NOTES

[1] Jahangir was born on Wednesday, 17 Rabi`u-l-awwal 977 A.H.,

or August 31, 1569, and so on March 11, 1618, or 23 Rabi`u-l-awwal,

1027, he was in the beginning of his fifty-first lunar year. By solar

computation he was not yet fifty, that is, he was in his fiftieth

year. The text wrongly has 1017 instead of 1027.

[2] Text wrongly has panchaq. In Turki dictionaries it is spelt

topchaq, and means a large or long-necked horse. See P. de Courteille

Dict., etc.

[3] Asaf K. III. of Blochmann; his name was Ja`far Beg.

[4] See "Iqbal-nama," p. 111. etc. He is not the famous Mir Jumla,

who was Aurangzeb's general, though possibly the latter was his

son. According to the "Iqbal-nama, he was the nephew, and not

the uncle, of Mir Riza, but Jahangir's statement agrees with the

`Alam-ara'i (p. 623). Mir Jumla's patron, Muhammad Quli Qutb-Shah,

died in 1612. He himself died in 1637, while Aurangzeb's general died

in 1663.

[5] Possibly what is meant is that Shah `Abbas was greedy after Mir

Jumla's (Saman) wealth. Kamgar Husaini distinctly says that `Abbas

wanted to get hold of Mir Jumla's goods.

[6] The Iqbal-nama says that `Abbas only gave Mir Jumla flattering

words, and did not give him any high appointment. See also `Alam-ara'i,

623, and Ma'asiru-l-umara, III. 415.

[7] Tuquz means "nine," but perhaps it is here only used to express

a gift, and the pieces of cloth were perhaps only nine, and not

eighty-one. See Vullers s.v., who refers to Quatremere.

[8] The I.O. MSS. have Mamu'i, and the meaning may be "the maternal

uncle of the Zamindar."

[9] Jariya in No. 181. It seems to be the Jareja tribe of Abu-l-Fazl,

Jarrett II. 250. Compare Blochmann's translation, p. 285 n., of the

corresponding passage in the Iqbal-nama. The tribe is there called

Jhariyah.

[10] This must be Pavagarh, a hill fort in the Panch `Mahal district,

which is 2,800 feet above the sea. See I.G. XX. 79, and XIX. 380.

[11] Son-in-law of I`tmadu-d-daula, being married to a sister of

Nur-Jahan. See Ma'asiru-l-umara I. 573.

[12] Jhalod in the Dohad ta'luqa of the Panch Mahal district, Bombay.

[13] The text (pp. 227, 228) has drawings of the twelve Zodiacal

coins. See also Tavernier's account of their institution.

[14] Text wrongly has Saturday.

[15] Probably the Seyreh of Bayley's map, in the Lunavada State,

E. of Ahmadabad.

[16] Quoted by Blochmann, Calcutta Review, 1869, p. 128.

[17] The text has dar zir-i-an ("under it") in mentioning the position

of the letters, but the I.O. MS. No. 181, has dar zabar ("above"

or "on it."). The words khatt-i-muharraf might mean "inverted or

slanting letters," and Mr. Rogers has taken the passage to mean that

two of the letters were on a line with one another, and that the

third was inverted and below the other two. But muhrif, as the word

may also be read, has the meaning of "handsome," and I think this is

the meaning here. Possibly the meaning is that there was a letter or

mark above--viz., the tashdid. Another meaning may be that all three

letters were equal in size, and in a slanting position on the stone.

[18] Dihbid, "the village of the willow," a well-known place in

Transoxiana. It is Dihband in text.

[19] Ukna. The word appears to be Arabic, and signifies a nest. It

is commonly written wukna.

[20] Baz dami apparently means hawks reared in captivity, or it may

mean hawks brought by dealers--dami. Information about hawks may be

found in Blochmann, 293, etc., and in Col. Phillott's recent articles

in the J.A.S.B., May, 1907, etc.

[21] The I.O. MS. has "rupees."

[22] Blochmann, 346.

[23] Ulugh in MSS.

[24] Blochmann, 346. Yusuf died in November, 1601. His eldest son

was M. Lashkari.

[25] The MSS. have 24th and 25th for the following day, but 14th and

15th seem right.

