We now approach that dramatic moment when Greek first met Roman in battle
array. Into the tangled web of the history of this period there flashes
the scarlet thread of the life of Pyrrhus of Epirus. Though a fuller
account of his war against Italy must be deferred to the Roman history,
it will be briefly sketched here, together with a short account of his
country and his ancestors.[a]
Epirus, in spite of its distance from the chief centres of Greek thought
and action, and the fact that its inhabitants were hardly regarded as
other than barbarians, exerted even at an early period no small influence
on Greece, by means more especially of the oracle of Dodona. One of
the earliest and most flourishing settlements of the Greeks proper in
Epirus was the Corinthian colony of Ambracia, which gave its name to the
neighbouring gulf. The happy results of the experiment appear to have
tempted other Greek states to imitate the example, and Elatria, Bucheta,
and Pandosia bore witness to the enterprise of the people of Elis.
Phœnice, still so called, was the wealthiest of all the native cities
of Epirus, and after the fall of the Molossian kingdom the centre of an
Epirotic league.
[Sidenote: [_ca._ 360-288 B.C.]]
The kings or rather chieftains of the Molossians, who ultimately extended
their power over all Epirus, claimed to be descended from Pyrrhus, son
of Achilles, who, according to the legend, settled in the country after
the sack of Troy, and transmitted his kingdom to Molossus, his son
by Andromache. The early history of the dynasty is very obscure; but
Admetus, who lived in the fifth century B.C., has become famous for his
hospitable reception of the banished Themistocles, in spite of the grudge
that he must have harboured against the great Athenian, who had persuaded
his countrymen to refuse the alliance tardily offered by the Molossian
chief when their victory against the Persians was already secured. He was
succeeded about 429 B.C. by his son or grandson, Tharymbas or Arymbas
I, who being placed by a decree of the people under the guardianship of
Sabylinthus, chief of the Atintanes, was educated at Athens, and thus
became at a later date the introducer of a higher kind of civilisation
among his subjects. Alcetas, the next king mentioned in history, was
contemporary with Dionysius of Syracuse (about 385 B.C.) and was indebted
to his assistance for the recovery of his throne. His son Arymbas II
(who succeeded by the death of his brother Neoptolemus) ruled with
prudence and equity, and gave encouragement to literature and the arts.
To him Xenocrates of Chalcedon dedicated his four books on the art of
governing; and it is specially mentioned that he bestowed great care on
the education of his brother’s children. Troas, one of his nieces, became
his own wife; and Olympias, the other, was married to Philip of Macedon,
and had the honour of giving birth to Alexander the Great. On the death
of Arymbas, his nephew Alexander, the brother of Olympias, was put in
possession of the throne by the assistance of Philip, who was afterwards
assassinated on occasion of the marriage of the youthful king with
Philip’s daughter Cleopatra. Alexander was the first who bore the title
of king of Epirus, and he raised the reputation of his country amongst
foreign nations. His assistance having been sought by the Tarentines
against the Samnites and Lucanians, he made a descent, 332 B.C., at
Pæstum, near the mouth of the river Silarus, and reduced several cities
of the Lucani and Bruttii; but in a second attack upon Italy he was
surrounded by the enemy, defeated, and slain, near the city Pandosia, in
the Bruttian territory.
Æacides, the son of Arymbas II, succeeded Alexander, and espoused the
cause of Olympias against Cassander; but he was dethroned by his own
soldiers, and had hardly regained his position when he fell, 313 B.C., in
battle against Philip, brother of Cassander. He had, by his wife Phthia,
the celebrated Pyrrhus, and two daughters Didamia and Troas, of whom the
former married Demetrius Poliorcetes. His brother Alcetas, who succeeded
him, continued the war with Cassander till he was defeated; and he was
ultimately put to death by his rebellious subjects, 295 B.C. The name
of Pyrrhus, who next ascended the throne, gives to the history of his
country an importance which it would otherwise never have possessed.
THE ANTECEDENTS OF PYRRHUS
Born about the year 318, and claiming descent from Pyrrhus, the son of
Achilles, connected also with the royal family of Macedonia through
Olympias, the mother of Alexander the Great, he became when a mere
stripling king of the wild mountain tribes of Epirus, and learned how
to fight battles in the school of Demetrius Poliorcetes and of his
father Antigonus. He fought by their side in his seventeenth year at
the memorable battle of Ipsus in Phrygia, in which they were decisively
defeated by the combined armies of Seleucus and Lysimachus. Soon
afterwards he was sent to the court of Ptolemy of Egypt at Alexandria as
a pledge for the faithful carrying out of a treaty of alliance between
Ptolemy and Demetrius, as his sister Didamia was the wife of the latter.
Through Ptolemy, whose step-daughter Antigone he married, he was enabled
to establish himself firmly on the throne of Epirus, and he became a
formidable opponent to Demetrius, who was now king of Macedonia and the
leading man in the Greek world.[e]
[Sidenote: [288-285 B.C.]]
Demetrius had not renounced the project of resuming his father’s kingdom.
