CHAPTER XV

ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE FAMILY TENDENCIES--HATE ASPECTS

[Sidenote: Recapitulation]

The descriptive portion of our task is now completed. We have traced,

with such degree of detail as the scope of this book has permitted, the

growth within the individual mind of some of the more important of those

feelings and tendencies which owe their origin and development to the

relations of the individual to the other members of his family. We have

seen how these feelings and tendencies are of fundamental importance in

the formation of individual character and how they have also exercised a

vast influence on social life and social institutions. We have seen also

that, throughout their multitudinous transformations and ramifications,

the tendencies originally connected with the family preserve some likeness

to their primitive character, being ultimately reducible upon analysis

to a series of displacements of a very few original trends and impulses.

These original impulses fall naturally into two main groups:--those which

bind the individual to the family (or to one or more of its members)

through a relationship of love, esteem or dependence; and those which are

based on a relationship of hate or fear; the trends falling within each

of these groups being manifested either in a direct and positive, or in a

reactionary and negative form; the latter being assumed as the result of

a conflict between one of the trends in question and some other trend of

an opposite, or at any rate a different, character (very often one of the

family trends belonging to the opposite group).

[Sidenote: The theoretical treatment of our subject and its difficulties]

Since these groups of impulses have shown themselves to play a part of

such importance in human mind and human conduct, it is not unnatural

that, having completed our review of their manifestations, we should feel

some curiosity as to the manner in which they have come to play this part

in the course of the past history of the human race and as to the nature

of the influence which they have exerted on this history. Unfortunately

in the present state of our knowledge it would not seem possible to

gratify this curiosity except in a very partial, unsatisfactory and

uncertain manner. The psychological mechanisms with which we have been

dealing have themselves, for the most part, been too recently discovered

to have as yet been adequately correlated, or brought into connection,

with the relevant facts of anthropological, ethnographical or biological

science. The data from these latter sources are moreover, in spite of

much diligent research in recent years, still in many important respects

too incomplete to afford a satisfactory basis for such correlation. As

a consequence of these conditions, it is to be feared that any attempt

that we may make to exhibit the psychical tendencies with which we have

been concerned, in their bearings upon early human history, or to explain

their origin in the light of this history or of the general conditions

of human life and mind, will result in little more than a restatement of

our psychological principles from a slightly different point of view.

Nevertheless the attempt may be worth making. A summary of some of the

main implications of our psychological knowledge in this field may perhaps

not seem amiss--especially in view of the astonishing and unlooked-for

character of much of this knowledge--and if we succeed in establishing a

few connections between our psychological data and the related facts of

anthropology or biology, these may perhaps serve as starting points--to

be either proved or else corrected--for subsequent enquiries based on a

more sound foundation. The reader will understand therefore that, in so

far as in the present and the two succeeding chapters there is anything

that is not--explicitly or implicitly--contained in what we have already

said, we shall have left the region of comparative certainty afforded

by the results of observation and induction, and shall be travelling

for the most part on the unsure ground of speculation--speculation that

can be justified only on the plea of natural curiosity, and by the hope

of opening up a few vistas which may be more fully surveyed by better

equipped workers in the future.

[Sidenote: The hate tendencies to some extent inevitable]

Of the two main groups of tendencies to which we have above

referred--which we may briefly call the love and hate groups--the former

opens up a number of problems in this connection which would seem to be

in some significant respects deeper, more important and more complex than

those raised by the latter. The hate tendencies are, indeed, as regards

the cause and nature of their origin and development, in the main not so

very difficult to understand. Psychologists are pretty well agreed as to

the circumstances which give rise to anger and fear--the emotions which

chiefly underlie the attitude of hate. Anger arises when the activities,

tendencies or wishes of the individual are interfered with or when

the individual is unwillingly forced to undergo some disagreeable or

undesirable experience, and it is directed to the object from which such

interference or such infliction of undesired experience is forthcoming.

Fear arises when harm is threatened to the individual or to that which he

possesses or holds dear, and is directed to the threatening object[216].

Now, as we have seen, the normal conditions of family life necessarily

give rise to some extent to the situations which arouse these emotions.

