CHAPTER I.

THE REAL SHELLEY.

VOL. II

THE REAL SHELLEY.

NEW VIEWS OF THE POET’S LIFE.

BY JOHN CORDY JEAFFRESON,

AUTHOR OF ‘THE REAL LORD BYRON,’

‘A BOOK ABOUT DOCTORS,’

‘A BOOK ABOUT LAWYERS,’ &c. &c.

IN TWO VOLUMES.

VOL. II.

LONDON:

HURST AND BLACKETT, PUBLISHERS,

13 GREAT MARLBOROUGH STREET.

1885.

_All Rights reserved._

LONDON:

PRINTED BY STRANGEWAYS AND SONS,

Tower Street, Upper St. Martin’s Lane.

CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME.

PAGE

CHAPTER I. WILLIAM GODWIN 1

Mr. Kegan Paul’s Inaccuracies--Godwin’s Early Story--From

Socinianism to Deism--In the Service of Publishers--

Hack-Work--_Political Justice_--_Caleb Williams_--Temperance

and Frugality--Godwin’s two imprudent Marriages--His

consequent Impoverishment--His personal Appearance--His

Speech and Manner--His morbid Vanity--His Sensitiveness for

his Dignity--His Benevolence and Honesty--Good Husband and

good Father--Looking out for a suitable Young Woman--Mary

Wollstonecraft--Godwin’s Regard for her--Mary in Heaven--A

Blighted Being.

CHAPTER II. MARY WOLLSTONECRAFT 12

The new Settler in George Street, Blackfriars--Mary’s earlier

Story--Woman of Letters--Her Five Years’ Work--Her Attachment

to Mr. Johnson--Coteries of Philosophical Radicalism--

_Anti-Jacobin_ on the Free Contract--Godwin’s Apostasy--From

Blackfriars to Store Street--The Slut become a modish

Woman--Her Passion for Fuseli--Her Appeal to Mrs. Fuseli--Mr.

Kegan Paul’s strange Treatment of Mr. Knowles--_Rights of

Woman_--Plain Speech and Coarseness--Mary goes to Paris--She

makes Imlay’s Acquaintance--Her Assignation with him at the

Barrier--Their Association in Free Love--Mr. Kegan Paul

speaks deliberately--His Apology for Mary’s Action--He falls

between Two Stools--Wife in the eyes of God and Man--Letters

to Imlay--Badness of Mary’s Temper--Her consequent Quarrels

with Imlay--Her Sense of Shame at her Position--Birth of her

illegitimate Child--Her Withdrawal from France--Her Norwegian

Trip--Her Wretchedness and Rage--Dissolution of the Free Love

Partnership--Mary’s Attempt to commit Suicide--Was she out

of her Mind?--Her Union with Godwin in Free Love--Their

subsequent Marriage--Their Squabbles and Differences--Their

Daughter’s Birth--Mary Wollstonecraft’s Death--Mrs. Shelley’s

biographical Inaccuracies.

CHAPTER III. THE SECOND MRS. WILLIAM GODWIN 60

The Blighted Being--Miss Jones’s Disappointment--The Blighted

Being goes to Bath--He proposes to Miss Harriet Lee--Is

rejected by Mrs. Reveley--Is accepted by Mary Jane

Clairmont--Who was she?--Her Children by her first

Marriage--Their Ages in 1801--Points of Resemblance in Mary

Wollstonecraft and Mary Jane Clairmont--The Blighted Being

marries Mary Jane Clairmont--Mr. Kegan Paul’s serious

Misrepresentations of Claire’s Age--The Use made of this

Misrepresentation--Mr. Kegan Paul convicted by his own

Evidences--Charles Clairmont’s Boyhood--Godwin’s Regard for

his second Wife--Misrepresentations touching the second Mrs.

Godwin--Childhood of Mary and Claire--Education of Godwin’s

Children and Step-children--Charles Clairmont’s Introduction

to Free Thought--Godwin’s Care to withhold Mary from Free

Thought--She is reared in Ignorance of her Mother’s Story--

The Book-shop in Hanway Street--The Godwins of The Polygon--

Their Migration to the City--The Godwins of Skinner Street.

CHAPTER IV. THE IRISH CAMPAIGN, AND THE STAY AT NANTGWILLT 78

Opium and Hallucination at Keswick--Migration to Ireland--

Shelley’s Letters to Miss Hitchener--Curran’s Coldness to the

Adventurer--Publication of the _Address to the Irish People_--

Measures for putting the Pamphlet in Circulation--Harriett’s

Amusement--Shelley’s Seriousness--Shelley’s other Irish

Tract--Public Meeting in the Fishamble Street Theatre--

Shelley’s Speech to the Sixth Resolution--Various Accounts of

the Speech--Mr. MacCarthy’s bad Manners--Honest Jack

Lawless--His Project for a History of Ireland--His Way of

handling Shelley--William Godwin’s Alarm--Shelley’s

Submission--His Intercourse with Curran--His Withdrawal from

Ireland--Seizure of his Papers at the Holyhead

Custom-House--Harriett’s Letter to Portia--The Shelleys in

Wales--Miss Hitchener’s ‘Divine Suggestion’--Harriett and

Eliza don’t think it ‘Divine’--Shelley at Nantgwillt--His

Scheme for turning Farmer--His comprehensive Invitation to

the Godwins--His sudden Departure from Nantgwillt--Cause of

the Departure--Mr. MacCarthy again at Fault.

