears. Six months later he returns home sunburnt and in rags.

He is questioned, but he does not reply. Enquiries are made and it is,

with great difficulty, discovered that he had crossed France on foot

under the August sun. His mind is gone, swallowed up in a torpor which

is to last for forty years. He dies in 1843, a few months before the

birth of Nietzsche. It might please a Platonist to think that the same

genius passed from one body to the other. Surely the same German soul,

romantic by nature, and classic in aspiration, broken at length by its

desires, animated these two men, and predestined them to the same end.

One seems to surprise across the tenor of their lives the blind labour

of the race, which, pursuing its monotonous bent, sends into the world,

from century to century, like children for like ordeals.

That year, at the approach of summer, Nietzsche suffered severely from

his head and eyes. The malady was uncertain in its nature, but possibly

had its origin in the nerves. His holidays were spoilt. But he arranged

to be able to stay at Naumburg until the end of August, and the joys of

a prolonged leisure compensated him for previous vexations.

* * * * *

He returned to Pforta in a wholesome frame of mind. He had not

resolved his doubts but he had explored them, and could without

wronging himself become once more a laborious student. He was careful

not to interrupt his reading, which was immense. From month to month

he sent punctually to his two friends at Naumburg, poems, pieces of

dance and song music, essays in criticism and philosophy. But these

occupations were not allowed to interrupt his work as a student. Under

the direction of excellent masters, he studied the languages and the

literatures of antiquity.

He would have been happy, had not the pressing questions of the future

and of a profession begun to torment him.

"I am much preoccupied with the problem of my future," he wrote to his

mother in May, 1862. "Many reasons, external and internal, make it

appear to me troubled and uncertain. Doubtless I believe myself to be

capable of success in whatever province I select. But strength fails

me to put aside so many of the diverse objects which interest me. What

shall I study? No idea of a decision presents itself to my mind, and

yet with myself alone it lies to reflect and to make my choice. What

is certain is that whatever I study I shall be eager to probe to its

depths. But this fact only renders the choice more difficult, since

the question is to discover the pursuit to which one can give one's

whole self. And how often they deceive us, these hopes of ours! How

quickly one is put on the wrong track by a momentary predilection,

a family tradition, a desire! To choose one's profession is to make

one in a game of _lotto,_ in which there are many blanks, but only

very few prizes! At this moment my position is uncomfortable. I have

dispersed my interest over so many provinces that if I were to satisfy

my tastes I would certainly become a very learned man, but only with

great difficulty a professional animal. My task is to destroy many of

my present tastes, that is clear, and, by the same process, to acquire

new ones. But which are the unfortunates that I am to throw overboard?

Precisely my dearest children, maybe! ..."

His last holidays slipped by into the beginning of his last year.

Nietzsche returned without vexation to the old school which he was soon

to leave. The rules had grown lighter, and he had a room to himself,

and certain liberties. He went out to dine on the invitation of this or

that professor, and thus, even in the monastery, he had his first taste

of the pleasures of the world. At the house of one of his tutors he met

a charming girl; he saw her again, and, for the first time in his life,

fell in love. For some days his dreams were all of the books which he

wished to lend her, of the music which he wished to play with her. His

emotion was delicious. But the girl left Pforta, and Nietzsche returned

to his work. The _Banquet_ of Plato, the tragedies of Æschylus, were

his last diversions before he gave himself up to the ordinary round

of tasks. Sometimes he sat down to the piano just before the supper

hour; two comrades who were to remain his friends, Gersdorff and Paul

Deussen, listening while he played them Beethoven or Schumann, or

improvised.

Poetry is always by him. If he has the slightest leisure, if there is

a delay of some hours in his work, the lyricist reappears. On Easter

morning he leaves school, returns home, goes straight to his room,

where he is alone, dreams for a moment; then finds himself assailed by

a multitude of impressions. He writes with intense pleasure after his

long privation. And is not the page, which we transcribe here, worthy

of Zarathustra?

