Nor would the profession forgive me if I forgot to mention the admirable

museum of pathological anatomy, created almost entirely by the hands

of Dr. John Barnard Swett Jackson, and illustrated by his own printed

descriptive catalogue, justly spoken of by a distinguished professor in

the University of Pennsylvania as the most important contribution which

had ever been made in this country to the branch to which it relates.

When we look at the literature of mental disease, as seen in hospital

reports and special treatises, we can mention the names of Wyman,

Woodward, Brigham, Bell, and Ray, all either natives of Massachusetts or

placed at the head of her institutions for the treatment of the insane.

We have a right to claim also one who is known all over the civilized

world as a philanthropist, to us as a townsman and a graduate of our own

Medical School, Dr. Samuel Gridley Howe, the guide and benefactor of

a great multitude who were born to a world of inward or of outward

darkness.

I cannot pass over in silence the part taken by our own physicians

in those sanitary movements which are assuming every year greater

importance. Two diseases especially have attracted attention, above

all others, with reference to their causes and prevention; cholera,

the “black death” of the nineteenth century, and consumption, the white

plague of the North, both of which have been faithfully studied and

reported on by physicians of our own State and city. The cultivation of

medical and surgical specialties, which is fast becoming prevalent, is

beginning to show its effects in the literature of the profession,

which is every year growing richer in original observations and

investigations.

To these benefactors who have labored for us in their peaceful vocation,

we must add the noble army of surgeons, who went with the soldiers who

fought the battles of their country, sharing many of their dangers, not

rarely falling victims to fatigue, disease, or the deadly volleys to

which they often exposed themselves in the discharge of their duties.

The pleasant biographies of the venerable Dr. Thacher, and the worthy

and kind-hearted gleaner, Dr. Stephen W. Williams, who came after him,

are filled with the names of men who served their generation well, and

rest from their labors, followed by the blessing of those for whom

they endured the toils and fatigues inseparable from their calling. The

hardworking, intelligent country physician more especially deserves

the gratitude of his own generation, for he rarely leaves any permanent

record in the literature of his profession. Books are hard to obtain;

hospitals, which are always centres of intelligence, are remote;

thoroughly educated and superior men are separated by wide intervals;

and long rides, though favorable to reflection, take up much of the time

which might otherwise be given to the labors of the study. So it is that

men of ability and vast experience, like the late Dr. Twitchell, for

instance, make a great and deserved reputation, become the oracles of

large districts, and yet leave nothing, or next to nothing, by which

their names shall be preserved from blank oblivion.

One or two other facts deserve mention, as showing the readiness of our

medical community to receive and adopt any important idea or discovery.

The new science of Histology, as it is now called, was first brought

fully before the profession of this country by the translation of

Bichat's great work, “Anatomie Generale,” by the late Dr. George

Hayward.

The first work printed in this country on Auscultation,--that wonderful

art of discovering disease, which, as it were, puts a window in the

breast, through which the vital organs can be seen, to all intents

and purposes, was the manual published anonymously by “A Member of the

Massachusetts Medical Society.”

We are now in some slight measure prepared to weigh the record of the

medical profession in Massachusetts, and pass our judgment upon it. But

in order to do justice to the first generation of practitioners, we must

compare what we know of their treatment of disease with the state of the

art in England, and the superstitions which they saw all around them in

other departments of knowledge or belief.

English medical literature must have been at a pretty low ebb

when Sydenham recommended Don Quixote to Sir Richard Blackmore for

professional reading. The College Pharmacopoeia was loaded with the most

absurd compound mixtures, one of the most complex of which (the same

which the Reverend Mr. Harward, “Lecturer at the Royal Chappel in

Boston,” tried to simplify), was not dropped until the year 1801. Sir

Kenelm Digby was playing his fantastic tricks with the Sympathetic

powder, and teaching Governor Winthrop, the second, how to cure fever

and ague, which some may like to know. “Pare the patient's nails; put

the parings in a little bag, and hang the bag round the neck of a live

eel, and put him in a tub of water. The eel will die, and the patient

will recover.”