CHAPTER V. NORTH DEVON 100

Mr. Eton’s Cottage near Tintern Abbey--Shelley’s Reason for

not taking the Cottage--His Letter to Mr. Eton--Godwin’s

expostulatory Epistle--His Grounds for thinking Shelley

prodigal--Reasonableness of Godwin’s Admonitions--Hogg and

MacCarthy at fault--Shelley’s Letters from Lynton to Godwin--

Miss Hitchener at Lynton--Porcia _alias_ Portia--_Letter_ to

Lord Ellenborough--Printed at Barnstaple--Mr. Chanter’s

_Sketches of the Literary History of Barnstaple_--Fifty

Copies of the _Letter_ sent to London--Shelley’s Measures for

the political Enlightenment of North Devon Peasants--His

Irish Servant, Daniel Hill--Commotion at Barnstaple--Daniel

Hill’s Arrest and Imprisonment--Mr. Syle’s Alarm--Shelley’s

humiliating and perilous Position--His Flight from North

Devon to Wales--William Godwin’s Trip from London to

Lynton--His Surprise and Disappointment--His ‘Good News’ of

the Fugitives.

CHAPTER VI. NORTH WALES AND THE SECOND IRISH TRIP 120

William A. Madocks--The Tremadoc Embankment--Shelley’s Zeal

for the People of Tremadoc--His big Subscription to the

Embankment Fund--Tanyrallt Lodge--Shelley in London--Sussex

Selfishness--The Reconciliation with Hogg--Miss Hitchener in

Disgrace--She is banished from ‘Percy’s Little Circle’--Brown

Demon and Hermaphroditical Beast--Shelley in Skinner Street--

Claire and Mary--Fanny Imlay’s Intercourse with Shelley--The

Worth and Worthlessness of Claire’s Evidence-- Shelley’s

Prodigality--Back at Tanyrallt--At Work on _Queen Mab_--At

War with Neighbours--Embankment Annoyances--Livelier Delight

in Harriett--Wheedling Letter to the Duke of Norfolk--Diet

and Dyspepsia--The Hunts in Trouble--Shelley’s Contribution

for their Relief--The odious Leeson--Daniel Hill’s Liberation

from Prison--His Arrival at Tanyrallt Lodge--The Tanyrallt

Mystery--Shelley’s marvellous and conflicting Stories--

Exhibition of the Evidence--Inquisition and Verdict--

Shelley’s ignominious Position--His virtuous Indignation at

the World’s Villany--His undiminished Concern for Liberty and

Virtue--His Withdrawal from Wales to Ireland--He hastens from

Dublin to Killarney--Hogg in Dublin--The Shelleys back in

London.

CHAPTER VII. LONDON AND BRACKNELL 164

Imprint of _Queen Mab_--The Poem’s Notes--The Author’s Views

touching Marriage--Places of Abode in London--Presentation

Copies--Shelley ‘a Lion’--Half-Moon Street--Diet and

Discomfort--Quacks and Crotchet-Mongers--‘Nakedized

Children’--Cornelia Newton--Maimuna and her Salon--

Elephantiasis--‘The Hampstead Stage’--Dinner Party at Norfolk

House--The Duke’s Mediation between the Father and Son--

Failure of the Negotiations--Shelley declines to be ‘a

miserable Slave’--At the Pimlico Lodgings--Correspondence

with Mr. Medwin, of Horsham--Birth of Ianthe Eliza--Shelley

as a Father--Conflict of Evidence respecting his Parental

Character--Shelley’s Kindness to Children--The Poet sets up

his Carriage--His Prodigality in London--His Life at

Bracknell--Maimuna at her Country-House--Last Visits to Field

Place--Captain Kennedy’s Reminiscences--Medwin’s Gossip--The

Trip to Scotland--Dissensions and Estrangements--Shelley and

Harriett drifting apart--_Queen Mab’s_ Vegetarian

Note--_Refutation of Deism_.

CHAPTER VIII. FROM THE OLD TO THE NEW LOVE 205

Shelley’s Refusal to join in the Resettlement of A and B--His

Places of Residence in Two Years and Eight Months--_A

Refutation of Deism_--Mr. Kegan Paul’s Inaccuracies--Discord

between Shelley and Harriett--Their Remarriage--Miss

Westbrook’s Withdrawal--Shelley’s Desertion of Harriett--The

Desertion closes in Separation by mutual Agreement--‘Do what

other Women do!’--Causes of the Separation--How Shelley’s

Evidence touching them should be regarded--Peacock’s

Testimony for Harriett--Shelley in Skinner Street--‘The Mask

of Scorn’--Mary Godwin _not_ bred up to mate in Free

Contract--Old St. Pancras Church--At Mary Wollstonecraft’s

Grave--Claire’s Part in the Wooing--Excuses for Mary

Godwin--The Elopement from Skinner Street--From London to

Dover--From Dover to Calais--A ‘Scene’ at Calais--The Joint

Journal--Mrs. Shelley convicted of Tampering with Evidence--

The Six Weeks’ Tour--Shelley begs Harriett to come to him in

Switzerland--Byron’s Hunger for Evil Fame--Shelley’s

Self-Approbation and Self-Righteousness--Godwin’s Wrath with

Shelley--Their subsequent Relations--Shelley’s Renewal of

Intercourse with Harriett--Tiffs and Disagreements between

Claire and Mary--Claire’s Incapacity for Friendship--She

wants more than Friendship from Shelley.