He made immense preparations. The other kings renewed their league in
which they included Pyrrhus, who had long been the friend of Demetrius
but was now to become his rival. This rivalry was the more dangerous
to Demetrius since he had made himself hated by his insolence. One day
when, contrary to his custom, he had received all the petitions which
were presented to him, he was seen to throw them into a river as he was
crossing the bridge.
All the kings of that day made an endeavour to imitate Alexander, but it
was said that Demetrius represented him as an actor on the stage, bowing
his head to right and left, assuming majestic airs, adorning himself with
a double diadem and a purple mantle on which he had caused the sun, the
moon, and the stars to be embroidered in gold.
Pyrrhus, on the contrary, recalled Alexander by his fire and his
boldness. He was the type of the soldier and the adventurer. He loved
war for itself and despised all else. He came to the assistance of the
Ætolians when they were attacked by Demetrius, but the two kings did not
meet, having both missed their way. Whilst Demetrius ravaged Epirus,
Pantarchus, one of his lieutenants, gave battle to Pyrrhus, and during
the fight provoked him to single combat. Both were wounded, but Pyrrhus
overthrew his adversary; the Epirots, excited by the courage of their
king, carried the victory, and the Macedonians, having been conquered by
him, admired him more and more.
Whilst Ptolemy raised the Greek towns against Demetrius, Lysimachus
entered Macedon by Thrace, and Pyrrhus by Epirus. Demetrius thought
it prudent to turn first against Pyrrhus, who was a foreigner, but he
was not slow to repent his action. Desertions were numerous and soon
a general mutiny broke out in the army. The soldiers had not forgiven
Demetrius for permitting the capture of Berœa, where most of them had
left their wives and their money. They went over to Pyrrhus in crowds to
ask for his commands as their general. Demetrius returned to his tent,
took off his crown and his royal mantle, assumed a dark dress and a
Macedonian cap and left the camp unnoticed. He had scarcely gone when his
tent was pillaged.
Pyrrhus was proclaimed king of Macedon; but Lysimachus appeared on the
scene and demanded his share. Pyrrhus was not sufficiently certain of the
Macedonians to enter into a contest with one of Alexander’s lieutenants,
and he agreed to divide the towns and provinces of Macedonia with
Lysimachus. As Antipater, who had murdered his own mother, protested
against this arrangement and complained that he was being despoiled of
his inheritance, Lysimachus had him put to death; in him the family of
Alexander became extinct.
THE LAST ADVENTURES OF DEMETRIUS
[Sidenote: [285-281 B.C.]]
Demetrius withdrew first to Cassandrea, a town which Cassander
had founded on the site of Potidæa. Then he passed into Greece to
endeavour to retrieve his fortunes. The Athenians, under the command
of Olympiodorus, had expelled the Macedonian garrison from the Museum
and resumed possession of the Piræus and of Munychia. They had summoned
Pyrrhus, who, after having aided them to liberate themselves, gave them
the excellent advice to receive no more kings into their city. Demetrius
would have besieged Athens, but the philosopher Crates, being sent to
him, dissuaded him in his own interest. Corinth and some portions of the
Peloponnesus still remained to him; there he left his son, Antigonus
Gonatas, and set out for Asia with such vessels as he had and about
twelve thousand soldiers. Most of the towns surrendered and several
he took by force, amongst others the town of Sardis. A few officers
and soldiers passed into his camp. But Agathocles, son of Lysimachus,
appeared with a numerous army. Demetrius, pursued across the desert,
soon found himself confronted by Seleucus. The latter presented himself
unarmed before his enemy’s troops and exhorted them to quit a brigand
leader who had not even the means of paying them. The soldiers saw the
wisdom of the advice and went over to him.
Demetrius attempted to flee, but was soon dying of hunger and obliged to
give himself up to Seleucus. Lysimachus offered a large sum to have him
put to death; Antigonus Gonatas implored Seleucus to release his father,
offering to abandon all he possessed as his ransom and to surrender
himself as hostage.
Seleucus repulsed both proposals. He contented himself with preventing
this incorrigible adventurer from again trying his fortune. He gave him
a palace, park, and all the comforts of life. The besieger developed
a taste for hunting and then for games of chance. He soon accustomed
himself to this easy life, became very fat, and died of over-eating (283).
THE END OF LYSIMACHUS, KING OF MACEDON
As soon as Lysimachus had nothing more to fear from Demetrius, he turned
against Pyrrhus and tried to corrupt his officers. He reproached them for
having selected for themselves an Epirot king whose ancestors had been
the slaves of Macedon, and for having preferred him to an old comrade
of Alexander. Pyrrhus could not struggle against the desertion of his
troops. A caprice of the soldiers had given him Macedon; a new caprice
took it away from him, and he withdrew to Epirus. We might think we
were reading the history of the Lower or Byzantine Empire--the fruits
of military government are everywhere the same. Macedonia was united
with the kingdom of Thrace (286); but it had not yet come to the end of
the revolutions which had continued to shake it ever since the death of
Alexander. These revolutions, always provoked by personal ambition and
never by a question of principle or national interest, refute the Utopia
of monarchical stability in a striking manner.