[26] The passage is translated in Elliot, VI. 357, but the mention of

Saturday and of Multan doctors there is a mistake. Text has afzudam,

"I increased my intoxication," but this seems wrong. The MSS. have

afzud. Jahangir means that the stoppage of his wine increased

crapulousness. See Elliot, VI. 357.

[27] Apparently this should be yughan, which is a Turki word meaning

"thick."

[28] Elliot, VI. 358.

[29] See Vol. I., p. 414.

[30] The Iqbal-nama, 115, has a different reading of this line.

[31] It should be recorded to Jahangir's credit that he has a

reputation even at the present day for his love of justice.

[32] `ajabi. The MSS. have `ajsi, "lasting," which seems better.

[33] Compare Elliot, VI. 359. Rukh-i-gulzar also means the cheek of

the rosebud (i.e., the beloved one). Apparently the conceit is that

the cheek of the fair one is clouded over, so it should be reddened

by pouring wine on it.

[34] hamwar. Perhaps it means "mediocre" here, but we have the word

a little lower down, p. 240, used in a laudatory sense.

[35] According to the Ma'asir and Blochmann, 465, it was the second

son who attained the highest rank.

[36] dah duwazdah, "10, 12"--i.e., it is one-fifth larger. The saras

is the Ardea Antigone of naturalists.

[37] Two boundaries. The name signifies that it is on the borders of

Malwa and Gujaru, I. G. XI. 366.

[38] pak sakht. Lit. cleaned it, which may mean also that he

disembowelled it, or even that he cooked it. Probably the gunner

left the body or part of it there, and it was this that the male

circumambulated.

[39] Apparently this should be Pavan. It was one of those caught in

the elephant hunt. It is written Bavan in the MSS.

[40] For meaning of dara, "yard," see text (15th year), pp. 298 and

303. For 3 1/2 quarters (pao) the text wrongly has 3 1/2 feet (pa).

[41] MSS. has 17. Text has 7. According to Elliot, Supplement II.,

177, the Ilahi gaz was one of 41 fingers.

[42] This was not the son who died in the following year. See text,

p. 282. That son was the eldest son, and probably was the one born

in the 9th year. See Tuzuk, p. 137.

[43] The Zamindar of Cutch, whose residence was at Bhuj. See Jarrett,

II. 250, where it is said that the Jam left his original country 60

years ago.

[44] Jahangir is referring to his visit to Gujarat in the 12th year

of his reign.

[45] MSS. have this 70 or 80.

[46] Elliot, VI. 359.

[47] Text "of Merv," but the MSS. have Herat.

[48] Mansur Naqqash is one of the illustrators to the Babar-nama in

the British Museum. Rieu Supplement, p. 52. There is also a Husain

Naqqash mentioned in the MS. there described.

[49] Apparently there were 32 days in this Tir.

[50] The Sabarmati rises in the hills of Mewar.

[51] I cannot find this Kokra or Gogra. The Sabarmati falls into the

Gulf of Cambay. Possibly Kokra thereby means "mountains."

[52] Apparently the Mairpur of Bayley's map.

[53] Blochmann, 339.

[54] Perhaps this is the Biragam of the A'in A. (Jarrett,

II. 230). Panju Zamindar may be the Bab-jiu, Zamindar of the Gond

tribe, whom Abu-l-Fazl mentions. The word Barakar is omitted in text.

[55] See Blochmann, 480 n., Elliot, VI. 344, and the Tuzuk, annals

of 10th year.

[56] Probably the meaning is that the four mines occur within a space

of 50 koss. Tavernier, vol. II., may be consulted.

[57] Pukhta in text, but the MSS. have not this word. Instead, they

have a word which seems to be tahsina, "beautiful." The R.A.S. MS. also

seems to have tahsina.

[58] mahagi? Probably it means that they were caught when a month old,

and Elliot's translator so took it.

[59] This was the garden which `Abdu-r-Rahim made after his victory

over Muzaffar Gujarati. In Price's Jahangir, pp. 115-16, there is an

account of an entertainment given there to Jahangir by `Abdu-r-Rahim's

daughter.

[60] Or 22 Ramazan, 1027 = September 2, 1618.

[61] Cf. Iqbal-nama, 117.