CHAPTER IX. BISHOPGATE 257

Pecuniary Difficulties and Resources--Choice of a Profession--

Shelley walking a Hospital--Dropt by Acquaintances--Birth of

Mary Godwin’s first Child--Sir Bysshe Shelley’s Death--

Differences and Tiffs between Mary and Claire--Characteristics

of the Sisters--Trip to South Devon--At Work on _Alastor_--

Publication of the Poem--_Essay on Christianity_--Life at

Bishopgate--Shelley’s Idolatry of Byron--Birth of Mary

Godwin’s first-born Son--Claire and Byron--Second Trip to

Switzerland--Shelley’s Pretext for leaving England--Strange

Scene between Shelley and Peacock--Semi-Delusions--Another

Hallucination.

CHAPTER X. THE GENEVESE EPISODE 287

Shelley’s Arrival at Geneva--Byron and Polidori--At the

Sécheron Hotel--Union of the two Parties--Tattle of the

Coteries--The Genevese Scandal--Its Fruit in _Manfred_ and

_Cain_--Its Fruit in _Laon and Cythna_--The Shelleys’ Return

to England--Their Stay at Bath--Their Choice of a House at

Great Marlow--Fanny Imlay’s Suicide--Her pitiable Story--

Harriett’s Suicide--Review of Shelley’s Treatment of her--His

Responsibility for her Depravation and Ruin--Witnesses to

Character and Conduct--Shelley’s Grief for Harriett--His wild

Speech about her--His Marriage with Mary Godwin--Birth of

Allegra.

CHAPTER XI. THE CHANCERY SUIT 304

Mr. Westbrook’s Petition to the Court of Chancery--Date of

Hearing--The _Edinburgh_ Reviewer’s Strange

Misrepresentation--Lord Eldon’s Decree--Arrangements for

Harriett’s Children--Lady Shelley’s strange Mistake touching

those Arrangements--Lord Eldon’s Justification--Mrs.

Shelley’s Regard for Social Opinion--Shelley’s keen Annoyance

at the Chancellor’s Decree--Delusive Egotisms of _The Billows

of the Beach_--Shelley’s Pretexts for going to Italy--His

real Reasons for withdrawing from England.

CHAPTER XII. GREAT MARLOW 317

The Misleading Tablet--House and Garden--Claire at Marlow--

Shelley’s Delight in Claire’s Voice--_To Constantia

Singing_--Source of the Name--Trips to London--_The Marlow

Pamphlets_--_Rosalind and Helen_--Other Literary Work at

Marlow--Mary’s Treatment and Opinion of Claire--Shelley makes

his Will--Date of Probate--The Will’s various Legacies--

Significant Legacies to Claire--Object of the Second Legacy

of £6000--Did Shelley mean to leave Claire so much as

£12,000?--Mr. Froude’s Indiscretion--His Ignorance of the

Will.

CHAPTER XIII. LAON AND CYTHNA 329

Origin of the Free-Contract Party--Divorce in Catholic

England--Nullification of Marriage--Consequences of the

Reformation--Edward the Sixth’s Commissioners for the

Amendment of Ecclesiastical Laws--Martin Bucer’s _Judgment

touching Divorce_--John Milton on Freedom of Divorce--

Denunciations of Marriage by the Godwinian Radicals--Poetical

Fruits of the Genevese Scandal--Byron’s Timidity--Shelley’s

Boldness--His most extravagant Conclusions touching Liberty

of Affection--Appalling Doctrine of _Laon and Cythna_--

Shelley’s Purpose in publishing the Poem--Alarm of the

Olliers--Shelley’s Instructions to the frightened

Publishers--Suppression of the monstrous Poem--Friends in

Council--_Laon and Cythna_ manipulated into the _Revolt of

Islam_--The _Quarterly Review_ on the original Poem--

Consequences to Shelley’s Reputation--Irony of Fate.

CHAPTER XIV. FROM MARLOW TO ITALY 351

The Hunts and the Shelleys--Their Intimacy--Pecuniary

Difficulties--Dealings with Money-lenders--Leigh Hunt

relieves Shelley of £1400--His Testimony to Shelley’s

virtuous Manners--Shelley’s Benevolence at Marlow--At the

Opera--Departure for Italy--The fated Children--Shelley’s

literary Work and studious Life in Italy--Milan--Allegra sent

to her Father--Elise the Swiss Nurse--Her Knowledge and

Suspicions--Claire and her ‘Sister’--Their Affectionate

Intercourse and Occasional Quarrels--Shelley’s Affection for

Claire--Vagrants in Italy--Pisa--Leghorn--Maria Gisborne--Her

Husband and Son--Claire and Shelley at Venice--Trick played

on Byron--His Civilities to the Shelleys--Little Clara’s

Death--Paolo the Knave--He falls in Love with Elise--Their

Marriage--Paolo’s Wrath and Vengeance--Emilia Viviani--

Shelley’s Adoration of Her--The three-cornered Flirtation--

Mrs. Shelley’s Attitude and Action--Shelley’s Fault in the

Affair--His subsequent Shame at the Business--The imaginary

Assault at the Pisan Post Office.