The polygamy practised by the Macedonian kings multiplied the rivalries
so common in royal families. Agathocles, the eldest of the sons of
Lysimachus, who had established his father’s throne on a firmer basis
by his combats with the independent Thracians and with Demetrius, died
of poison administered at the instigation of his step-mother Arsinoe,
the daughter of Ptolemy. This murder was followed by many others, for
Agathocles had numerous friends. His widow, Lysandra, who was also a
daughter of Ptolemy, took refuge with Seleucus and demanded that he
should avenge her. She had with her one of her brothers who, like all
the members of the royal family of Egypt, bore the name of Ptolemy and
was surnamed Ceraunus, the thunder, on account of his violent character.
He was the eldest of the children of Ptolemy Soter, but the intrigues
of Berenice, one of his step-mothers, caused him to be deprived of
the throne. Ptolemy Soter abdicated in favour of the son he had had
by Berenice, and who reigned under the name of Ptolemy Philadelphus
(285). The eldest at first went to Lysimachus, then to Seleucus, whom he
endeavoured to interest in his favour.
Seleucus, who nourished the hope of reconstituting Alexander’s monarchy,
had an opportunity to intervene in Macedonia to avenge Lysandra and in
Egypt to support Ptolemy Ceraunus. He was undecided when Lysimachus
forestalled him by declaring war against him. The two octogenarians, in
whom age had not extinguished ambition, once more measured their forces
in a last battle at Corupedion in Phrygia.[44] Lysimachus was slain; for
some days his body was sought for in vain; it was discovered through his
dog who had guarded it and kept off the birds of prey. They buried him in
the town of Lysimachia which he had founded near Cardia on the European
bank of the Hellespont (281). The ranks of the veterans are thinning
rapidly; and little wonder,--forty troublous years had passed since
Alexander died.
DEATH OF SELEUCUS
[Sidenote: [281-279 B.C.]]
Seleucus assumed the title of Nicator, the conqueror. The defeat and
death of Lysimachus made him master of Asia Minor, Thrace, and Macedonia.
In the east he had extended his sway over Upper Asia as far as the Indus,
but he had given his son Antiochus the crown of the provinces beyond the
Euphrates. Antiochus might thus think that after the death of his father
he would unite under his authority all the possessions of Alexander
with the exception of Egypt. It is said that at the time when Seleucus
was serving as a common soldier in the army of the conqueror of Asia,
the oracle of the Didymean Apollo had announced to him the greatness of
his future, while advising him never to return to Europe. Nevertheless,
six months after the battle of Corupedion, he wished to take possession
of Macedonia and to end his days in his own country. He disembarked at
Lysimachia and at once offered a sacrifice. Then Ptolemy Ceraunus who
had come to him as a suppliant and had been received by him as a friend,
stabbed him before the altar (280).
The death of the last of Alexander’s companions-in-arms was not avenged.
The army which had proved faithful to none of its chiefs, proclaimed the
murderer king of Thrace and Macedon. He had no difficulty in getting
rid of his rivals. Antiochus, to whom he abandoned Asia Minor, had to
subdue the towns on the Hellespont which had revolted; Antigonus Gonatas,
involved in a struggle with a league of cities in the Peloponnesus,
could not assert his claims to Macedonia. Pyrrhus was more dangerous,
but at this moment the Tarentines, who were at war with Rome, summoned
him to their aid. Ptolemy Ceraunus furnished him with troops, elephants,
and ships to pass over into Italy, gave him his daughter in marriage,
and undertook to protect Epirus so long as he should be absent. Pyrrhus
set out at once and the assassin might fancy that he was to enjoy his
usurped throne in peace. He did not enjoy it long; the very next year a
formidable invasion of barbarians swooped down on Macedonia and Greece.
INVASION OF THE GAULS
[Sidenote: [279-278 B.C.]]
Numerous tribes of Gauls, or Galatæ, as the Greeks called them, had been
established, for how long is not known, on the banks of the Danube, when
a fresh migration of Belgic Tectosages, starting from Toulouse, set in
motion those populations which, having little knowledge of the art of
cultivating the ground, found all regions too narrow for them. Two or
three hundred thousand men, divided into three bands descended like
clouds of locusts on Thrace, Macedonia, and Greece. Ptolemy Ceraunus,
who in his presumption had refused the assistance of the Dardani, was
overwhelmed with his whole army. His head was stuck on the end of a
pike and paraded about the country. The fields were laid waste, the
towns closed their gates, and the inhabitants, accustomed to rely on the
protection of the soldiers, could do nothing but groan and invoke the
names of Philip and Alexander. A Macedonian named Sosthenes urged them
to defend themselves, collected the young men and succeeded in repelling
the enemy. He was offered the crown, which he refused, desiring only the
title of general. But very soon his little army, weak and inexperienced
as it was, succumbed with him to the invasion of a new horde of
barbarians which, after completing the devastation of Macedonia turned in
the direction of Greece.
The Athenians, though weakened by their struggles with the Macedonian
kings, resolved to arrest the barbarians at the pass of Thermopylæ.