Wiseman, the great surgeon, was discoursing eloquently on the efficacy

of the royal touch in scrofula. The founder of the Ashmolean Museum at

Oxford, consorting with alchemists and astrologers, was treasuring

the manuscripts of the late pious Dr. Richard Napier, in which certain

letters (Rx Ris) were understood to mean Responsum Raphaelis,--the

answer of the angel Raphael to the good man's medical questions. The

illustrious Robert Boyle was making his collection of choice and safe

remedies, including the sole of an old shoe, the thigh bone of a hanged

man, and things far worse than these, as articles of his materia medica.

Dr. Stafford, whose paper of directions to his “friend, Mr. Wintrop,” I

cited, was probably a man of standing in London; yet toad-powder was his

sovereign remedy.

See what was the state of belief in other matters among the most

intelligent persons of the colonies, magistrates and clergymen. Jonathan

Brewster, son of the church-elder, writes the wildest letters to John

Winthrop about alchemy,--“mad for making gold as the Lynn rock-borers

are for finding it.”

Remember the theology and the diabology of the time. Mr. Cotton's

Theocracy was a royal government, with the King of kings as its nominal

head, but with an upper chamber of saints, and a tremendous opposition

in the lower house; the leader of which may have been equalled, but

cannot have been surpassed by any of our earth-born politicians. The

demons were prowling round the houses every night, as the foxes were

sneaking about the hen-roosts. The men of Gloucester fired whole flasks

of gunpowder at devils disguised as Indians and Frenchmen.

How deeply the notion of miraculous interference with the course of

nature was rooted, is shown by the tenacity of the superstition about

earthquakes. We can hardly believe that our Professor Winthrop, father

of the old judge and the “squire,” whom many of us Cambridge people

remember so well, had to defend himself against the learned and

excellent Dr. Prince, of the Old South Church, for discussing their

phenomena as if they belonged to the province of natural science.

Not for the sake of degrading the aspect of the noble men who founded

our State, do I refer to their idle beliefs and painful delusions,

but to show against what influences the common sense of the medical

profession had to assert itself.

Think, then, of the blazing stars, that shook their horrid hair in the

sky; the phantom ship, that brought its message direct from the other

world; the story of the mouse and the snake at Watertown; of the mice

and the prayer-book; of the snake in church; of the calf with two heads;

and of the cabbage in the perfect form of a cutlash,--all which innocent

occurrences were accepted or feared as alarming portents.

We can smile at these: but we cannot smile at the account of unhappy

Mary Dyer's malformed offspring; or of Mrs. Hutchinson's domestic

misfortune of similar character, in the story of which the physician,

Dr. John Clark of Rhode Island, alone appears to advantage; or as

we read the Rev. Samuel Willard's fifteen alarming pages about an

unfortunate young woman suffering with hysteria. Or go a little

deeper into tragedy, and see poor Dorothy Talby, mad as Ophelia, first

admonished, then whipped; at last, taking her own little daughter's

life; put on trial, and standing mute, threatened to be pressed to

death, confessing, sentenced, praying to be beheaded; and none the less

pitilessly swung from the fatal ladder.

The cooper's crazy wife--crazy in the belief that she has committed the

unpardonable sin--tries to drown her child, to save it from misery;

and the poor lunatic, who would be tenderly cared for to-day in a quiet

asylum, is judged to be acting under the instigation of Satan himself.

Yet, after all, what can we say, who put Bunyan's “Pilgrim's Progress,”

full of nightmare dreams of horror, into all our children's hands; a

story in which the awful image of the man in the cage might well turn

the nursery where it is read into a madhouse?