CHAPTER XV. PISAN ACQUAINTANCES 391

The Williamses--Shelley at Ravenna--The Shelley-Claire

Scandal--Shelley’s startling Letter to Mrs. Shelley--

Examination of the Letter--Its wild Inaccuracies--Mrs.

Shelley’s vindicatory Letter to Mrs. Hoppner--Demonstration

that Byron was authorized by Shelley to withhold the

Letter--Explanation of the Shelley-Claire Scandal--Shelley’s

Visit to Allegra at Bagna-Cavallo--Project for starting the

_Liberal_--Leigh Hunt invited to edit the _Liberal_--

Shelley’s Change of Plans--His Pretexts and Reasons for

changing them--Leigh Hunt’s Way of dealing with his

Friends--His Concealment of his financial Position--Byron at

Pisa--Hunt’s Misadventures on his Outward Voyage--Byron’s

Discouragement in respect to the _Liberal_--Differences

between Byron and Shelley--Shelley’s Position between Byron

and Hunt--The Byron-Shelley ‘Set’ at Pisa--Shelley and Hunt

in secret League against Byron--Shelley’s Change of Feeling

towards Byron--Was Byron aware of the Change?

CHAPTER XVI. CLOSING SCENES 423

Shelley’s Attachment to Jane Williams--Her Womanly Goodness--

Her Devotion to her Husband--_The Serpent is shut out from

Paradise_--_Essay on the Devil_--Shelley’s Happiness and

Discord with Mary--Her Remorseful Verses--Trials of her

Married Life--_Essay on Christianity_--San Terenzo and

Lerici--The Casa Magni--Mary’s Illness and Melancholy at San

Terenzo--Arrival of the ‘Don Juan’--Mutual Affection of Mrs.

Shelley and Mrs. Williams--Shelley’s latest Visions and

Hallucinations--Leigh Hunt’s Arrival in Italy--Shelley sails

for Leghorn--Meeting of Shelley and Hunt--Improvement in

Shelley’s Health--His Mediation between Hunt and Byron--The

Hunts in the Palazzo Lanfranchi--Lady Shelley’s Account of

the Difficulties between Byron and Shelley--Shelley’s

Contentment with his Arrangements for the Hunts--He sets Sail

for Lerici--The Fatal Storm--Cremation on the

Sea-shore--Grave at Rome.

CHAPTER XVII. SHELLEY’S WIDOW AND HER SISTER-BY-AFFINITY 453

The Widow in Italy--Her Return to England--Sojourn in the

Strand--Life at Kentish Town--Residence at Harrow--She is

forbidden to write her Husband’s ‘Life’--‘Moonshine’ and

‘Celestial Mate’--Her closing Years--Claire in her Later

Time--Trelawny’s inaccurate Talk about Shelley’s Will--

Claire’s Double Legacy--She becomes a Catholic--Dies in the

Catholic Faith.

CHAPTER XVIII. LAST WORDS 458

A Schedule of Significant Matters--Delusion and

Semi-delusion--Certain phenomenal Peculiarities of Shelley’s

Mind--The Psychological Problem--The Story that would have

opened Southey’s Eyes--How it would be received by Critical

Persons--Misconceptions of Field Place--Bootlessness of

publishing the Story--Shelley and Socialistic Literature--

Marian Evans’ Great Error--Her Marriage--Mischievous Effects

of the Apologies for Shelleyan Socialism--The Homage to which

Shelley is entitled--The Homage to which he has no Title.

THE REAL SHELLEY.

CHAPTER I.

WILLIAM GODWIN.

Mr. Kegan Paul’s Inaccuracies--Godwin’s Early Story--From Socinianism

to Deism--In the Service of Publishers--Hack-Work--_Political

Justice_--_Caleb Williams_--Temperance and Frugality--Godwin’s two

imprudent Marriages--His consequent Impoverishment--His personal

Appearance--His Speech and Manner--His morbid Vanity--His

Sensitiveness for his Dignity--His Benevolence and Honesty--Good

Husband and good Father--Looking out for a suitable Young Woman--Mary

Wollstonecraft--Godwin’s Regard for her--Mary in Heaven--A Blighted

Being.

To guard against imputations of error, that may be unjustly preferred

against this work on the authority of another man of letters, it is

needful for me to call attention to certain inaccuracies of Mr. Kegan

Paul’s chief literary performance. In Chapter VII., Vol. II., of _William

Godwin; his Friends and Contemporaries_, Mr. Kegan Paul remarks, ‘The

attraction which Godwin’s society always possessed for young men has often

been noticed, nor did it decrease as years passed on. Two young men were

drawn to him in the year 1811, fired with zeal for intellectual pursuits,

and desiring help from Godwin. They were different in their circumstances,

but were both unhappy, and both died young. The first was a lad named

Patrickson, the second Percy Bysshe Shelley.’ In this characteristic

sentence, Mr. Kegan Paul makes at least three blunders. As Patrickson was

corresponding with William Godwin in December, 1810, the youth was drawn

to the man of letters before 1811. As Shelley never saw William Godwin,

never wrote him a line, before 1812 (though Mr. Denis Florence MacCarthy

states otherwise, on the strength of a misread passage of one of the

Oxonian Shelley’s epistles), he certainly did not make Godwin’s

acquaintance in 1811. As he was corresponding with him for many months

before he set eyes on him, Shelley was not in the first instance drawn to

the author of _Political Justice_ by his social charms. It is

characteristic of Mr. Kegan Paul that the page on which he declares

Patrickson to have made Godwin’s acquaintance, no earlier than 1811, faces

the very page that exhibits the greater part of a letter from the man of

letters to his ill-fated _protégé_, dated ‘Skinner Street, London,

December 18th, 1810.’

