CHAPTER V.

1549 TO 1553.

Decline of the protector's authority.--He is imprisoned--accused of

misdemeanors--loses his office--is liberated--reconciled with Dudley,

who succeeds to his authority.--Dudley pushes on the reformation.--The

celebration of mass prohibited.--Princess Mary persecuted.--The emperor

attempts to get her out of the kingdom, but without success--interferes

openly in her behalf.--Effect of persecution on the mind of

Mary.--Marriage proposed for Elizabeth with the prince of Denmark.--She

declines it.--King betrothed to a princess of France.--Sweating

sickness.--Death of the duke of Suffolk.--Dudley procures that title for

the marquis of Dorset, and the dukedom of Northumberland for

himself.--Particulars of the last earl of Northumberland.--Trial,

conviction, and death of the duke of Somerset.--Christmas festivities of

the young king.--Account of George Ferrers master of the king's

pastimes, and his works.--Views of Northumberland.--Decline of the

king's health.--Scheme of Northumberland for lady Jane Grey's

succession.--Three marriages contrived by him for this purpose.--He

procures a settlement of the crown on the lady Jane.--Subserviency of

the council.--Death of Edward concealed by Northumberland.--The

princesses narrowly escape falling into his hands.--Courageous conduct

of Elizabeth.--Northumberland deserted by the council and the

army.--Jane Grey imprisoned.--Northumberland arrested.--Mary mounts the

throne.

It was to little purpose that the protector had stained his hands with

the blood of his brother, for the exemption thus purchased from one

kind of fear or danger, was attended by a degree of public odium which

could not fail to render feeble and tottering an authority based, like

his, on plain and open usurpation.

Other causes conspired to undermine his credit and prepare his

overthrow. The hatred of the great nobles, which he augmented by a

somewhat too ostentatious patronage of the lower classes against the

rich and powerful, continually pursued and watched the opportunity to

ruin him. Financial difficulties pressed upon him, occasioned in great

measure by the wars with France and Scotland which he had carried on, in

pursuance of Henry's design of compelling the Scotch to marry their

young queen to his son. An object which had finally been frustrated,

notwithstanding the vigilance of the English fleet, by the safe arrival

of Mary in France, and her solemn betrothment to the dauphin. The great

and glorious work of religious reformation, though followed by Somerset,

under the guidance of Cranmer, with a moderation and prudence which

reflect the highest honor on both, could not be brought to perfection

without exciting the rancorous hostility of thousands, whom various

motives and interests attached to the cause of ancient superstition; and

the abolition, by authority, of the mass, and the destruction of images

and crucifixes, had given birth to serious disturbances in different

parts of the country. The want and oppression under which the lower

orders groaned,--and which they attributed partly to the suppression of

the monasteries to which they had been accustomed to resort for the

supply of their necessities, partly to a general inclosure bill

extremely cruel and arbitrary in its provisions,--excited commotions

still more violent and alarming. In order to suppress the insurrection

in Norfolk, headed by Kett, it had at length been found necessary to

send thither a large body of troops under the earl of Warwick, who had

acquired a very formidable degree of celebrity by the courage and

conduct which he exhibited in bringing this difficult enterprise to a

successful termination.

A party was now formed in the council, of which Warwick, Southampton,

Arundel, and St. John, were the chiefs; and strong resolutions were

entered into against the assumed authority of the protector. This

unfortunate man, whom an inconsiderate ambition, fostered by

circumstances favorable to its success, had pushed forward into a

station equally above his talents and his birth, was now found destitute

of all the resources of courage and genius which might yet have

retrieved his authority and his credit. He suffered himself to be

surprised into acts indicative of weakness and dismay, which soon robbed

him of his remaining partisans, and gave to his enemies all the

advantage which they desired.

His committal to the Tower on several charges, of which his assumption

of the whole authority of the state was the principal, soon followed. A

short time after he was deprived of his high office, which was nominally

vested in six members of the council, but really in the earl of Warwick,

whose private ambition seems to have been the main-spring of the whole

intrigue, and who thus became, almost without a struggle, undisputed

master of the king and kingdom.

That poorness of spirit which had sunk the duke of Somerset into

insignificance, saved him at present from further mischief. In the

beginning of the ensuing year, 1550, having on his knees confessed

himself guilty of all the matters laid to his charge, without

reservation or exception, and humbly submitted himself to the king's

mercy, he was condemned in a heavy fine, on remission of which by the

king he was liberated. Soon after, by the special favor of his royal

nephew, he was readmitted into the council; and a reconciliation was

mediated for him with Warwick, cemented by a marriage between one of his

daughters and the son and heir of this aspiring leader.