Through the mere exercise of ordinary parental authority and care,

and more especially through the process of elementary moral training

and education, the parent invariably interferes in some ways with

the primitive desires and tendencies of the child, and threatens the

child with punishment in the event of his transgressing the parental

prohibitions; the conditions are therefore present for the arousal in the

child's mind of anger and fear towards the parent, should the child be at

all susceptible to these emotions.

[Sidenote: Jealousy as a necessary consequence of marriage]

We have seen that the hate attitude is sometimes and to some extent

brought about indirectly as a consequence of jealousy aroused in

connection with the love attitude (jealousy being caused by interference

with the successful function of the love impulses), sometimes more

directly by a more general hostility between parent and child. In so far

as the first case is concerned, the hate attitude is obviously dependent

upon the existence of sexual rivalry between the child and one of the

parents. Granted the existence of the love impulse of the child towards

the parent of the opposite sex, the conditions of this rivalry are to be

found whenever the two parents live together--in fact wherever there is

marriage, and more especially wherever there is monogamy. Now marriage of

some sort would seem to exist in practically every human community--both

primitive and cultured--that has as yet been subjected to any degree of

careful study or investigation; in fact there is every reason to regard it

as an institution fundamentally characteristic of the human race and of

immemorial antiquity. It is therefore not surprising that we find evidence

of sexual jealousy between parents and children in many early myths and

customs and in the legends and beliefs of many peoples, both cultivated

and uncivilised. There is good ground for supposing that parent hatred

based on jealousy has been called into existence in innumerable successive

generations and has thus had ample opportunity to impress itself on the

forms, traditions and institutions of human society.

[Sidenote: and especially of monogamy]

[Sidenote: Parent-child jealousy perhaps less pronounced in the Totemic

Age]

In those societies which have developed or maintained a relatively strict

monogamy we should expect that this kind of parent hatred would be more

easily and extensively developed than in those in which the marriage tie

is looser, wider or more elastic, since in the former case the hatred

bred of jealousy would necessarily be directed on to a single individual,

whereas in the latter it might lose in intensity through diffusion over a

number of different persons. Now it is a feature of that relatively early

stage of culture which with Wundt[217] we may perhaps call the Totemic

age that the family ties are as a rule relaxed in favour of those wider

bonds that unite together the different members of the tribe or clan. In

this age we often find that some form of group marriage exists or shows

evident traces of having existed; in distinction to the more or less

strictly monogamous unions that are characteristic both of those races of

mankind which are at a more primitive level of development and of those

that have reached a more advanced stage of culture. We might imagine

therefore that this Totemic age was distinguished by a lessening of the

parent jealousy which must probably have existed both in the earlier

and in the later societies of a more strictly monogamic kind. We have

seen indeed that a reconciliation between fathers and sons is one of the

motives which finds expression in the initiation ceremonies--ceremonies

that arise and flourish principally at the Totemic stage of culture. The

men's clubs--one of the institutions most typical of this age--would

again seem to point to the existence of a tendency to do away with the

hostility between man and man by establishing a community of interest and

affection between the members of the clubs, who are brought into more

intimate contact with one another than would be the case if they remained

each more strictly within the confines of their own families. A similar

result is no doubt to some extent achieved by the corresponding throwing

together of the women, who are freed from the more intimate dependence

on the male that is fostered in a more closely knit family system. At

the same time the relative sexual freedom that is frequently permitted,

especially before marriage, affords an unfavourable environment for the

development of jealousy; as is shown by the absence of this passion so

frequently exhibited both within and without the marriage bond. Indeed

there would seem to be almost necessarily some degree of correspondence

between the strictness of the marriage relationship and the development of

jealousy. So long as men and women regard themselves as possessing certain

exclusive rights and privileges over one or more members of the opposite

sex, they are bound to resent any conduct which might appear to constitute

an infringement or challenge of these rights; freedom from jealousy can

only be obtained under these circumstances by perfect confidence that no

such attempt will be made, or, if made, will be unsuccessful--a condition

of mind which requires a more complete adaptation to the married state on

the part of all concerned than can usually be secured. On the other hand,

if no such exclusive privileges as are implied in the strict observance

of the marriage bond are demanded or expected, there is no ground or

occasion for the development of any high degree of jealousy. Monogamy, the

strictest and most exclusive form of marriage, is thus most especially

liable to bring jealousy in its train, since here all sexual tendencies

and privileges are centred round one person, who has to be guarded at

whatever cost against the advances of all other suitors[218].