At the opening of the next chapter of his book of blunders, Mr. Kegan Paul

holds stoutly to his statement that Shelley and Godwin were in

correspondence twelve months before they exchanged letters. Instead of

being headed ‘1812-14,’ as it would have been, had it not been for this

droll misconception, Chapter VIII., Vol. II., of the book is headed ‘The

Shelleys, 1811-14,’ and opens with a short paragraph containing these

words, ‘The first notice of Shelley in the Godwin Diaries is under date

January 6th, 1811, “Write to Shelley.”’ To heighten the confusion, for

which I am slow to think Godwin’s diary in any degree accountable, the

biographer says in his next paragraph, ‘Shelley was at this time living at

Keswick, in the earlier and happier days of his marriage with Harriet

Westbrook.... He had already, in this manner, made the acquaintance of

Leigh Hunt, when, in January, 1811, he wrote thus to Godwin’:--the letter

thus submitted to the reader’s notice being Shelley’s well-known first

letter to Godwin, which appears in Hogg’s _Life_ under the right date,

‘January 3rd, 1812,’ but in Mr. Kegan Paul’s medley of mistakes under the

wrong date of ‘January 3rd, 1811.’ As Shelley’s first letter to Leigh Hunt

was dated 2nd March, 1811, it was not written before 3rd January, 1811. As

Leigh Hunt took no notice of that letter, Shelley did not make Leigh

Hunt’s acquaintance by writing it. Though Leigh Hunt saw and spoke with

Shelley on one or two occasions of earlier time, he cannot be fairly said

to have made his acquaintance before a day long subsequent to 3rd

February, 1815.

What an assemblage of errors in half-a-page of print! It is conceivable

that the usually careful Godwin in his diary gave the wrong number to the

new year,--a mistake made occasionally even by precise journalists. But if

it was so, instead of being misled by the slip into a series of bad

blunders, Mr. Kegan Paul should have detected and amended it. Here is the

list of blunders:--

_Blunder No. 1._--A wrong date of 1811 for 1812 at the head of the

chapter.

_Blunder No. 2._--The same wrong date to the extract from the diary.

_Blunder No. 3._--The same wrong date in the author’s original writing.

_Blunder No. 4._--The same error in the date given to the letter.

_Blunder No. 5._--The biographer’s own mistake of saying that Shelley was

living at Keswick in January, 1811,--months before his expulsion from

Oxford.

_Blunder No. 6._--The biographer’s own mistake of saying that Shelley and

Harriett Westbrook were husband and wife on 3rd January, 1811,--eight

calendar months before the date of their wedding.

_Blunder No. 7._--The biographer’s own mistake of saying Shelley’s first

letter to Leigh Hunt was dated before 3rd January, 1811.

_Blunder No. 8._--The biographer’s own mistake of saying Shelley made

Leigh Hunt’s acquaintance by writing that letter.

_Blunder No. 9._--The biographer’s own mistake (of years), touching the

date when Shelley made Leigh Hunt’s acquaintance.

Nine errors of fact in half-a-page of light print by a gentleman who has

put himself before the world as an authority on matters of Shelleyan

story, and who in doing so has done not a little for the obscuration of

the record. Mr. Kegan Paul is one of those accurate writers, from whom Mr.

Froude has warned me not to differ. In due course something more will be

said of Mr. Kegan Paul’s services to Shelleyan research, but for the

moment readers are invited to give their attention to a more notable man

of letters.

Born at Wisbech, Co. Cambridge, on 3rd March, 1756, William Godwin was in

his fifty-sixth year when he received Shelley’s letter of entreaty for

sympathy and guidance. The son of a Dissenting minister, who never rose to

any eminence or a higher stipend than 60_l._ a-year in his vocation,

William Godwin was reared amongst people of lowly fortune and rude

manners, in the eastern counties, receiving in his boyhood, from teachers

of no singular efficiency, an education neither greatly better nor

greatly worse than the training ordinarily given to English boys of his

social degree in the later half of the last century. On escaping from

these schoolmasters, one of whom he had served in the capacity of an

usher, the future man of letters went to the Hoxton College in order to

qualify himself for his father’s calling; and on leaving that seminary he

officiated for a few years as a Non-conforming minister, preaching and

otherwise labouring in a way of life for which he soon discovered his

unfitness, first at Ware in Hertfordshire, then at Stowmarket in Suffolk,

and then at Beaconsfield, Co. Bucks. A volume of sermons, published some

while after their delivery to rural congregations, still remains in

evidence that if Godwin in his days of irregular reverence was as good a

preacher as the average Non-conforming pulpiteers of his period,

Dissenters were edified in George the Third’s earlier time with worse

sermons than is generally supposed.