The peoples of central Greece responded to their summons, but the
Peloponnesians, believing themselves to be sufficiently protected by the
Isthmus of Corinth, did not stir. The Ætolians furnished the largest
number of soldiers, but the command was conferred on the Athenians, who
had taken the initiative in resistance. Their ships were of much service
to the Greek army; they approached the shore, in spite of the difficulty
of navigating amongst the morasses, and sent a shower of arrows against
the enemy. It was a deadly fight for the barbarians; their superiority
in numbers was of no advantage to them in this narrow passage. Then, in
order to compel the Ætolians to return home, Brennus[45] detached forty
thousand men who recrossed the Sperchius and deluged Ætolia with fire and
blood. It was the warfare of savages; nothing was spared, neither age
nor sex. As Brennus had anticipated, the Ætolians immediately quitted
Thermopylæ to rescue or avenge their wives and children. But already a
corps of troops from Patræ, the only town in the Peloponnesus which had
thought of coming to the rescue of the Ætolians, had encountered the
barbarians and inflicted such slaughter upon them that less than half
returned to the camp at Thermopylæ.
DEFENCE OF THE TEMPLE AT DELPHI
[Sidenote: [280-278 B.C.]]
[Illustration: A SOLDIER OF GAUL]
The Ænianes and Heracleans, ridding themselves of the neighbourhood of
the barbarians by an act of treachery, showed Brennus the path by which
in the old days the Persians had turned Mount Œta. The Phocians who
guarded it were thrown into confusion and the army of the Greeks would
have suffered the same fate as the soldiers of Leonidas, if it had not
been fortunate enough to take refuge on the Athenian vessels. The Galatæ
immediately proceeded towards Delphi; they had heard of the riches of
the temple and it was primarily for this that they had invaded Greece.
The Delphians demanded of the oracle whether they should put the sacred
treasure in a place of safety: “The god,” answered the Pythia, “ordains
that the votive offerings be left where they are; he will himself protect
his sanctuary by means of the White Virgins.” It was thus that the Pythia
indicated Artemis and Athene, the moon and the light. It was indeed the
terrors of the night which triumphed over the barbarians. The noise of
thunder, repeated by the great echoes of Parnassus, struck them with
fear. Enormous fragments of rock detached themselves from the mountain
and crushed them by thousands. Amidst the awe of the sacred woods, a prey
to the mysterious terror which was ascribed to Pan, they rushed against
one another. Enveloped in a whirlwind of hail and snow they fled in
confusion, pursued like wild beasts through the deep gorges under the
irresistible arrows of the archer who strikes from afar. Brennus ordered
them to burn their chariots and kill their ten thousand wounded who were
hindering their flight. He himself, after taking copious draughts of
wine, stabbed himself with his sword. What remained of this countless
army succumbed to hunger, fatigue, and the attacks of the Ætolians
and Dardani. According to Justin, Diodorus, and Pausanias, not one
escaped.[46]
Other bands of Galatæ were destroyed about the same time by Antigonus
Gonatas who since the death of Sosthenes had returned to Macedonia. He
had left them his camp after having distributed his soldiers in the woods
and on ships. When the barbarians were filled with wine and meat he fell
unexpectedly upon them and effected a great slaughter. As these Galatæ
were strong and brave he took many of them into his pay and soon had
occasion to employ them. On the coins struck in memory of this victory we
see the god Pan, the originator of panic fears, bearing a trophy (278).
PYRRHUS AND THE ROMANS
The absence of any federal link between the Greek cities of Italy
rendered them incapable of resisting the native peoples of the Samnites,
Lucanians, and Bruttians. They were thus naturally led to demand the
support of the great Roman republic, which alone could protect them. Rome
never refused her protection to those who asked for it, even if they were
at a distance from Italy,--like Marseilles which, thanks to her alliance
with the Romans, was able to extend her commerce without any fear of her
barbarian neighbours, the Ligurians and the Gauls. Rome’s first relations
with the Greek towns of Italy were those of friendship: Locri, Thurii,
and Rhegium, asked and obtained her alliance and protection. Tarentum
alone preferred to have the Romans as enemies rather than friends.
She had never had to suffer either from the tyrants of Syracuse or from
the Lucanians or the Samnites, for she was separated from them by less
powerful and less warlike populations. Under the influence of democratic
institutions she had achieved, says Strabo, an amazing prosperity. She
aspired to play a dominant part in the peninsula of Italy similar to that
which Syracuse had acquired in Sicily; it was therefore with anxiety and
jealousy that she watched the progress of the Roman power. By a mad act
of provocation the Tarentines put themselves entirely in the wrong and
rendered war with Rome inevitable. Then, according to their custom, they
called in the assistance of a foreign prince, and though on this occasion
they had chosen the bravest and most skilful captain of the day, the
struggle on which they embarked resulted in the final establishment of
the dominion of the Romans over all Italy.
PYRRHUS SUMMONED BY THE TARENTINES
[Sidenote: [280-279 B.C.]]
They summoned Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, promising him the support of the
Lucanians and Samnites. He eagerly seized the opportunity to renew the
attempt of his great-uncle, Alexander the Molossian. Ptolemy Ceraunus,
in order to rid himself of a dangerous competitor, furnished him with
soldiers and elephants. Pyrrhus founded great hopes on this expedition.