The miserable delusion of witchcraft illustrates, in a still more

impressive way, the false ideas which governed the supposed relation of

men with the spiritual world. I have no doubt many physicians shared in

these superstitions. Mr. Upham says they--that is, some of them--were

in the habit of attributing their want of success to the fact, that an

“evil hand” was on their patient. The temptation was strong, no doubt,

when magistrates and ministers and all that followed their lead were

contented with such an explanation. But how was it in Salem, according

to Mr. Upham's own statement? Dr. John Swinnerton was, he says, for

many years the principal physician of Salem. And he says, also, “The

Swinnerton family were all along opposed to Mr. Parris, and kept

remarkably clear from the witchcraft delusion.” Dr. John Swinnerton--the

same, by the way, whose memory is illuminated by a ray from the genius

of Hawthorne--died the very year before the great witchcraft explosion

took place. But who can doubt that it was from him that the family had

learned to despise and to resist the base superstition; or that Bridget

Bishop, whose house he rented, as Mr. Upham tells me, the first person

hanged in the time of the delusion, would have found an efficient

protector in her tenant, had he been living, to head the opposition of

his family to the misguided clergymen and magistrates?

I cannot doubt that our early physicians brought with them many

Old-World medical superstitions, and I have no question that they were

more or less involved in the prevailing errors of the community in which

they lived. But, on the whole, their record is a clean one, so far as we

can get at it; and where it is questionable we must remember that there

must have been many little-educated persons among them; and that all

must have felt, to some extent, the influence of those sincere and

devoted but unsafe men, the physic-practising clergymen, who often used

spiritual means as a substitute for temporal ones, who looked upon a

hysteric patient as possessed by the devil, and treated a fractured

skull by prayers and plasters, following the advice of a ruling elder in

opposition to the “unanimous opinion of seven surgeons.”

To what results the union of the two professions was liable to lead, may

be seen by the example of a learned and famous person, who has left on

record the product of his labors in the double capacity of clergyman and

physician.

I have had the privilege of examining a manuscript of Cotton Mather's

relating to medicine, by the kindness of the librarian of the American

Antiquarian Society, to which society it belongs. A brief notice of this

curious document may prove not uninteresting.

It is entitled “The Angel of Bethesda: an Essay upon the Common Maladies

of Mankind, offering, first, the sentiments of Piety,” etc., etc.,

and “a collection of plain but potent and Approved REMEDIES for the

Maladies.” There are sixty-six “Capsula's,” as he calls them, or

chapters, in his table of contents; of which, five--from the fifteenth

to the nineteenth, inclusive--are missing. This is a most unfortunate

loss, as the eighteenth capsula treated of agues, and we could have

learned from it something of their degree of frequency in this part of

New England. There is no date to the manuscript; which, however, refers

to a case observed Nov. 14, 1724.

The divine takes precedence of the physician in this extraordinary

production. He begins by preaching a sermon at his unfortunate patient.

Having thrown him into a cold sweat by his spiritual sudorific, he

attacks him with his material remedies, which are often quite as

unpalatable. The simple and cleanly practice of Sydenham, with whose

works he was acquainted, seems to have been thrown away upon him.

Everything he could find mentioned in the seventy or eighty authors he

cites, all that the old women of both sexes had ever told him of, gets

into his text, or squeezes itself into his margin.

Evolving disease out of sin, he hates it, one would say, as he hates its

cause, and would drive it out of the body with all noisome appliances.

“Sickness is in Fact Flagellum Dei pro peccatis mundi.” So saying, he

encourages the young mother whose babe is wasting away upon her breast

with these reflections:

“Think; oh the grievous Effects of Sin! This wretched Infant has not

arrived unto years of sense enough, to sin after the similitude of the

transgression committed by Adam. Nevertheless the Transgression of Adam,

who had all mankind Foederally, yea, Naturally, in him, has involved

this Infant in the guilt of it. And the poison of the old serpent, which

infected Adam when he fell into his Transgression, by hearkening to the

Tempter, has corrupted all mankind, and is a seed unto such diseases as

this Infant is now laboring under. Lord, what are we, and what are our

children, but a Generation of Vipers?”

Many of his remedies are at least harmless, but his pedantry and

utter want of judgment betray themselves everywhere. He piles his

prescriptions one upon another, without the least discrimination. He is

run away with by all sorts of fancies and superstitions. He prescribes

euphrasia, eye-bright, for disease of the eyes; appealing confidently to

the strange old doctrine of signatures, which inferred its use from the

resemblance of its flower to the organ of vision. For the scattering of

wens, the efficacy of a Dead Hand has been out of measure wonderful. But

when he once comes to the odious class of remedies, he revels in them

like a scarabeus. This allusion will bring us quite near enough to the

inconceivable abominations with which he proposed to outrage the sinful

stomachs of the unhappy confederates and accomplices of Adam.