Ere long the young minister discovered that he could not believe what he

was bound to teach. That from manhood’s threshold he was more than

slightly disposed to religious scepticism is shown by the curious

disputation he held on paper, during his last year at Hoxton, with a

fellow-student, the question of the strictly private and confidential

controversy being the existence of the Deity. Could he have proved to his

satisfaction the existence of the Almighty, Godwin conceived he would be

troubled by no doubt of the truth of Christianity, nor by any disposition

to quarrel with the refinements of Calvinistic doctrine. Under these

circumstances Godwin took the negative side in the secret controversy,

hoping that his arguments would be demolished and his faith settled by his

fellow-collegian. The result of the conflict does not appear. Possibly the

paper war satisfied the doubter that he could conscientiously enter the

ministry. If so, it only suppressed for a period the doubts that

determined Godwin a few years later to seek another means of livelihood.

At Beaconsfield (1783) he was converted to Socinianism by Priestley’s

_Institutes_. Five years later he had passed through Socinianism into

Deism.

On becoming a Unitarian he took the ordinary course of a young man who,

too poor to live in idleness, and too honest to live by daily falsehood,

possesses studious tastes and literary aptitude. Coming to London he

sought employment of the publishers, and contrived to live hardly,

painfully, temperately, as a book-maker and publisher’s hack, whilst he

persisted in the labours of a student. Producing in his twenty-eighth year

a _Life of Lord Chatham_, for which he got nothing, and the _Defence of

the Rockingham Party_, for which Stockdale paid him five guineas, he went

on reading strenuously and writing as he best could,--throwing off

articles for the _English Review_ at two guineas a-sheet, turning out

forgotten novels for which he was paid from five to twenty guineas,

translating for Murray the French MS. _Memoirs of Simon Lord Lovat_; doing

whatever work came to hand, till he was appointed at sixty guineas per

annum to write the historical part of Robinson’s _New Annual Register_,

and to contribute articles to the _Political Herald_,--two engagements

that, coming to him in his thirtieth year, gave him at the same time a

sense of success and a sense of financial security.

The poverty and hardship, in which he had been trained from childhood till

he dropt the title of ‘Reverend’ and determined to live honestly by the

pen instead of living dishonestly by the pulpit, were serviceable to the

booksellers’ hack, whom they had taught how to live with comfort and

contentment on a precarious number of weekly shillings. The young man, who

dined sufficiently well on a chop and potato, and conceived himself to

have dined luxuriously after consuming a large beefsteak and a pint of

porter, had in some respects the advantage of literary competitors, who

together with higher culture had acquired at Oxford or Cambridge a taste

for higher living. On approaching middle life he could, however, have

afforded to relinquish the frugal habits formed during his early

struggles. The persevering hack, who steadily prosecuted various studies

whilst toiling for the publishers; the religious inquirer, who passed

through Socinianism on his way from Calvinism to Deism; the resolute

Radical, who sought the justification of his political sentiments in

philosophical principles, whilst living in close friendship with Thomas

Holcroft, and cordial good fellowship with Thomas Paine, was a man,

certain to achieve eminence sooner or later in the republic of letters. If

it came to him less than soon, celebrity came to Godwin none too late for

its perfect enjoyment. He was still in his thirty-eighth year, when he

published _Political Justice_,--the work for which Robinson is said to

have paid him, at different times, sums amounting to a thousand guineas;

the work that made him famous as a teacher of philosophical Radicalism.

If it made him the best-abused man of the three kingdoms, this daring and

in some respects superlatively unsound book rendered him the idol of

political enthusiasts in every quarter of the country. Unalluring in

design, repellent in style, usually guarded in expression, sold at a price

that kept it from the hands of the multitude whom it was intended chiefly

to benefit, the frigid and passionless work, whose principles could not

fail to make it regarded with disfavour by the majority of the wealthier

class, possessed no feature or quality, apart from its attractive title,

its aims and its general audacity, to humour the popular taste and win

popular applause. For such a work shrewd judges of the book-market might

well have predicted commercial failure. It was, however, successful from

every point of view. Successful for its immediate and later effect on the

readers it was especially intended to influence, it was fortunate in a

sale that exceeded the anticipations of author and publisher, and

fortunate in the determination of the Government to take no measures to

check its circulation.

Published in 1793, _Political Justice_ was still rising in public esteem,

when Godwin produced (in May 1794) _Caleb Williams_; a novel that was

largely indebted for its singular popularity to the influence of the

political treatise. The books may be said to have run together, and united

in placing their author amongst the most famous writers of his

generation,--the success of the novel stimulating the success of the

scientific study, whilst admiration of the philosopher’s reasonings

quickened the interest in his work of fancy. Whilst readers hastened

eagerly from the tale of terror to the work of unemotional demonstration,

others passed with curiosity from the volumes of the political philosopher

to the pages of the enthralling story. In the annals of English letters

there is no other case of an author, achieving almost at the same moment

so sensational a celebrity in two such different departments of literary

enterprise.