No sooner had he arrived than he caused the theatre, the gymnasiums, and
the gardens where they met to discuss politics, to be closed, forbade
festivals and all unseasonable diversions, enrolled all the citizens
and had them drilled. There were many who sought to escape but he had
the doors guarded. When this produced murmuring he took some of the
malcontents and sent them to Epirus.
Soon he heard that the Roman army was approaching. He would have liked
to await the arrival of the Lucanians and Samnites, and offered his
mediation to the consul Lævinus, but was answered that the Romans did
not accept him as arbitrator and did not dread him as a foe. The battle
was fought near the river Siris in the neighbourhood of Heraclea. The
king had his horse killed under him, and, according to Justin, was even
wounded. He sent his elephants forward; the Romans, who had never seen
any, called them the Lucanian oxen. It was they that gave Pyrrhus the
victory. When he saw the dead bodies of the Romans, all wounded in front
and with their hands on their arms: “With such men,” he said, “I should
have soon conquered the world.” He caused them to be buried in like
manner with his own soldiers (280).
Pyrrhus marched into Campania, but did not manage to surprise Capua
and was not more successful in an attempt on Naples. He went as far as
Præneste and came within sight of Rome; but the Romans had now raised a
new army; he saw the legions being restored to life like the heads of the
hydra, and fearing to be surrounded he returned to Tarentum. An embassy
was sent to him; he hoped that he was about to dictate terms of peace but
it merely came to discuss the ransom of the captives. Pyrrhus offered to
restore the prisoners without payment. Knowing that Fabricius, the chief
ambassador, was poor, he thought to win him over by proposing to repair
the errors of fortune. Fabricius answered simply that his poverty did
not trouble him and did not prevent his being highly considered in his
own country. Pyrrhus sent Cineas to Rome with presents for the wives of
the senators; it is said that these presents were refused; this is not
impossible though very extraordinary. Historians are not agreed as to the
conditions proposed. The senate would have accepted them, but a lofty
speech of the blind old Appius Claudius so worked on the assembly as to
lead to its returning Pyrrhus the answer that it would not be possible
to treat with him until he had left Italy. Cineas, on his return from
Rome, told Pyrrhus that the senate seemed to him an assembly of kings;
politically speaking, the heads of families who composed the Roman city,
may indeed be compared with the Homeric kings; but if Cineas meant to
refer to the successors of Alexander, the comparison was by no means
flattering to honourable men like Curius and Fabricius.
[Sidenote: [279-275 B.C.]]
There was nothing for it but to continue the war. A fresh encounter took
place near Asculum; Pyrrhus, whose Italian auxiliaries were armed in
the Roman fashion, had skilfully combined the formation of the legion
with that of the phalanx. But a Roman soldier cut off the trunk of an
elephant: the Lucanian oxen were not, then, invulnerable. According to
the _Epitome_ of Titus Livius the result of the battle was doubtful.
According to Plutarch the Romans had the advantage on the first day, but
on the morrow Pyrrhus, having contrived to decoy them to ground on which
he was able to manipulate his forces, put them to flight and obliged them
to take refuge in their camp. He had lost his best soldiers, and when he
was congratulated on his success: “Another such victory,” he said, “and
I shall have to return to Epirus.” One of his followers offered to poison
him for the Romans: Fabricius denounced the treachery to him, advising
him to choose his friends better. He sent back the Roman prisoners
without ransom; the senate sent him an equal number of Greek and Italian
prisoners. An armistice was concluded and he took advantage of it to pass
into Sicily (278).
PYRRHUS IN SICILY; HIS RETURN TO ITALY
Since the death of Agathocles Sicily had been continuously troubled
by the acts of brigandage perpetrated by the Mamertines established
at Messana, and by the wars of Hicetas, tyrant of Syracuse, against
Phintias, tyrant of Agrigentum. After having reigned nine years, Hicetas
was dethroned by Thynion who took his place and occupied the island
of Ortygia whilst Sosistratus was master of the rest of the town. The
Carthaginians, taking advantage of the dissensions of these two leader’s,
besieged Syracuse. It was then that the two parties implored the aid
of Pyrrhus. He had some claims to Sicily as son-in-law of Agathocles.
He could not pass through Messana for the Mamertines had made a league
with the Carthaginians against him. He disembarked at Tauromenium,
whither he had been summoned by the tyrant Tyndarion and from there he
proceeded to Catana and thence to Syracuse where he was received as a
deliverer. He reconciled Thynion and Sosistratus and joining the forces
of the Syracusans to those which he had brought with him, he expelled the
Mamertines and forced them to retire to Messana. Agrigentum, Leontini,
Selinus, Segesta, and many other towns opened their gates to him. He
took Eryx, leading the assault himself, and in the same way made himself
master of Panormus the principal port of the Carthaginians, to whom, of
all their Sicilian possessions, only Lilybæum remained (277).