It is well that the treatise was never printed, yet there are passages

in it worth preserving. He speaks of some remedies which have since

become more universally known:

“Among the plants of our soyl, Sir William Temple singles out Five [Six]

as being of the greatest virtue and most friendly to health: and his

favorite plants, Sage, Rue, Saffron, Alehoof, Garlick, and Elder.”

“But these Five [Six] plants may admitt of some competitors. The

QUINQUINA--How celebrated: Immoderately, Hyperbolically celebrated!”

Of Ipecacuanha, he says,--“This is now in its reign; the most

fashionable vomit.”

“I am not sorry that antimonial emetics begin to be disused.”

He quotes “Mr. Lock” as recommending red poppy-water and abstinence from

flesh as often useful in children's diseases.

One of his “Capsula's” is devoted to the animalcular origin of diseases,

at the end of which he says, speaking of remedies for this supposed

source of our distempers:

“Mercury we know thee: But we are afraid thou wilt kill us too, if we

employ thee to kill them that kill us.

“And yett, for the cleansing of the small Blood Vessels, and making way

for the free circulation of the Blood and Lymph--there is nothing like

Mercurial Deobstruents.”

From this we learn that mercury was already in common use, and the

subject of the same popular prejudice as in our own time.

His poetical turn shows itself here and there:

“O Nightingale, with a Thorn at thy Breast; Under the trouble of a

Cough, what can be more proper than such thoughts as these?”...

If there is pathos in this, there is bathos in his apostrophe to the

millipede, beginning “Poor sowbug!” and eulogizing the healing virtues

of that odious little beast; of which he tells us to take “half a pound,

putt 'em alive into a quart or two of wine,” with saffron and other

drugs, and take two ounces twice a day.

The “Capsula” entitled “Nishmath Chajim” was printed in 1722, at New

London, and is in the possession of our own Society. He means, by these

words, something like the Archxus of Van Helmont, of which he discourses

in a style wonderfully resembling that of Mr. Jenkinson in the “Vicar

of Wakefield.” “Many of the Ancients thought there was much of a Real

History in the Parable, and their Opinion was that there is, DIAPHORA

KATA TAS MORPHAS, A Distinction (and so a Resemblance) of men as

to their Shapes after Death.” And so on, with Ireaeus, Tertullian,

Thespesius, and “the TA TONE PSEUCONE CROMATA,” in the place of

“Sanconiathon, Manetho, Berosus,” and “Anarchon ara kai ateleutaion to

pan.”

One other passage deserves notice, as it relates to the single medical

suggestion which does honor to Cotton Mather's memory. It does not

appear that he availed himself of the information which he says he

obtained from his slave, for such I suppose he was.

In his appendix to “Variolae Triumphatae,” he says,--

“There has been a wonderful practice lately used in several parts of the

world, which indeed is not yet become common in our nation.

“I was first informed of it by a Garamantee servant of my own, long

before I knew that any Europeans or Asiaticks had the least acquaintance

with it, and some years before I was enriched with the communications

of the learned Foreigners, whose accounts I found agreeing with what I

received of my servant, when he shewed me the Scar of the Wound made for

the operation; and said, That no person ever died of the smallpox, in

their countrey, that had the courage to use it.

“I have since met with a considerable Number of these Africans, who

all agree in one story; That in their countrey grandy-many dy of the

small-pox: But now they learn this way: people take juice of smallpox

and cutty-skin and put in a Drop; then by'nd by a little sicky, sicky:

then very few little things like small-pox; and nobody dy of it;

and nobody have small-pox any more. Thus, in Africa, where the poor

creatures dy of the smallpox like Rotten Sheep, a merciful God has

taught them an Infallible preservative. 'T is a common practice, and is

attended with a constant success.”