In the days when _Political Justice_ and _Caleb Williams_ were new

literature, eminently successful authors derived less emolument from their

most popular writings, than comes now-a-days to authors of inferior merit

from works of only average popularity. But putting him in pecuniary ease

for the moment, Godwin’s double triumph (though he sold the novel for a

curiously small sum) placed him in a position that, to a man of his

industry and frugal habits, was a promise of security from financial

discomfort, so long as he retained his power of working, and persisted in

the ways of prudence. That he was not likely to fall into poverty through

self-indulgence appeared from his way of living when fortune smiled upon

him. Remaining in the little house in Somers Town, where his yearly

expenditure never exceeded 130_l._, he showed no disposition either for

the pleasures of luxury or the pleasures of ostentation.

How came it that the man of letters, so averse to every kind of

prodigality, dropt in a few years into the very troubles from which his

industry and temperance seemed certain to preserve him, and, after falling

into poverty in life’s middle term, whilst the productions of his pen were

still fairly remunerative, passed the long remainder of his laborious

years in one, vain humiliating conflict with financial embarrassment? The

answer is that, with every good reason for persisting in celibacy, and no

single sound excuse for surrendering the advantages of singleness, he made

two imprudent marriages,--the second of which was only a few degrees less

imprudent and unfortunate than the earlier alliance with Mary

Wollstonecraft. In other than financial respects Godwin suffered severely

from these unions. It might almost be thought that the divine powers, who

have been assumed to concern themselves especially with the affairs of

lovers, determined to punish the arch-maligner of lawful matrimony, by

luring him into the estate he had decried, and then rendering him a signal

example of some of the evils that may ensue from wedlock. It is strange

that the man, who in celibatic freedom spoke so hardly of marriage,

endured in later time so much from the honourable estate he had warned

others to avoid. Strange also that, instead of being confirmed in his

philosophic disapproval of wedlock by what he endured in his own person

from marriage, he survived his repugnance to the whilom detestable

institution, and towards the close of his career stoutly maintained he had

never regretted either of the marriages for which he paid so dearly.

Though it is impossible for a sane biographer to write of William Godwin

with enthusiasm, or any kind of cordial admiration, no fair one can deny

that, if he was deficient in the graces requisite for a hero of

biographical romance, the author of _Political Justice_ possessed several

admirable qualities. To take a fair view of the man, who suffered severely

for kindness shown to Shelley, readers should toss aside as a mere

humorous fabrication Miss Mitford’s story of the way in which the

bookseller of Skinner Street used to go ‘down on his knees, flourishing a

drawn dagger’ at Shelley’s feet, and ‘threaten to stab himself if his

dutiful son-in-law would not accept his bills.’ They must also throw away

as vile tattle all the stories of William Godwin’s delight at finding

himself the father-in-law of a young gentleman who might some day be a

baronet. Whatever his failings, William Godwin was no such creature as

these anecdotes imply,--no such snob as snobs have declared him. In the

financial difficulties of his later time, and in the moral debasement that

almost invariably results in some degree from long exposure to such

difficulties, he was capable of begging for gifts from exalted persons,

and getting up a pecuniary testimonial in acknowledgment of his own public

services. But these were the acts of his declining age, when his brain was

losing its alertness and his pen its cunning; when publishers treated him

coldly as a man ‘no longer what he was,’ and children (not his own) hung

about him, asking him, not only for bread, but for costly education. They

were also acts done in a period when men of letters were taught by social

usage to be something less than self-dependent. At his worst, Godwin never

(like Leigh Hunt) sought the gifts of rich people in order that he might

enjoy indolence and luxuries. Ever industrious to the utmost of his

ability, and ever glad to be so, Godwin at the worst sought help only that

he might be more helpful to those who were dependent on him. Moreover,

Godwin was one of the men who have so strong a title to the world’s

tenderness and even to its reverence, that whilst gratitude enjoins us to

judge them at their best, justice forbids us to judge them at their worst.

Flattered on Northcote’s canvas, and flattered still more in Mr. Kegan

Paul’s photograph of Northcote’s picture, William Godwin’s presence was on

the whole by no means agreeably impressive; but for the badness of the

worst feature of his more remarkable than pleasing countenance he was

almost compensated by the goodness of his eyes. ‘He has,’ Southey wrote in

1797, ‘large noble eyes, and a nose,--oh, most abominable nose! Language

is not vituperatious enough to describe the effect of its downward

elongation.’ Interfering with the effect of a shapely mouth, this

grotesquely elongated nose seemed set on moving down to the chin of

corresponding prominence. From the portrait to which reference has been

made, Godwin seems in his earlier middle age to have had a visage

remarkable rather for tenuity than massiveness; but Hogg’s account of the

philosopher’s appearance affords evidence that delicacy was no

characteristic of the Skinner-Street bookseller’s personal aspect. It

would have been well if, on dropping his title to reverence, the young

_littérateur_ had also dropt the garb and manner that long afterwards

reminded beholders of his original calling. When he dined _tête-à-tête_,

and for the first time with William Godwin, Hogg observed that the ‘short,

stout, thickset old man, of very fair complexion,’ and a head no less

remarkable for baldness than magnitude, had altogether the ‘appearance of

a Dissenting minister;’--a statement to be regarded as sufficient

testimony that the author of _Caleb Williams_ had not altogether the

appearance of a gentleman, at least in the opinion of Mr. Hogg, ever

disdainful of Dissenters.