The catholic party, which had flattered itself that the earl of Warwick,

from gratitude for the support which some of its leaders had afforded

him, and perhaps also from principle, no less than from opposition to

the duke of Somerset, would be led to embrace its defence, was now

destined to deplore its disappointment.

Determined to rule alone, he soon shook off his able but too aspiring

colleague, the earl of Southampton, and disgraced, by the imposition of

a fine for some alleged embezzlement of public money, the earl of

Arundel, also a known assertor of the ancient faith, finally, having

observed how closely the principles of protestantism, which Edward had

derived from instructors equally learned and zealous, had interwoven

themselves with the whole texture and fabric of his mind, he resolved

to merit the lasting attachment of the royal minor by assisting him to

complete the overthrow of popery in England.

A confession of faith was now drawn up by commissioners appointed for

the purpose, and various alterations were made in the Liturgy, which had

already been translated into the vulgar tongue for church use. Tests

were imposed, which Gardiner, Bonner, and several others of the bishops

felt themselves called upon by conscience, or a regard to their own

reputation, to decline subscribing, even at the price of deprivation;

and prodigious devastations were made by the courtiers on the property

of the church. To perform or assist at the performance of the mass was

also rendered highly penal. But no dread of legal animadversion was

capable of deterring the lady Mary from the observance of this essential

rite of her religion; and finding herself and her household exposed to

serious inconveniences on account of their infraction of the new

statute, she applied for protection to her potent kinsman the emperor

Charles V., who is said to have undertaken her rescue by means which

could scarcely have failed to involve him in a war with England. By his

orders, or connivance, certain ships were prepared in the ports of

Flanders, manned and armed for an attempt to carry off the princess

either by stealth or open force, and land her at Antwerp. In furtherance

of the design, several of her gentlemen had already taken their

departure for that city, and Flemish light vessels were observed to keep

watch on the English coast. But by these appearances the apprehensions

of the council were awakened, and a sudden journey of the princess from

Hunsdon in Hertfordshire towards Norfolk, for which she was unable to

assign a satisfactory reason, served as strong confirmation of their

suspicions.

A violent alarm was immediately sounded through the nation, of foreign

invasion designed to co-operate with seditions at home; bodies of troops

were dispatched to protect different points of the coast; and several

ships of war were equipped for sea; while a communication on the subject

was made by the council to the nobility throughout the kingdom, in terms

calculated to awaken indignation against the persecuted princess, and

all who were suspected, justly or unjustly, of regarding her cause with

favor. A few extracts from this paper will exhibit the fierce and

jealous spirit of that administration of which Dudley formed the soul.

"So it is, that the lady Mary, not many days past, removed from Newhall

in Essex to her house of Hunsdon in Hertfordshire, the cause whereof,

although we knew not, yet did we rather think it likely that her grace

would have come to have seen his majesty; but now upon Tuesday last, she

hath suddenly, without knowledge given either to us here or to the

country there, and without any cause in the world by us to her given,

taken her journey from Hunsdon towards Norfolk" &c. "This her doing we

be sorry for, both for the evil opinion the king's majesty our master

may conceive thereby of her, and for that by the same doth appear

manifestly the malicious rancour of such as provoke her thus to breed

and stir up, as much as in her and them lieth, occasion of disorder and

unquiet in the realm" &c. "It is not unknown to us but some near about

the said lady Mary have very lately in the night seasons had privy

conferences with the emperor's embassador here being, which councils can

no wise tend to the weal of the king's majesty our master or his realm,

nor to the nobility of this realm. And whatsoever the lady Mary shall

upon instigation of these forward practices further do, like to these

her strange beginnings, we doubt not but your lordship will provide that

her proceedings shall not move any disobedience or disorder--The effect

whereof if her counsellors should procure, as it must be to her grace,

and to all other good Englishmen therein seduced, damnable, so shall it

be most hurtful to the good subjects of the country" &c.[15]

[Note 15: Burleigh Papers by Haynes.]