After two months’ siege he judged that this place was impregnable so long
as the Carthaginians were masters of the sea. He then decided to make
a descent on Africa, after the example of Agathocles. But as he needed
sailors he required the cities to supply them and grew angry at their
tardiness and resistance; his yoke began to weigh as heavily as that of
the Carthaginians and Mamertines. He had had enough of Sicily and used
the reiterated appeals of the Tarentines and Samnites as an excuse for
departure. With great difficulty he escaped from the Carthaginian fleet,
which sank seventy of his ships, and he then fell in with a band of
Mamertines who were waiting for him on the coast of Italy. He lost his
rear-guard and two of his elephants; he was hurt and as he was retiring
to dress his wound a tall soldier came and attacked him. But Pyrrhus had
a strong arm and a well-tempered sword: he hit him a blow on the head
and cut it in two. The barbarians, struck with admiration, allowed him
to continue his route. He stopped at Locri to punish the inhabitants who
had expelled his garrison, then, as he was in want of money to pay his
troops, he pillaged the temple of Core, one of the most celebrated in
Italy. But the vessels which were carrying off the sacred treasure were
thrown on the shore by a tempest. Pyrrhus, struck with fear, replaced
all the money in the treasury of the goddess and continued his route to
Tarentum.
In his absence the Romans had retaken Crotona, admitted Heraclea to
their alliance and several times defeated the Bruttians, Lucanians, and
Samnites. Weakened by these defeats the allies of Pyrrhus sent him but
few soldiers. Nevertheless he hastened to take the field to prevent the
junction of two Roman armies sent against him--the one by Samnium, the
other by Lucania. Near Beneventum he encountered the consul Curius, who
was compelled to give battle before the arrival of his colleague. But
the Romans no longer dreaded the elephants; they flung flaming tow at
them. Some were killed and others reserved for the triumph. The victory
of the Romans was complete (275). They took the camp of Pyrrhus who
re-entered Tarentum with a small number of riders. He was compelled to
renounce his projects in the west. The whole scheme had failed and he
made haste to embark on another. He told the Tarentines he had written to
the kings of Macedon and Asia for their help, and that he was going away
to collect a fresh army. He left them a garrison. The Tarentines summoned
the Carthaginians who sent their fleet to the harbour. But Milon, the
commander of the Epirot garrison, surrendered the citadel to the Romans.
They entered the town, declared it tributary to Rome and disarmed the
inhabitants.
[Illustration: RUINED TEMPLE NEAR ATHENS]
MAGNA GRÆCIA SUBDUED BY THE ROMANS
All the native peoples of southern Italy, who had welcomed Pyrrhus as
a deliverer were finally subdued to the dominion of Rome. It was a
deliverance for such Greek cities as still existed, but they were no
more than the shadow of their former selves. Although free under the
protection of Rome, they disappear obscurely from history. In the time
of Strabo the name of Magna Græcia was already an ancient memory and
the Greek language was no longer spoken save at Naples, Rhegium, and
Tarentum. For want of a federal bond between the autonomous cities, the
Hellenic race with its brilliant civilisation had gradually disappeared
from the soil of Italy. The Romans were about to enter into its
inheritance that they might eventually transmit it to Gaul and Spain.
They repeopled some of the ancient Greek colonies which had lapsed into
barbarism, notably Posidonia and Hipponium which had long been peopled,
the one by the Campanians, the other by the Bruttians and which changed
their Greek names for those of Pæstum[47] and Vibo Valentia.
RETURN OF PYRRHUS TO MACEDONIA
[Sidenote: [274-272 B.C.]]
The sole advantage which Macedonia had derived from Alexander’s conquest
was the barren honour of furnishing royal dynasties to Egypt and Asia. No
part of the conqueror’s heritage had been more disputed between ambitious
rivals. Within the space of fifty years ten kings had succeeded each
other on the throne in consequence of as many military revolutions. After
the invasion of the Galatæ, Antigonus Gonatas, the son of Demetrius,
fancied he had secured himself in the possession of devastated Macedonia
by making a treaty with his competitor Antiochus Soter, whose daughter
he married. But military anarchy had not yet reached its term. Pyrrhus,
returning from Italy and at a loss how to pay his troops, sought an
occasion for war. He entered Macedonia simply for the purpose of
collecting spoil. Having won a few successes he remembered that he had
been king of this country, marched against Antigonus, cut to pieces the
Galatæ whom he employed as mercenaries, and took his elephants. Then he
approached the phalanx, recognised some of the captains who commanded
it, addressed them by their names and extended his hand to them. All
the soldiers went over to him. Proud of his victory over the Galatæ, he
consecrated their shields in the temple of the Itonian Athene, enlisted
the barbarians, whose value he had recognised, and put them as garrisons
in the Macedonian cities. At Ægæ they pillaged the royal tombs and
scattered the bones. This called forth complaints from the Macedonians;
but Pyrrhus, as an Epirot, took little interest in the ancient kings of
Macedonia. He had no time to punish his mercenaries, and he was soon to
stand in need of their services. An opportunity of conquering Greece had
presented itself to him and he desired to take advantage of it.
EXPEDITION OF PYRRHUS AGAINST SPARTA
[Sidenote: [272 B.C.]]