[62] In MSS. written Marhana or Sarhana. Perhaps Harhana in the Bet

Jalandhar Du'ab, Jarrett, II. 317. Though the text says 22 lakhs of

dams, the MSS. only say 22 lakhs, and possibly rupees are meant.

[63] Khud bi-in`am iltimas namud. "As a favour to himself." It is

not likely that Shah Jahan would ask for the pargana for Bikramajit

if it was already his own. I presume the meaning is that Shah Jahan

asked that this pargana should be given to Bikramajit as a favour to

himself. But perhaps the meaning is "which he (Shah Jahan) had asked

for, for himself."

[64] In the MSS. the word khud follows in`am instead of preceding

it. Perhaps the meaning is, "which was his own appanage," "and he

requested," etc.

[65] Text wrongly has Mu`tamid.

[66] The saint who is buried at Gwalior. He died September 14, 1562.

[67] Elliot, VI. 360.

[68] The 8th Shahriwar = August 20, 1618. The departure had been

fixed for the 21st, and having mentioned this, Jahangir goes on to

describe what occurred between the 7th and the 21st.

[69] So in text, but MSS. give Jahanda as the name of the brother

of Baluch.

[70] Elliot, VI. 361.

[71] Text wrongly has Maghribi, who was a much later poet, for he

died in 809 A.H. = 1416. Sultan Sanjar belonged to the sixth century

of the Hijra, and Mu`izzi, who is the poet meant by Jahangir, died

in 542 A.H. (1147-48), having been accidentally killed with an arrow

by Sultan Sanjar. See Rieu, II. 552b. The ode quoted by Jahangir is

to be found at p. 138b of British Museum MS. Add. 10588.

[72] hamwar used here in a favourable sense, though some pages farther

back, 233 of Persian text, it seems to be used, when speaking of Jami,

in disparagement.

[73] See Beale art. Sa`ida-i-Gilani. He was styled Bi-badal. The date

1116 in Beale is manifestly wrong. He is the Mulla Shaida of Rieu,

III., 1083e. See also Sprenger's Catalogue, 124; there is a notice

of him in the Ma'asiru-l-Umara, I. 405. He was the artist of the

Peacock-throne.

[74] Turunj, rendered by Vullers as "citron." Probably the reference

is to the colour of the sky, which is often spoken of by Orientals as

green. The concluding lines play upon Jahangir's title of Nuru-d-din,

on his son's title of Shah-Jahan, and his name of Khurram.

[75] Bari is a Hindu word meaning garden.

[76] ayyam-i-jawani. The MSS. have qazzaqi, "raids." The name of the

Mulla there seems to be Asiri.

[77] dar khala wa-mala mahram buda.

[78] MS. 305. "On every side there are Bulsari-trees." Both

I.O. MSS. have Bulsari, for which see Blochmann, 70. Apparently there

was only one tree.

[79] Elliot, VI. 361.

[80] This was not the `Id, for the month was not over. It was the

feasting after nightfall usual in the Ramazan.

[81] khudawandi-gar. For which word see Vullers and the

Bahar-i-`Ajam. Perhaps it means here a locum-tenens or officiating

master.

[82] Apparently this should be thirty-two. The egg was laid on 21

Amurdad, see p. 237, and the interval between the hatching of the

two chicks was three or four days.

[83] Text dah yazdah, ten to eleven. But MS. 305 has dah panzdah,

ten to fifteen, which is more likely. The meaning then would be that

the young of the saras were 50 per cent., or one-half, larger than

goslings. The common expression for one-tenth is dah yak.

[84] Ganj in No. 181. Perhaps it should be Gajna, see I.G., 17, p. 11.

[85] MSS. Atrak. It is the Watrak of Bayley's Gujarat, p. 201, and

the Vatrak of I.G., XXI. 344.

[86] Sultan Mahmud III., killed by Burhan in February, 1554. Bayley's

Gujarat, pp. 449 and 453. Jahangir calls him the last Sultan of

Gujarat, because Ahmad II. and Muzaffar III. were regarded as

spurious. See Ayin-i-Akbari, Jarrett, II. 261.