Thus did the fears, the policy, or the party-spirit, of the members of

the council lead them to magnify the peril of the nation from the

enterprises of a young and defenceless female, whose best friend was a

foreign prince, whose person was completely within their power, and who,

at this period of her life "more sinned against than sinning," was not

even suspected of any other design than that of withdrawing herself from

a country in which she was no longer allowed to worship God according to

her conscience. Some slight tumults in Essex and Kent, in which she was

not even charged with any participation, were speedily suppressed; and

after some conference with the chancellor and secretary Petre, Mary

obeyed a summons to attend them to the court, where she was now to be

detained for greater security.

On her arrival she received a reprimand from the council for her

obstinacy respecting the mass, with an injunction to instruct herself,

by reading, in the grounds of protestant belief. To this she replied,

with the inflexible resolution of her character, that as to protestant

books, she thanked God that she never had read any, and never intended

so to do; that for her religion she was ready to lay down her life, and

only feared that she might not be found worthy to become its martyr. One

of her chaplains was soon after thrown into prison; and further

severities seemed to await her, when a message from the emperor,

menacing the country with war in case she should be debarred from the

free exercise of her religion, taught the council the expediency of

relaxing a little the sternness of their intolerance. But the scruples

of the zealous young king on this head could not be brought to yield to

reasons of state, till he had "advised with the archbishop of Canterbury

and the bishops of London and Rochester, who gave their opinion that to

give license to sin was sin, but to connive at sin might be allowed in

case it were neither long, nor without hope of reformation[16]."

[Note 16: Hayward's Life of Edward VI.]

By this prudent and humane but somewhat jesuitical decision this

perplexing affair was set at rest for the present; and during the small

remainder of her brother's reign, a negative kind of persecution,

consisting in disfavor, obloquy, and neglect, was all, apparently, that

the lady Mary was called upon to undergo. But she had already endured

enough to sour her temper, to aggravate with feelings of personal

animosity her systematic abhorrence of what she deemed impious heresy,

and to bind to her heart by fresh and stronger ties that cherished

faith, in defence of which she was proudly conscious of having struggled

and suffered with a lofty and unyielding intrepidity.

In order to counterbalance the threatened hostility of Spain, and impose

an additional check on the catholic party at home, it was now judged

expedient for the king to strengthen himself by an alliance with

Christian III. king of Denmark; an able and enlightened prince, who in

the early part of his reign had opposed with vigor the aggressions of

the emperor Charles V. on the independence of the north of Europe, and

more recently had acquired the respect of the whole protestant body by

establishing the reformation in his dominions. An agent was accordingly

dispatched with a secret commission to sound the inclinations of the

court of Copenhagen towards a marriage between the prince-royal and the

lady Elizabeth.

That this negotiation proved fruitless, was apparently owing to the

reluctance to the connexion manifested by Elizabeth; of whom it is

observable, that she never could be prevailed upon to afford the

smallest encouragement to the addresses of any foreign prince whilst

she herself was still a subject; well aware that to accept of an

alliance which would carry her out of the kingdom, was to hazard the

loss of her succession to the English crown, a splendid reversion never

absent from her aspiring thoughts.

Disappointed in this design, Edward lost no time in pledging his own

hand to the infant daughter of Henry II. of France, which contract he

did not live to complete.

The splendid French embassy which arrived in England during the year

1550 to make arrangements respecting the dower of the princess, and to

confer on her intended spouse the order of St. Michael, was received

with high honors, but found the court-festivities damped by a visitation

of that strange and terrific malady the sweating sickness.

This pestilence, first brought into the island by the foreign

mercenaries who composed the army of the earl of Richmond, afterwards

Henry VII., now made its appearance for the fourth and last time in our

annals. It seized principally, it is said, on males, on such as were in

the prime of their age, and rather on the higher than the lower classes:

within the space of twenty-four hours the fate of the sufferer was

decided for life or death. Its ravages were prodigious; and the general

consternation was augmented by a superstitious idea which went forth,

that Englishmen alone, were the destined victims of this mysterious

minister of fate, which tracked their steps, with the malice and

sagacity of an evil spirit, into every distant country of the earth

whither they might have wandered, whilst it left unassailed all

foreigners in their own.