This opportunity was offered to him by Cleonymus of Sparta, the same who
had been before him in making an expedition to Tarentum. He requested
Pyrrhus to support the rights which he pretended to have to the throne
of Sparta. The ephors had set him aside in favour of Areus, the son of
his eldest brother; and to complete his chagrin his wife Chelidonis, who
was much beloved by him, did not conceal her aversion, and showed her
preference for the son of Areus, named Acrotatus.
This seemed to Pyrrhus a sufficient pretext for invading the Peloponnesus
with twenty-five thousand footmen, two thousand horses, and twenty-four
elephants. He declared, moreover, that his sole object was to restore
liberty to the towns which Antigonus was keeping in subjection. As
to the Spartans, far from wishing them ill, he proposed, he said, to
confide his younger sons to their care, that they might be educated
in the discipline of Lycurgus. When his soldiers began pillaging, the
Spartans reproached him with his breach of faith. He answered, “Neither
are you in the habit of saying beforehand what you will do.” There had
been nothing to give warning of this aggression in time of peace and the
town was not in a state of defence: the whole army had followed the king
Areus to Crete whither he had been summoned by the Gortynians. Cleonymus
would have liked to attack immediately; but Pyrrhus preferred to wait for
a capitulation which seemed inevitable. He established his camp before
Sparta believing himself certain of being able to enter whenever he might
wish.
Sparta was saved by the women. It had been proposed to send them to
Crete, a suggestion which roused their indignation. Archidamia, mother
of Acrotatus and the richest heiress in Sparta, entered the senate,
sword in hand, and protested in the name of the women against their
being thought capable of surviving the ruin of their country. The walls
raised in preceding wars left the town exposed at several points: the
night was spent in digging a great ditch parallel with the enemy’s camp,
and barricades were formed on each side by means of chariots with their
wheels buried in the ground. The women undertook a third of the work and
obliged those who were to fight next day to rest. In the morning they
armed the young men and exhorted them to die under the eyes of their
mothers. During the fight, which lasted all day, they kept close to
them, handing them weapons, carrying them food and drink and tending the
wounded. But as Rollin has pointed out, if the women of Sparta practised
masculine virtues they sometimes forgot the virtues of their sex: seeing
the young Acrotatus who had fought like a lion return covered with blood
and dust, they envied the lot of Chelidonis. Plutarch adds a detail
which shows how far the Spartans carried the sacrifice of the family to
the city: the old men, he says, cried out: “Bravo, Acrotatus. Retain
Chelidonis, and may she give the country children as brave as thou.” As
to Chelidonis herself, not wishing to fall into the hands of her husband,
she had prepared a rope to hang herself if the town were taken.
The combat began again the next day. The Macedonians endeavoured to fill
up the trench with branches. Pyrrhus even succeeded in crossing it and
galloped towards the town; but his horse was killed and threw him on a
steep slope; his friends had great difficulty in rescuing him. Almost
all the Spartans were killed or wounded, and the town was on the verge
of being taken when a lieutenant of Antigonus brought help. Almost at
the same time Areus arrived from Crete with two thousand Spartans.
Pyrrhus decided to raise the siege. He turned in the direction of Argos,
where one party had summoned him to oppose another faction supported
by Antigonus. Areus pursued him as he retreated, harassing him in the
defiles and destroying his rear-guard composed of Galatæ and Molossians.
To avenge the death of his son Ptolemy, who had been killed in this
fight, Pyrrhus destroyed almost the whole Spartan army and then continued
his route towards Argos.
DEATH OF PYRRHUS
Antigonus was occupying the heights. Pyrrhus proposed to him to settle
their quarrel in a single combat, but Antigonus answered that if Pyrrhus
was weary of life he might find many roads to death. The Argives begged
the two kings to withdraw and to permit them to remain friends of both.
They consented to do so, but during the night the partisans of Pyrrhus
admitted him into the town. The members of the opposite party immediately
summoned Antigonus. At the same time Areus arrived with the relics of his
army. Fighting went on in the streets all night in the midst of a general
confusion. Pyrrhus would have retired, but his Galatæ, coming to his
assistance, blocked the narrow streets. One of his elephants had fallen
across the gateway, another whose driver was wounded was overturning
friends and enemies indiscriminately. Pyrrhus received a blow from the
javelin of an Argive soldier and turned against the man who had wounded
him; the soldier’s mother, who, with some other women, was watching the
fight from the top of the roofs, seeing her son in danger seized a tile
and flung it at the king’s head. He fell from his horse. Though he had
removed the plume from his helmet he was recognised: his head was cut
off and taken to Antigonus. At this example of the mutability of fortune
the latter was reminded of his father Demetrius and caused a search to
be made for the body of Pyrrhus, which he burned, with the head, on a
funeral pyre. He sent the ashes to Pyrrhus’ son Helenus who returned to
Epirus (272).
ANTIGONUS GONATAS
[Sidenote: [272-243 B.C.]]