[87] Probably great-grandson, for Shah `Alam died in 880 (1475-76), as

Jahangir tells us supra, and he says that he questioned Sayyid Muhammad

about Shah `Alam's raising the dead, and that Sayyid Muhammad said he

had the story from his father and grandfather. The Ma'asiru-l-Umara,

III. 447, says Sayyid Muhammad was five removes from Shah `Alam.

[88] For Yaqut, see Blochmann, 99-100. He was a famous calligrapher,

and lived in the thirteenth century. It appears, however, that Yaquti

is also the name of a particular kind of writing.

[89] Ba-qita`-i-matbu`a-i-mukhtasar. Matbu`a is used in modern times to

mean "printed," but here, I think, it means "elegant." It is so used

in the annals of the 12th year, p. 208, line 18, where it is applied

to a building. Qita` probably refers to the shape of the volume,

and mukhtasar to its small size, or to the minuteness of the writing.

[90] Sayyid Muhammad, the Mir referred to by Jahangir, lived into

Shah-Jahan's reign, not dying till 1045 (1635-36). See Padshah-nama,

I., Part II., p. 329. But we do not hear anything more of his

translation. Perhaps his ill-health prevented him. It is also the

fact that orthodox Muhammadans object to translations of the Qoran,

regarding it as an impossible task. The Mir's son became chief

ecclesiastical officer (Sadr) under Shah-Jahan. See Ma'asiru-l-Umara,

III. 447, and Padshah-nama, I., Part II., p. 328.

[91] Elliot, V. 361.

[92] There were twelve mashas in a tola; the six cups, then, of 6

tolas and a quarter came to 37 1/2 tolas.

[93] Jahangir visited his father's tomb in the following year (the

14th). The passage describing the renunciation of shooting (not of

hunting) is translated in Elliot, VI. 362.

[94] The version of the last two lines is by Sir William Jones,

and is given by him in his Tenth Anniversary Discourse, delivered on

February 28, 1793. As my friend Mr Whinfield has pointed out to me,

the quotation comes from the story of Shibli and the ant in the second

chapter of the Bustan. It occurs in the sixth story of the second

book and p. 161 of Graf's edition. Sir William Jones's remark is:

"Nor shall I ever forget the couplet of Firdausi, for which Sadi, who

cites it with applause, pours blessings on his departed spirit." The

quotation from Firdusi occurs on p. 67 of Vol. I. in Macan's edition

of the Shah-nama.

[95] Urvasi is the name of a celestial nymph. It is also stated by

Forbes to be the name of an ornament worn on the breast.

[96] Text ba naqsh by mistake for banafsha.

[97] I.O. MS. 181 has "thirty surkh."

[98] Perhaps the Moondah of Bayley's map, east of Mahmudabad.

[99] The text has khAdA khada, "an oar," but the word is perhaps

kharwa, "a sailor." I.O. MS. 181, has kharwa.

[100] The I.O. MSS. have Albatta.

[101] The youth who was afterwards drowned in the Jhelam.

[102] I.O., No. 181, has Ghairat K.

[103] gam sometimes means a step, but here it seems to mean one

foot-length. The distance mentioned by Jarrett appears to be 90 feet.

[104] No. 181 has "in three days."

[105] Compare account in Akbar-nama, II. 150. Akbar was then twenty

years old. There is a picture of the two elephants crossing the bridge

with Akbar on the elephant Hawa'i in the Clarke MS. in the Victoria

and Albert Museum, South Kensington.

[106] Presumably the other side of the tank; it was the wild male

saras that Jahangir put rings upon.

[107] The hunting of deer with decoys is described in Blochmann's

Ayin, 291.

[108] Apparently a metaphorical expression, "fought with fire and

water."

[109] su'u-l-qinya, "Bad state of the body, cachexy" (Steingass).

[110] I do not know of any poet with the takhallus Ustad. Possibly

Jami is referred to. The lines are obscure, and I am not certain of

the meaning. The I.O. MSS. omit the negatives in the first two lines.

[111] Not identified. I.O. MS. 305, seems to have Panib. Can it be

the Manchan or Majham? Possibly we should read Banas.