Two of the king's servants died of this disease, and he in consequence

removed to Hampton Court in haste and with very few attendants. The duke

of Suffolk and his brother, students at Cambridge, were seized with it

at the same time, sleeping in the same bed, and expired within two hours

of each other. They were the children of Charles Brandon by his last

wife, who was in her own right baroness Willoughby of Eresby. This lady

had already made herself conspicuous by that earnest profession of the

protestant faith for which, in the reign of Mary, she underwent many

perils and a long exile. She was a munificent patroness of the learned

and zealous divines of her own persuasion, whether natives or

foreigners; and the untimely loss of these illustrious youths, who seem

to have inherited both her religious principles and her love of letters,

was publicly bewailed by the principal members of the university.

But by the earl of Warwick the melancholy event was rendered doubly

conducive to the purposes of his ambition. In the first place it enabled

him to bind to his interests the marquis of Dorset married to the

half-sister of the young duke of Suffolk, by procuring a renewal of the

ducal title in his behalf, and next authorized him by a kind of

precedent to claim for himself the same exalted dignity.

The circumstances attending Dudley's elevation to the ducal rank are

worthy of particular notice, as connected with a melancholy part of the

story of that old and illustrious family of the Percies, celebrated

through so many ages of English history.

The last of this house who had borne the title of earl of Northumberland

was that ardent and favored suitor of Anne Boleyn, who was compelled by

his father to renounce his pretensions to her hand in deference to the

wishes of a royal competitor.

The disappointment and the injury impressed themselves in indelible

characters on the heart of Percy: in common with the object of his

attachment, he retained against Wolsey, whom he believed to have been

actively instrumental in fostering the king's passion, a deep

resentment, which is said to have rendered peculiarly acceptable to him

the duty afterwards imposed upon him, of arresting that celebrated

minister in order to his being brought to his trial. For the lady to

whom a barbarous exertion of parental authority had compelled him to

give his hand, while his whole heart was devoted to another, he also

conceived an aversion rather to be lamented than wondered at.

Unfortunately, she brought him no living offspring; and after a few

years he separated himself from her to indulge his melancholy alone and

without molestation. In this manner he spun out a suffering existence,

oppressed with sickness of mind and body, disengaged from public life,

and neglectful of his own embarrassed affairs, till the fatal

catastrophe of his brother, brought to the scaffold in 1537 for his

share in the popish rebellion under Aske. By this event, and the

attainder of sir Thomas Percy's children which followed, the earl saw

himself deprived of the only consolation which remained to him,--that of

transmitting to the posterity of a brother whom he loved, the titles and

estates derived to him through a long and splendid ancestry. As a last

resource, he bequeathed all his land to the king, in the hope, which was

not finally frustrated, that a return of royal favor might one day

restore them to the representatives of the Percies.

This done, he yielded his weary spirit on the last day of the same month

which had seen the fatal catastrophe of his misguided brother.

From this time the title had remained dormant, till the earl of Warwick,

untouched by commiseration or respect for the misfortunes of so great a

house, cut off for the present all chance of its restoration, by causing

the young monarch whom he governed to confer upon himself the whole of

the Percy estates, with the new dignity of duke of Northumberland; an

honor undeserved and ill-acquired, which no son of his was ever

permitted to inherit.

But the soaring ambition of Dudley regarded even these splendid

acquisitions of wealth and dignity only as steps to that summit of power

and dominion which he was resolved by all means and at all hazards to

attain; and his next measure was to procure the removal of the only man

capable in any degree of obstructing his further progress. This was the

late protector, by whom some relics of authority were still retained.

At the instigation of Northumberland, a law was passed making it felony

to conspire against the life of a privy-counsellor; and by various

insidious modes of provocation, he was soon enabled to bring within the

danger of this new act an enemy who was rash, little sagacious, by no

means scrupulous, and surrounded with violent or treacherous advisers.

On October 16th 1551, Somerset and several of his relations and

dependants, and on the following day his haughty duchess with certain of

her favorites, were committed to the Tower, charged with treason and

felony. The duke, being put upon his trial, so clearly disproved most of

the accusations brought against him that the peers acquitted him of

treason; but the evidence of his having entertained designs against the

lives of the duke of Northumberland, the marquis of Northampton, and the

earl of Pembroke, appeared so conclusive to his judges,--among whom

these three noblemen themselves did not blush to take their seats,--that

he was found guilty of the felony.