[Sidenote: which differs in this respect both from preceding and

succeeding ages]

The Totemic age, characterised as it is by a recession in importance of

the family ties as compared with those of a wider social unit, would

appear then in one of its aspects to have been marked by a strong tendency

to get rid of jealousy, together with certain other of the passions which

are aroused in connection with, or centre round, the family. It differs

thus from the more strictly monogamic condition, which, according to our

most recent knowledge, would seem to exist among the really primitive

races of mankind[219]. It differs also, perhaps even more markedly, from

the conditions of the patriarchal family--that form of family which

seems on the whole to be characteristic of the post-Totemic stage of

culture[220]. At this latter stage the family--now however often in

an enlarged form comprising several smaller family groups and several

generations--once more becomes the predominant social unit; societies

based on the tribal or clan system having apparently proved themselves

more unstable or less capable of expansion and development than those

based upon the more fundamental unit of the family. The decline of

jealousy and of the hatreds based thereon was therefore, we may suppose,

at the close of the Totemic age replaced by a recrudescence of that more

vigorous hostility between father and son, mother and daughter, between

brothers and between sisters, which is to some extent inevitable in a

closely united monogamic family--a hostility which has continued to exist

uninterruptedly until the present day.

[Sidenote: Similar differences as regards other aspects of intra-family

hatred]

Much the same is also true, no doubt, as regards those aspects of

intra-family hostilities which are not based on jealousy. In the monogamic

families of primitive man these latter aspects of hostility had no doubt

free scope within certain limits. In the looser family conditions of the

Totemic age it seems probable that passions based on mutual interference

of different members of the family with each other's interests and desires

would be a good deal less developed. In the patriarchal family of the

later epoch conditions would seem however to become favourable once again

to the development of hostility of this kind, particularly to that between

father and son. The close and permanent organisation of the family under

the patriarchal system brings it about that the interests of father and

son continue to be to some extent antagonistic long after the son has

reached maturity, whereas in the state more nearly resembling that of

nature the son would usually be free from paternal tutelage as soon as he

had attained to full growth.

[Sidenote: The hate-producing causes are still potent in modern

civilisation]

The family life of most modern civilised nations is less closely organised

than that of the patriarchal family at its full development; children as

a rule becoming relatively or completely free from parental jurisdiction,

if not before, at least as soon as, they have married and founded a home

of their own. Nevertheless the lessening of antagonism that is brought

about by this relaxation of the family organisation is often to some

extent counterbalanced by the increasing social and economic dependence

of children on their parents that is apt to arise in advanced and complex

societies, specially among the higher and wealthier classes (_cp._ above

p. 58). The irksomeness of parental restrictions is apt to be increased

too, as civilisation advances, by the fact that the rules of conduct

and of morals inculcated by the parents tend to become in many respects

increasingly remote from the behaviour to which the young child's

primitive tendencies naturally impel him; so that a more violent friction

is likely to arise between the authority of the parents and the will of

the children in their early years[221].

For these reasons the antagonism between parents and children remains, as

we know, strong even in present day civilisation, though there are grounds

for thinking that it may perhaps have been stronger in those earlier

stages of society in which a more complex patriarchal system flourished.

[Sidenote: Negative aspects of the hate attitude]

As regards the negative or reactionary aspects of the hate attitude, it

is pretty clear that the influences which tend to produce repression

or inhibition of the hate are in the main of two kinds:--(1) "moral"

influences, such as the acceptance of a code of ethics, or of a tradition,

with which parent hatred is incompatible; (2) the co-existence with the

hate of a genuine love, admiration or respect towards the parent who is

hated.

[Sidenote: "Moral" influences]

As regards the ultimate psychological nature of the first of these

factors, we are face to face with a problem concerning which there is

at present no very great degree of certainty or unanimity, _i. e._ the

problem of the general nature of the forces of repression which inhibit

the immoral or anti-social tendencies of the mind. Freud[222] is inclined

to lay stress upon the impulses centering round the self (though more

especially in connection with the repression of the sexual trends);

others, like McCurdy[223] Trotter[224] and Hart[225], emphasize the

importance of the gregarious tendencies in this connection. Whatever may

be their ultimate basis in the mind, there can be little doubt however

that these moral forces on the whole increase with advancing culture,

thus tending always to substitute an indirect or negative for the more

primitive direct or positive expression of the hate attitude towards the

parents.