Another thing to come under the saucy young Templar’s notice was that,

whilst having altogether the ‘appearance of a Dissenting minister,’ his

companion lacked the colloquial address of a gentleman of society and

breeding. His articulation wanted distinctness, and his uneasy utterance

was attended by a show of effort and distress, that might almost be called

an impediment. But though painful on being noticed for the first time,

this difficulty ceased to trouble listeners when they grew accustomed to

it, and even gave an agreeable distinctiveness to a somewhat harsh and

discordant voice.

William Godwin’s moral nature resembled his appearance and manner, in

comprising several agreeable and commendable qualities, without being

altogether pleasing or in any degree remarkable for dignity. To the last,

also, it resembled them in affording indications of the humility of his

original condition and earlier circumstances. The man of intellect, whose

costume and bearing reminded people that he had formerly been a Dissenting

minister in small market-towns, never survived the influence of the rural

conventicle; never outlived the social influences of the humble and

unrefined people, who had surrounded him in his days of ministerial

service. The egregious vanity, that animated him from youth to old age,

was not the almost generous infirmity to be observed in the elegant and

refined, but the mean and despicable vanity of the rude and

vulgar-minded. Ever accessible to flatterers, he swallowed the grossest

adulations with keen relish;--with ludicrous greed, if it were prepared

for his palate by feminine artifice. When the postman laid a letter on his

Skinner-Street shop-counter, the philosopher’s countenance flushed if he

saw himself designated in the superscription ‘Mr. Godwin,’ instead of

‘William Godwin, _esquire_.’

On the other hand, he had numerous good qualities. He was, upon the whole,

truthful and honest; just to men he disliked and principles he

disapproved, and altogether the benevolent man he commended himself for

being. In all that related to, his opinions on politics, religion, and the

social virtues, and his ways of promulgating and enforcing those opinions,

he was sincere as sunlight, and absolutely cantless. The only fault of his

sympathetic and judicious benevolence was that it sometimes exceeded his

means. Alike in the days when he was a needy hack, in his brief term of

prosperity, and in the long period of his financial difficulties, poor

people hung about him and had money from him. Beneficent to his indigent

relatives, he was no less beneficent to persons not of his kindred. The

interest he displayed in young men, and the pains he took for their

mental, moral, and material welfare, cannot be too highly commended. From

the date of his marriage with Mary Wollstonecraft, he was a bright example

of domestic virtue. A good husband to that curious woman, who, during

their brief association, tried him not a little with her captious and

querulous temper; he was a good husband to his second wife, who (though by

no means so bad a person as the wilder Shelleyan enthusiasts would have us

believe) tried him for a long period almost as vexatiously as Mary

Wollstonecraft tried him for a short one. A man is not to be extolled for

being good to his own children. But it is much to Godwin’s credit that,

whilst he was a good father to his daughter by Mary Wollstonecraft, and to

his son by his second wife, he was quite as good a father to his three

step-children--to Mary Wollstonecraft’s illegitimate daughter Fanny, to

Charles Clairmont (the second Mrs. Godwin’s son by her former husband),

and to Charles’s sister Jane,--the Jane Clairmont _alias_ Claire of

Byronic story.

But though he is to be respected for all these good, honest, wholesome

qualities, it remains that Godwin’s unemotional nature and unrefined

homeliness forbid the biographer to write rapturously about him. No

considerable man of letters has, in recent times, been more curiously

wanting in the mental, moral, and personal graces, which the fancy is apt

to associate with famous followers of the higher arts. Though he wrote

many novels (one of them being a tale of no uncommon vigour), he was

curiously wanting in romantic fervour and imaginativeness. Though he was

ambitious of writing for the stage, and made several essays in dramatic

literature, he was absolutely devoid of poetical sensibility. Capable of

firm, though cold, friendship, he was absolutely incapable of love. When

it occurred to him, in his twenty-ninth year, that he might as well have a

wife to cook his daily chop and look after his shirt-buttons, he

commissioned his sister to look out for a suitable young woman. In

middle-age, when he slipped from ordinary friendship into a closer

alliance with Mary Wollstonecraft, he was careful to provide himself with

a peculiar and private lodging at a convenient distance from their common

home in ‘The Polygon,’ Somers Town, in order that he might be able to

spend most of his time well out of her way. Some ten or twelve months

later, Mary Wollstonecraft was on her death-bed, sinking tranquilly, even

happily, out of this life, under the soothing influence of an anodyne,

given her a short time before by her medical attendant. ‘Oh, Godwin, I am

in heaven!’ she ejaculated, in gratitude for the effect of the medicine,

to her husband, standing over her. ‘You mean, my dear,’ he replied with

more self-command than tenderness, ‘that your physical sensations are

somewhat easier.’ It is all well, and very amusing, for Mr. Kegan Paul to

gush over the ‘blight’ that came to Godwin’s heart and life, from his

‘untimeous’ loss of the woman he never loved,--the woman whose tenderest

feelings for him differed widely from the emotions of love. But readers of

this page can need no assurance that the materialist, who reproved his

wife so drolly for thinking herself in heaven, never took her to his

embrace because he thought her an angel.

The Real Shelley. New Views of the Poet's Life. Vol. 2 (of 2) · 第 1 / 19 章