After his condemnation, Somerset acknowledged with contrition that he

had once mentioned to certain persons an intention of assassinating

these lords; but he protested that he had never taken any measures for

carrying this wicked purpose into execution. However this might be, no

act of violence had been committed, and it was hoped by many and

expected by more, that the royal mercy might yet be extended to preserve

his life: but Northumberland spared no efforts to incense the king

against his unhappy uncle; he also contrived by a course of amusements

and festivities to divert him from serious thought; and on January 21st

1552, to the great regret of the common people and the dismay of the

protestant party, the duke of Somerset underwent the fatal stroke on

Tower-hill.

During the whole interval between the condemnation and death of his

uncle, the king, as we are informed, had been entertained by the nobles

of his court with "stately masques, brave challenges at tilt and at

barriers, and whatsoever exercises or disports they could conjecture to

be pleasing to him. Then also he first began to _keep hall_[17], and the

Christmas-time was passed over with banquetings, plays, and much variety

of mirth[18]."

[Note 17: To keep hall, was to keep "open household with frank

resort to court."]

[Note 18: Hayward's Life of Edward VI.]

We learn that it was an ancient custom, not only with the kings of

England but with noblemen and "great housekeepers who used liberal

feasting in that season," to appoint for the twelve days of the

Christmas festival a lord of misrule, whose office it was to provide

diversions for their numerous guests. Of what nature these

entertainments might be we are not exactly informed; they probably

comprised some rude attempts at dramatic representation: but the taste

of an age rapidly advancing in literature and general refinement,

evidently began to disdain the flat and coarse buffooneries which had

formed the solace of its barbarous predecessors; and it was determined

that devices of superior elegance and ingenuity should distinguish the

festivities of the new court of Edward. Accordingly, George Ferrers, a

gentleman regularly educated at Oxford, and a member of the society of

Lincoln's inn, was chosen to preside over the "merry disports;" "who,"

says Holinshed, "being of better credit and estimation than commonly his

predecessors had been before, received all his commissions and warrants

by the name of master of the king's pastimes. Which gentleman so well

supplied his office, both in show of sundry sights and devices of rare

inventions, and in act of divers interludes and matters of pastime

played by persons, as not only satisfied the common sort, but also were

very well liked and allowed by the council, and other of skill in the

like pastimes; but best of all by the young king himself, as appeared by

his princely liberality in rewarding that service."

"On Monday the fourth day of January," pursues our chronicler, whose

circumstantial detail is sometimes picturesque and amusing, "the said

lord of merry disports came by water to London, and landing at the Tower

wharf entered the Tower, then rode through Tower-street, where he was

received by Vause, lord of misrule to John Mainard, one of the sheriffs

of London, and so conducted through the city with a great company of

young lords and gentlemen to the house of sir George Burne lord-mayor,

where he with the chief of his company dined, and after had a great

banquet, and at his departure the lord-mayor gave him a standing cup

with a cover of silver and gilt, of the value of ten pounds, for a

reward, and also set a hogshead of wine and a barrel of beer at his

gate, for his train that followed him. The residue of his gentlemen and

servants dined at other aldermen's houses and with the sheriffs, and

then departed to the Tower wharf again, and so to the court by water, to

the great commendation of the mayor and aldermen, and highly accepted,

of the king and council."

From this time Ferrers became "a composer almost by profession of

occasional interludes for the diversion of the court[19]." None of these

productions of his have come down to posterity; but their author is

still known to the student of early English poetry, as one of the

contributors to an extensive work entitled "The Mirror for Magistrates,"

which will be mentioned hereafter in speaking of the works of Thomas

Sackville lord Buckhurst. The legends combined in this collection, which

came from the pen of Ferrers, are not distinguished by any high flights

of poetic fancy, nor by a versification extremely correct or melodious.

Their merit is that of narrating after the chronicles, facts in English

history, in a style clear, natural, and energetic, with an intermixture

of political reflections conceived in a spirit of wisdom and moderation,

highly honorable to the author, and well adapted to counteract the

turbulent spirit of an age in which the ambition of the high and the

discontent of the low were alike apt to break forth into outrages

destructive of the public tranquillity.

[Note 19: See Warton's History of English Poetry, vol. iii. p. 213

et seq.]

Happy would it have been for England in more ages than one, had the

sentiment of the following humble stanza been indelibly inscribed on

the hearts of children.

"Some haply here will move a further doubt,

And as for York's part allege an elder right:

O brainless heads that so run in and out!

When length of time a state hath firmly pight,

And good accord hath put all strife to flight,

Were it not better such titles still to sleep

Than all a realm about the trial weep?"