The history of the twenty years which followed the death of Pyrrhus is
little known. We have no guide but Justin[g] who is not always very
reliable, and some scanty indications in Polybius[h] and Pausanias.[i]
All we know is that these twenty years were not an epoch of repose for
Greece, and still less of liberty. The death-blow of Greek liberty had
been struck at Chæronea, and the weapon had been left in the wound. The
Macedonian monarchy clung to Greece like the shirt of Nessus. Though
they had been compelled to renounce Alexander’s heritage the kings of
Macedon were still the heirs of Philip and determined to continue his
work of subjugating Greece. This policy was persistently followed by
Antigonus Gonatas, who bequeathed it to his successors. After the death
of Pyrrhus he had no competitors for the throne of Macedon. The greater
part of the army of the king of Epirus was composed of Macedonians and
Galatæ who passed without difficulty into Antigonus’ service. His rule in
Greece extended over Thessaly and Eubœa, over Corinth and a part of the
Peloponnesus, exactly which part is not known: Justin says vaguely that
the Peloponnesians were delivered into his hands by treachery. Sometimes
he put garrisons into the cities, sometimes he set up tyrants: “Most of
the tyrants in Greece,” says Polybius, “date from this Antigonus.” The
isolation of the cities, their mutual jealousies and the rivalry of the
political factions, everywhere raised up interested accomplices for the
Macedonian usurpation.
Following the example of his predecessors, Antigonus Gonatas was
especially eager for the conquest of Athens. He burned the temple of
Poseidon at Colonus and the sacred wood which surrounded it. The war
lasted six or seven years. A revolt of Antigonus’ hired Galatæ scarcely
interrupted hostilities; Areus, king of Sparta, and a lieutenant of
Ptolemy Philadelphus who had been sent to the aid of Athens and might
have taken advantage of this diversion, remained inactive and the
Athenians, deserted by their allies, were obliged to receive a Macedonian
garrison (268). Antigonus also sent garrisons to Megara, Salamis, and
Cape Sunium.
But about the same time Alexander, king of Epirus, made an incursion
into Macedonia to avenge the death of his father Pyrrhus, and the
phalanx went over to him, thus giving a fresh example of the facility
with which military monarchies change masters. Antigonus was absent;
his son Demetrius, who was still very young, soon recovered possession
of Macedonia. Alexander, in his turn despoiled of Epirus, took refuge
amongst the Acarnanians, who subsequently reinstated him in possession
of his kingdom. This did not prevent him from treating with the Ætolians
for the partition of Acarnania, for gratitude is by no means a royal
virtue. Antigonus kept the throne of Macedonia till his death in 243, and
his dynasty maintained itself there for more than a century, prosecuting
the conquest of Greece up to the last, till that country, exhausted by
the ceaseless struggle, finally threw itself into the arms of the Roman
people.[b]
[Sidenote: [272 B.C.]]
Inglorious as was this termination of a career like that of Pyrrhus, the
closing scene of his life was not without some points of resemblance
to its general character. He was undoubtedly one of the nobler spirits
of his age, though it would seem that it could have been only in one
which was familiar with atrocious crimes, that he could have gained the
reputation of unsullied virtue, more particularly of probity, which we
find attached to his name. With extraordinary prowess, such as revived
the image of the heroic warfare, he combined many qualities of a great
captain, and was thought by some to be superior even to Alexander in
military art. But his whole life was not only a series of unconnected,
mostly abortive, enterprises, but might be regarded, with respect to
himself, as one ill-concerted, perplexed, and bootless adventure. From
beginning to end he was the sport, not so much of fortune, as of desires
without measure or plan, of an impetuous, but inconstant will. His ruling
passion was less ambition than the love of action; and he seems to have
valued conquest chiefly because it opened new fields of battle. But
viewed as subservient to higher ends, both his life and his death were
memorable and important. He contributed to adjust the balance of power
among Alexander’s successors in the West. He exercised the Roman arms
with a harder trial than they had ever before undergone; and inspired
the people with a confidence in its own strength which nerved it for the
struggle with Carthage, and prepared it for the mastery of the world. His
death forms a momentous epoch in Grecian history, as it left the field
clear for the final contest between the liberty of Greece and the power
of Macedon, a contest which was only terminated by the ruin of both.[f]
FOOTNOTES
[44] [“This,” says Justin,[g] “was the last contest between the
fellow-soldiers of Alexander; Lysimachus was seventy-four years old;
Seleucus seventy-seven.”]
[45] [This name Brennus seems to be merely a military title, having been
referred to the Cymric _brenhin_--king, though others believe it a proper
name like the Welsh “Bran”; some historians refer to Brennus simply as
“the brenn.”]
[46] [It would hardly be necessary to add a rational explanation of this
supernatural defence of Delphi, were it not desirable that the credit
should not be denied the gallant 4000 Delphians and other soldiers who
made so brave a stand for their gods and altars and after rolling down
rocks upon the Gauls until they were in confusion, charged them and broke
them into panic, pursuing them even through a night of bitter storm.]
[47] [At Pæstum, most interesting ruins of three Greek temples are still
to be seen. Two of these are in a relatively fine state of preservation;
and one--the temple of Poseidon--is among the most imposing structures
in existence. It is probably as old as the Parthenon, and is much better
preserved.]
[Illustration: GREEK BOTTLES
(From the Museum of Napoleon III)]
[Illustration]