What has come down to us of the first century of medical practice,

in the hands of Winthrop and Oliver, is comparatively simple and

reasonable. I suspect that the conditions of rude, stern life, in which

the colonists found themselves in the wilderness, took the nonsense out

of them, as the exigencies of a campaign did out of our physicians

and surgeons in the late war. Good food and enough of it, pure air

and water, cleanliness, good attendance, an anaesthetic, an opiate,

a stimulant, quinine, and two or three common drugs, proved to be the

marrow of medical treatment; and the fopperies of the pharmacopoeia went

the way of embroidered shirts and white kid gloves and malacca joints,

in their time of need. “Good wine is the best cordiall for her,” said

Governor John Winthrop, Junior, to Samuel Symonds, speaking of that

gentleman's wife,--just as Sydenham, instead of physic, once ordered a

roast chicken and a pint of canary for his patient in male hysterics.

But the profession of medicine never could reach its full development

until it became entirely separated from that of divinity. The spiritual

guide, the consoler in affliction, the confessor who is admitted into

the secrets of our souls, has his own noble sphere of duties; but the

healer of men must confine himself solely to the revelations of God

in nature, as he sees their miracles with his own eyes. No doctrine

of prayer or special providence is to be his excuse for not looking

straight at secondary causes, and acting, exactly so far as experience

justifies him, as if he were himself the divine agent which antiquity

fabled him to be. While pious men were praying--humbly, sincerely,

rightly, according to their knowledge--over the endless succession

of little children dying of spasms in the great Dublin Hospital, a

sagacious physician knocked some holes in the walls of the ward, let

God's blessed air in on the little creatures, and so had already saved

in that single hospital, as it was soberly calculated thirty years ago,

more than sixteen thousand lives of these infant heirs of immortality.

[Collins's Midwifery, p. 312. Published by order of the Massachusetts

Medical Society. Boston, 1841.]

Let it be, if you will, that the wise inspiration of the physician was

granted in virtue of the clergyman's supplications. Still, the habit

of dealing with things seen generates another kind of knowledge, and

another way of thought, from that of dealing with things unseen; which

knowledge and way of thought are special means granted by Providence,

and to be thankfully accepted.

The mediaeval ecclesiastics expressed a great truth in that saying,

so often quoted, as carrying a reproach with it: “Ubi tres medici, duo

athei,”--“Where there are three physicians, there are two atheists.”

It was true then, it is true to-day, that the physician very commonly,

if not very generally, denies and repudiates the deity of ecclesiastical

commerce. The Being whom Ambroise Pare meant when he spoke those

memorable words, which you may read over the professor's chair in the

French School of Medicine, “Te le pensay, et Dieu le guarit,” “I dressed

his wound, and God healed it,”--is a different being from the God that

scholastic theologians have projected from their consciousness, or

shaped even from the sacred pages which have proved so plastic in

their hands. He is a God who never leaves himself without witness, who

repenteth him of the evil, who never allows a disease or an injury,

compatible with the enjoyment of life, to take its course without

establishing an effort, limited by certain fixed conditions, it is true,

but an effort, always, to restore the broken body or the shattered mind.

In the perpetual presence of this great Healing Agent, who stays

the bleeding of wounds, who knits the fractured bone, who expels the

splinter by a gentle natural process, who walls in the inflammation that

might involve the vital organs, who draws a cordon to separate the dead

part from the living, who sends his three natural anaesthetics to the

over-tasked frame in due order, according to its need,--sleep, fainting,

death; in this perpetual presence, it is doubtless hard for the

physician to realize the theological fact of a vast and permanent sphere

of the universe, where no organ finds itself in its natural medium,

where no wound heals kindly, where the executive has abrogated the

pardoning power, and mercy forgets its errand; where the omnipotent is

unfelt save in malignant agencies, and the omnipresent is unseen and

unrepresented; hard to accept the God of Dante's “Inferno,” and of

Bunyan's caged lunatic. If this is atheism, call three, instead of two

of the trio, atheists, and it will probably come nearer the truth.

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