This estimable writer had been a member of parliament in the time of

Henry VIII., and was imprisoned by that despot in 1542, very probably

without any just cause. He about the same time translated into English

the great charter of Englishmen which had become a dead letter through

the tyranny of the Tudors; and he rendered the same public service

respecting several important statutes which existed only in Latin or

Norman French; proofs of a free and courageous spirit extremely rare in

that servile age!

Ferrers lived far into the reign of Elizabeth, finishing his career at

Flamstead in his native county of Herts in 1579.

From the pleasing contemplation of a life devoted to those honorable

arts by which society is cultivated, enlightened and adorned, we must

now return to tread with Northumberland the maze of dark and crooked

politics. By many a bold and many a crafty step this adept in his art

had wound his way to the highest rank of nobility attainable by a

subject, and to a station of eminence and command scarcely compatible

with that character. But no sooner had he reached it, than a sudden

cloud lowered over the splendid prospect stretched around him, and

threatened to snatch it for ever from his sight. The youthful monarch in

whom, or over whom, he reigned, was seized with a lingering disease

which soon put on appearances indicative of a fatal termination. Under

Mary, the next heir, safety with insignificance was the utmost that

could be hoped by the man who had taken a principal and conspicuous part

in every act of harshness towards herself, and every demonstration of

hostility towards the faith which she cherished, and against whom, when

he should be no longer protected by the power which he wielded, so many

lawless and rapacious acts were ready to rise up in judgement.

One scheme alone suggested itself for the preservation of his authority:

it was dangerous, almost desperate; but loss of power was more dreaded

by Dudley than any degree of hazard to others or himself; and he

resolved at all adventures to make the attempt.

By means of the new honors which he had caused to be conferred on the

marquis of Dorset, now duke of Suffolk, he engaged this weak and

inconsiderate man to give his eldest daughter, the lady Jane Grey, in

marriage to his fourth son Guildford Dudley. At the same time he

procured an union between her sister, the lady Catherine, and the eldest

son of his able but mean-spirited and time-serving associate, the earl

of Pembroke; and a third between his own daughter Catherine and lord

Hastings, son of the earl of Huntingdon by the eldest daughter and

co-heir of Henry Pole lord Montacute; in whom the claims of the line of

Clarence now vested.

These nuptials were all celebrated on one day, and with an ostentation

of magnificence and festivity which the people exclaimed against as

highly indecorous in the present dangerous state of the king's health.

But it was not on _their_ good will that Northumberland founded his

hopes, and their clamors were braved or disregarded.

His next measure was to prevail upon the dying king to dispose of the

crown by will in favor of the lady Jane. The animosity against his

sister Mary, to which their equal bigotry in opposite modes of faith had

given birth in the mind of Edward, would naturally induce him to lend a

willing ear to such specious arguments as might be produced in

justification of her exclusion: but that he could be brought with equal

facility to disinherit also Elizabeth, a sister whom he loved, a

princess judged in all respects worthy of a crown, and one with whose

religious profession he had every reason to be perfectly satisfied,

appears an indication of a character equally cold and feeble. Much

allowance, however, may be made for the extreme youth of Edward; the

weakness of his sinking frame; his affection for the pious and amiable

Jane, his near relation and the frequent companion of his childhood; and

above all, for the importunities, the artifices, of the practised

intriguers by whom his dying couch was surrounded.

The partisans of Northumberland did not fail to urge, that if one of the

princesses were set aside on account of the nullification of her

mother's marriage, the same ground of exclusion was valid against the

other. If, on the contrary, the testamentary dispositions of the late

king were to be adhered to, the lady Mary must necessarily precede her

sister, and the cause of religious reformation was lost, perhaps for

ever.

With regard to the other claimants who might still be interposed between

Jane and the English throne, it was pretended that the Scottish branch

of the royal family was put out of the question by that clause of

Henry's will which placed the Suffolk line next in order to his own

immediate descendants; as if an instrument which was set aside as to

several of its most important provisions was necessarily to be held

binding in all the rest. Even admitting this, the duchess of Suffolk

herself stood before her daughter in order of succession; but a

renunciation obtained from this lady by the authority of Northumberland,

not only of her own title but of that of any future son who might be

born to her, was supposed to obviate this objection.