[112] The I.O. MSS. have not the words Nau Ruz, "New Year," and I am

not sure what New Year's day is meant. The time was October. Perhaps it

was the first day of Zi-l-Qa`da that was celebrated, or it may be what

is described in Richardson as the New Year's day of the Balance--viz.,

the entry of the Sun into the Sign of the Balance. Jahangir may have

had special regard to that Sign as he was born under it. Perhaps all

that is meant is that the feast of 1 Aban was celebrated. Aban was

a sacred month because Akbar was born in it, and it may be that the

feast was celebrated on Thursday the 2nd because the previous day,

Wednesday, was regarded by Jahangir as unlucky, and was always spoken

of as Kam-shamba. But most probably Nau Ruz is simply a mistake of

the text.

[113] I.O. MS. has 600.

[114] The name of the stage is not given.

[115] Literally the mother of children, but explained as meaning a

female demon (larva) who torments children. See Lane's Dictionary,

1650, where it is described as "flatulence."

[116] See above, p. 243 of text.

[117] Apparently the vow applied only to shooting. Jahangir was not

at that time fifty-one years of age by solar computation.

[118] The natural term of life, which some Orientals regarded as

being 120 years.

[119] The name `Ali is omitted in text.

[120] qand-i-siyah (? treacle).

[121] We are not told what was the result of this experiment.

[122] MSS., as before, have Ghairat instead of `Izzat.

[123] This son was Aurangzib. See Khafi K., I. 296. Khafi K. has 11th

instead of 15th Zi-l-Qa`da. The 11th Zi-l-Qa`da corresponds to 20th

October, 1618.

[124] Text has Sunday, but Wednesday must be the correct day, for

immediately after Friday is spoken of as the 17th (Aban).

[125] Perhaps the Samarni of Jarrett, II. 207. The I.O. MSS. have

Tamarna.

[126] I have been assisted by the translation in Elliot, VI. 363. See

also Iqbal-nama, 117. The author there expatiates on the calamities

which followed these celestial appearances. Elliot, loc. cit., p. 364,

has eight years, but the text of the Tuzuk and all the MSS. have

"eight nights." The Iqbal-nama has Dai instead of Aban, but probably

Dai is a mistake for Zi-l-(qa`da). Perhaps the first phenomenon was

the Zodiacal Light.

[127] The MSS. have Sambhalkhera.

[128] MSS. have Badhnur. Perhaps it is the Badhnawar of Jarrett, II.

[129] Pargana Nula'i in MSS., and this seems right as Nola'i, is

mentioned in Jarrett, II. 198, as having a brick fort and as being

on the Chambal.

[130] It seems to be Gambhir in the MSS.

[131] There seems to be an omission in the recital. We are not told of

the first half, but evidently the meaning is that the mice (or rats)

ate half the crop on the field, and half of what was brought into

the threshing floor. See also Iqbal-nama, p. 118.

[132] Elliot, VI. 364.

[133] The word ma`ni, "spiritual," does not occur in the I.O. MSS.,

and does not appear to be wanted.

[134] Also a weight = two barley-grains. Blochmann, 36.

[135] The line is wanting in some MSS. In I.O. MS. 181, the conjunction

wa is omitted (p. 145b).

[136] So in text, but Sunday was either the 10th or the

17th. Apparently Sunday is a mistake for Wednesday, as, later on,

Thursday is mentioned as the 14th.

[137] Iqbal-nama, 119, "Three sons."

[138] Apparently the meaning is that he carried them off as prisoners.

[139] Text jada-dusti by mistake for jan-dusti.

[140] Namak, "salt." See for a similar expression, p. 149, in the

account of Chin Qilij. Perhaps the phrase is a reminiscence of

the answer given by Muhammad Husain M. when asked who had captured

him. "The king's salt," was his reply.

[141] The Sind is mentioned in Tieffenthaler, I. 184. See also I.G.,

new ed., XXII., p. 432. It is one of the chief rivers of Central India.

[142] The word is shikar. Either the ducks were caught in nets and

not shot, or the shooting was done by others, for Jahangir had vowed

to give up shooting from the time of Shuja`'s illness.

[143] Akbar really took it in the 14th year of his reign (March,

1569). The siege lasted a month, according to Abu-l-Fazl. Akbar-nama,

II. 339.

[144] Elliot, VI. 366.

[145] For notes about the meaning of the word chaukandi,

"four-cornered," see Elliot, V. 347 and 503.