[Sidenote: Love that conflicts with and represses hate]

As regards the second factor, the arousal of love in opposition to hate

is evidently dependent partly (a) upon the child's own innate capacities

for affection, tenderness and gratitude; partly (b) upon the extent to

which these capacities are awakened and called into play by a kind and

loving attitude on the part of the parent towards the child. As regards

these factors it seems very difficult to say in the present state of our

knowledge whether there has been any considerable or lasting change during

the later period of human development. The extent to which tender feelings

have been aroused between parents and children of the same sex (for it is

of course with the relations between these that we are chiefly concerned

here) has naturally varied from age to age and from one family system to

another; the intensity and frequency of these feelings being as a rule in

inverse proportion to the intensity of the hate attitude. Thus it is that

those times and places which have produced the minimum of hatred between

parents and children have also probably on the whole tended to bring about

the greatest degree of repression of such hatred as did still exist--the

repression being due to the influence of love tendencies which were

opposed to those of hate. Nevertheless it is not easy to bring forward

any evidence to show a general tendency towards increase of the tender

feelings with which we are here concerned. Savage parents in many cases

appear to exhibit a very considerable degree of affection towards their

children, while the children are in their turn often not backward in their

manifestations of love and respect. Parents in civilised communities, on

the other hand, have often shown themselves (under a veneer of kindness

or consideration) singularly brutal and selfish in the treatment of their

children; the latter not infrequently manifesting a corresponding lack of

genuine affection for their parents. Under these circumstances it would

seem that we are perhaps justified in attributing the undoubted increase

in the repression of the hate attitude to the more efficient operation

of the "moral" factors, rather than to any growth of tenderness between

parent and child which might have served more effectually to counter-act

the hostile tendencies.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 216: Though we ought possibly to make an exception here in the

case of that fear which seems to arise as the result of a transformation

of sexual impulses. On the other hand, it is possible that this too may

be brought under the more general formula, if we recognise that the fear

is in this case directed not to some outer object but to some threatening

element within the mind. For a discussion of this matter see Freud,

"Vorlesungen zur Einführung in die Psychoanalyse," 466 ff. For a most

important discussion of the fundamental nature and conditions of love and

hate and of the different causes from which they originate, see Freud,

"Sammlung kleiner Schriften zur Neurosenlehre," IV, 270 ff.]

[Footnote 217: W. Wundt, "Elements of Folk Psychology," trans. by E. L.

Schaub, 1916, 116 ff.]

[Footnote 218: It is of course true that with a system of group marriage

the opportunities for sexual relations among young people may sometimes

be no greater than under monogamy, since all the available women may be

regarded as belonging exclusively to a certain class of men--usually those

who have attained a certain age. The hatred and jealousy aroused in the

young men towards their elders may in such cases be equal in intensity

to those felt under monogamic conditions, but the fact remains that this

hatred is no longer intimately connected with the _family_ (at any rate as

we understand that institution at the present day).]

[Footnote 219: Wundt. _Op. cit._ 34 ff.]

[Footnote 220: Wundt. _Op. cit._ 311 ff.]

[Footnote 221: This is of course specially the case where the moral code

upheld by the parents is one of unnecessary or extreme severity, in

which almost every natural manifestation of youthful joy, or vitality

is condemned; as is sometimes the case, for instance, with parents of

an ultra-puritanical way of thinking, whose own mental life, however

admirable in other respects, has been warped by excessive inhibitions.

Although marked perhaps by less bitterness than is usual in such cases,

Edmund Gosse's remarkable work "Father and Son" affords much interesting

ground for thought in this connection.]

[Footnote 222: _e. g._ "Zur Einführung des Narzißmus." _Jahrbuch der

Psychoanalyse_, 1914, VI, 5 ff.]

[Footnote 223: _Psychiatric Bulletin_, I, No. 1; "The Psychology of War,"

49.]

[Footnote 224: "Instincts of the Herd in Peace and War," 79 ff.]

[Footnote 225: "The Psychology of Insanity," 167 ff.]

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