The right of the king, even if he had attained the age of majority, to

dispose of the crown by will without the concurrence of parliament, was

absolutely denied by the first law authorities: but the power and

violence of Northumberland overruled all objections, and in the end the

new settlement received the signature of all the privy council, and the

whole bench of judges, with the exception of justice Hales, and perhaps

of Cecil, then secretary of state, who afterwards affirmed that he put

his name to this instrument only as a witness to the signature of the

king. Cranmer resisted for some time, but was at length won to

compliance by the tears and entreaties of Edward.

Notwithstanding this general concurrence, it is probable that very few

of the council either expected or desired that this act should be

sanctioned by the acquiescence of the nation: they signed it merely as a

protection from the present effects of the anger of Northumberland, whom

most of them hated as well as feared; each privately hoping that he

should find opportunity to disavow the act of the body in time to obtain

the forgiveness of Mary, should her cause be found finally to prevail.

The selfish meanness and political profligacy of such a conduct it is

needless to stigmatize; but this was not the age of public virtue in

England.

A just detestation of the character of Northumberland had rendered very

prevalent an idea, that the constitution of the king was undermined by

slow poisons of his administering; and it was significantly remarked,

that his health had begun to decline from the period of lord Robert

Dudley's being placed about him as gentleman of the bed-chamber.

Nothing, however, could be more destitute both of truth and probability

than such a suspicion. Besides the satisfactory evidence that Edward's

disease was a pulmonary consumption, such as no poison could produce, it

has been well remarked, that if Northumberland were a sound politician,

there could be no man in England more sincerely desirous, for his own

sake, of the continuance of the life and reign of this young prince. By

a change he had every thing to lose, and nothing to gain. Several

circumstances tend also to show that the fatal event, hastened by the

treatment of a female empiric to whom the royal patient had been very

improperly confided, came upon Northumberland at last somewhat by

surprise, and compelled him to act with a precipitation injurious to his

designs. Several preparatory steps were yet wanting; in particular the

important one of securing the persons of the two princesses: but this

omission it seemed still possible to supply; and he ordered the death of

the king to be carefully concealed, while he wrote letters in his name

requiring the immediate attendance of his sisters on his person. With

Mary the stratagem had nearly succeeded: she had reached Hoddesdon on

her journey to London, when secret intelligence of the truth, conveyed

to her by the earl of Arundel, caused her to change her course. It was

probably a similar intimation from some friendly hand, Cecil's perhaps,

which caused Elizabeth to disobey the summons, and remain tranquil at

one of her houses in Hertfordshire.

Here she was soon after waited upon by messengers from Northumberland,

who apprized her of the accession of the lady Jane, and proposed to her

to resign her own title in consideration of a sum of money, and certain

lands which should be assigned her. But Elizabeth wisely and

courageously replied, that her elder sister was first to be agreed with,

during whose lifetime she, for her part, could claim no right at all.

And determined to make common cause with Mary against their common

enemies, she equipped with all speed a body of a thousand horse, at the

head of which she went forth to meet her sister on her approach to

London.

The event quickly proved that she had taken the right part. Though the

council manifested their present subserviency to Northumberland by

proclaiming queen Jane in the metropolis, and by issuing in her name a

summons to Mary to lay aside her pretensions to the crown, this leader

was too well practised in the arts of courts, to be the dupe of their

hollow professions of attachment to a cause unsupported, as he soon

perceived, by the favor of the people.

The march of Northumberland at the head of a small body of troops to

resist the forces levied by Mary in Norfolk and Suffolk, was the signal

for the defection of a great majority of the council. They broke from

the kind of honorable custody in the Tower in which, from a well-founded

distrust of their intentions, Northumberland had hitherto held them; and

ordering Mary to be proclaimed in London, they caused the hapless Jane,

after a nominal reign of ten days, to be detained as a prisoner in that

fortress which she had entered as a sovereign.

Not a hand was raised, not a drop of blood was shed, in defence of this

pageant raised by the ambition of Dudley. Deserted by his partisans, his

soldiers and himself, the guilty wretch sought, as a last feeble

resource, to make a merit of being the first man to throw up his cap in

the market-place of Cambridge, and cry "God save queen Mary!" But on

the following day the earl of Arundel, whom he had disgraced, and who

hated him, though a little before he had professed that he could wish to

spend his blood at his feet, came and arrested him in her majesty's

name, and Mary, proceeding to London, seated herself without opposition

on the throne of her ancestors.

Memoirs of the Court of Queen Elizabeth · 第 5 / 29 章