[146] Text Rustam, but it is Dastam in MS. 181, and it appears from

Blochmann that Dastam or Dostam is the proper spelling. See pp. 398

and 620.

[147] Apparently Jahangir spent the night in this summer-house.

[148] Khila`at, surely used here on account of the alliteration

kharji u Khila`at. At p. 10 of Price's "Jahangir" it is stated that

he released 7,000 prisoners from Gwalior Fort!

[149] durna, or turna, a crane. It is a Turki word.

[150] The words diwan-i-buyutat are repeated. It looks as if the

word buyutat in the second place was a mistake, or if some word

implying that Lashkar K. had been appointed director of buildings

(diwan-i-buyutat) had been omitted. Apparently `Abid K. went to the

Deccan as Diwan, and not as Diwan-i-buyutat. Compare Iqbal-nama, 122.

[151] No. 181 has no conjunction, and makes the meaning "porcelain

from Tartary."

[152] See Blochmann, 140 and 233. Abu-l-Fazl says the mujannas horses

resemble Persian horses, and are mostly Turki or Persian geldings.

[153] So in text, but evidently Mandu, or at least Mandu in Malwa

cannot be correct. The MSS. seem to have Hindaun, and possibly

this is the place meant. Or it may be the place called Mandawar or

Hindaun Road (see I.G., new ed., XIII. 135). The position of Hindaun

agrees fairly well with Jahangir's itinerary, for Tieffenthaler,

I., 172, says that Hindaun is 12 leagues--i.e., koss--S.S.-W. from

Biana, and Jahangir gives the distance from Mandu or Hindaun to the

neighbourhood of Bayana as 8 1/4 koss. Bayana is in the Bhartpur State,

and apparently about 21 miles from Hindaun.

[154] The quatrain which Jahangir describes as that of someone

(shakhsi) is included in `Umar Khayyam's poems, and is thus translated

by Whinfield:

"My comrades all are gone, Death, deadly foe,

Hath caught them one by one, and trampled low;

They shared life's feast, and drank its wine with me,

But lost their heads and dropped a while ago."

(Quatrain 219, p. 148.)

FitzGerald has it as Quatrain XXII., and his version is:

"For some we loved, the loveliest and the best

That from his Vintage rolling Time hath prest,

Have drunk their Cup a Round or two before,

And one by one crept silently to rest."

The quatrain is also quoted by Badayuni, Lowe's translation,

p. 192. The phrase tang-sharab in the third line means "poor

drinkers." Whinfield has ba-yak sharab. But tang-sharab is given in

Johnson's dictionary with the meaning of being easily made drunk,

unable to carry much liquor.

[155] Bayana (Biana) is described in I.G., new ed., VII. 137. It

is stated there that it used to have a fort with a very high

tower. Bahlul's tomb still exists. It was his brother, M. Ghaus,

who was most known for his skill in incantations, and who wrote a

book on the subject.

[156] The story is told in the Akbar-nama, Vol. I. Jahangir is

not correct in saying that Humayun had ordered Hindal to remain in

Agra. Hindal went there without permission, and doubtless in order

to rebel. See also Gul-badan Begam's "Memoirs," who, naturally,

tries to excuse her brother.

[157] This must be the Barmadh Mata mentioned by Beale (see Proceedings

A.S.B. for August, 1873, p. 159). Beale says there is a place of

worship of the Hindus about 1 1/2 koss from Biana in the district

of Bhartpur called Barmadh Mata. In the 7th year of Jahangir, 1022,

1613, Jahangir's mother Maryam-zamani made a garden and a ba'oli

(step-well) here at a cost of Rs. 20,000. The garden has disappeared,

but the building which is over the ba'oli still exists. Beale gives

the inscription. William Finch (Hakluyt Society) speaks of a place

called Menhapur, near Biana, where there was a garden made by the

Queen-Mother. It was a great saray. The pargana Jusat of the text is no

doubt the Chausath of Jarrett, II. 183, and of Elliot's Supp. Gloss.,

II., p. 83. Barah may be the Parath or Berath of Jarrett, II. 181.