"Here I am on the evening of Easter Day, seated at my fire, enveloped

in a dressing-gown. Outside a fine rain is falling. All about me

is solitude. A sheet of white paper lies on my table; I look at it

in a muse, rolling my pen between my fingers, embarrassed by the

inextricable multitude of subjects, feelings, thoughts which press

forward and ask to be written. Some of them clamour and make a great

tumult: they are young and eager for life. Others gesture and struggle

there also: they are old thoughts, well matured, well clarified;

like elderly gentlemen they regard with displeasure the mêlée of

young bloods. This struggle between an old world and a new it is that

determines our mood; and the state of combat, the victory of these,

the weakness of those, we call at any moment our state of mind, our

_Stimmung...._ Often when I play the spy on my thoughts and feelings,

and study them in religious silence, I am impressed as with the hum and

ferment of savage factions, the air shudders and is torn across as if a

thought or an eagle had shot up towards the sun.

"Combat is the food which gives strength to the soul. The soul has

skill to pluck out of battle sweet and glorious fruits. Impelled by the

desire for fresh nutriment, it destroys; it struggles fiercely--but

how gentle it can be when it allures the adversary, gathers it close

against itself, and wholly assimilates it.

"That impression, which at this moment makes all your pleasure or all

your pain, will, it may be, slip off in an instant, being the mere

drapery of an impression still more profound, will disappear before

something older and higher. Thus our impressions grave themselves

deeper and deeper on our souls, being ever unique, incomparable,

unspeakably young, swift as the instant that brought them.

"At this moment I am thinking of certain people whom I have loved;

their names, their faces pass before my mind. I do not mean that

in fact their natures become continually more profound and more

beautiful; but it is at least true that each of these reminiscences,

when I recover it, leads me on to some acuter impression, for

the mind cannot endure to return to a level which it has already

passed; it has a need of constant expansion. I salute you, dear

impressions, marvellous undulations of an agitated soul. You are as

numerous as Nature, but more grandiose, for you increase and strive

perpetually--the plant, on the contrary, gives out to-day the same

perfume that it gave out on the day of creation. I no longer love

now as I loved a few weeks ago, and I find myself in a different

disposition at this moment from that in which I was when I took up this

pen."

Nietzsche returned to Pforta to undergo his last examinations. He all

but failed to pass; and, indeed, in mathematics he did not obtain

the required number of marks. But the professors, overlooking this

inadequacy, granted him his diploma. He left his old school, and left

it with pain. His mind easily adjusted itself to the places where it

lived, and clung with equal force to happy memories and to melancholy

impressions.

The break-up of the school was a prescribed ceremony. The assembled

students prayed together for the last time; then those who were about

to leave presented their masters with a written testimony of gratitude.

Friedrich Nietzsche's letter moves one by its pathetic and solemn

accent. First he addresses himself to God: "To Him who has given

me all, my first thanks. What offering should I bring Him, if not

the warm gratitude of my heart, confident of His love? It is He who

has permitted me to live this glorious hour of my life. May He, the

All-Bountiful, continue to watch over me." Then he thanks the King,

"through whose goodness I entered this school...; him and my country

I hope one day to honour. Such is my resolve." Then he speaks to his

venerated masters, to his dear comrades, "and particularly to you, my

dear friends: what shall I say to you at the instant of parting? I

understand how it is that the plant when torn from the soil which has

nourished it can only take root slowly and with difficulty in a foreign

soil. Shall I be able to disaccustom myself to you? Shall I be able to

accustom myself to another environment? Adieu!"

These long effusions were not enough, and he wrote, for himself alone,

certain lines in which they are repeated:

"So be it--it is the way of the world:

Let life deal with me as with so many others:

They set forth, their frail skiff is shattered,

And no man can tell us the spot where it sank.

Adieu, adieu! the ship's bell calls me,

And as I linger the shipmaster urges me on.

And now to confront bravely waves, storms, reefs.

Adieu, adieu!..."

The life of Friedrich Nietzsche · 第 1 / 9 章