[158] Apparently this is the Da'ir or Dabar of Badayuni, II. 171,

and Akbar-nama, III. 145. It is described by Badayuni as being 4 koss

from Fathpur. Da'ir may also be read Dabar in MSS., and it is Dabar

in the map. It is in the Bhartpur State.

[159] So in the MSS. and the text, but must be a mistake for Ahmadabad,

which Jahangir left on 21 Shahriwar or 22 Ramazan. See also Iqbal-nama,

117. He arrived at the environs of Fathpur on 19 Dai, or about 22

Muharram, 1028 (end of December, 1618). Apparently he considered

that he arrived at Fathpur on 20 Dai. He remained on the outskirts

and did not enter the town till the 28th (apparently should be 26th

or 27th). The Iqbal-nama 122 makes Jahangir arrive at the outskirts

of Fathpur on 20 Dai, and it gives the date of his entering the town

as 26 Dai or 1 Safar, 1028 (January 8, 1619). See p. 123.

[160] Viz., the propitious hour of the 28th Dai, which had been

fixed for the entry into Agra, but was now made the time for entering

Fathpur.

[161] The lake was to the north of the city, and is now dried up. It

had been made by damming up a stream.

[162] Apparently this lady was relating what had occurred in Agra, for

Jahangir has just told us that the plague did not come to Fathpur. Her

father was the Asaf K., known also as Ja`far K. The ladies seem to

have come out from Agra to welcome Jahangir. His mother came later

from Agra, see infra.

[163] Tiryaq-i-Faruq. See Lane's Dict., p. 304, col. 3.

[164] I.O. MSS. have az bala radd u az payan itlaq shud, "there was

vomiting from above and evacuations from below." The text misses out

the words az bala radd.

[165] 4,000 in No. 181.

[166] Certainly Thursday was the 27th according to Jahangir. The 28th

must be a copyist's mistake here and previously.

[167] Jahangir says four ghari are nearly equal to two sidereal

hours. According to Abu-l-Fazl, a ghari is the sixteenth part of

a nychthemeron, or 360 out of the 21,600 breathings which make

up a nychthemeron--i.e., 24 hours. See Jarrett, III. 16 and 17,

and II. 16, n. 4. According to the Bahar-i-`ajam, 2 1/2 ghari =

one sidereal hour, so that, correctly speaking, five ghari = two

sidereal hours. Each ghari is 24 minutes (Jarrett, II. 16, n. 4). Here

it should be noted that there is a mistake in the translation at

p. 17, line 2, of Jarrett, vol. III., due to a faulty reading in the

Bib. Ind. edition of the text. Instead of yaki we should read pali,

as in two MSS. in my possession. Abu-l-Fazl's meaning then becomes

clear. What he says is, a ghari is 360 breathings, consequently (pas)

every pal (already defined as the sixtieth part of a ghari) is 360

divided by 60, and equal to six breathings (nafas). Jahangir's line,

however, is obscure. In two I.O. MSS. we have ba-tala`i instead of

ba-sa`ati. I think the meaning probably is that the same day which

marked Jahangir's arrival at Fathpur also marked Shah-Jahan's birthday.

Tawalla is defined in the Bahar-i-`ajam as meaning to have

friendship with anyone. It also says that it is used in the sense of

taqarrub--i.e., nearness. It may be therefore that Jahangir's line

means "At a moment which nearly corresponded to two (hours)." Taqwim

would then mean established or fixed, and not a calendar. Taqwim

kardan is a phrase which means "to adjust, to arrange."

[168] Shah-Jahan was born on January 5, 1592, so that in January,

1619, he began to be in his 28th year--i.e., he was 27 complete.

[169] That is, 120 according to Muhammadan idea.

[170] Afterwards drowned in the Jhelam.

[171] Text dar`a, MSS. zira`. See text 298, account of fifteenth year,

where a dar`a is defined. The Ilahi gaz or dara` consisted of 40 digits

(fingerbreadths), according to Jahangir. If the Kapur tank be the one

described in the Archæological Survey Reports, Vol. XVIII., for 1894,

yards seem to be required here, for the tank is mentioned in the Report

as being 95 feet 7 inches square. According to Jahangir, 34 krors

odd of dams--i.e., I presume, fulus, in copper money, and 16 lakhs

and 80,000 rupees in silver were poured into the tank, making a total

of 1 kror and 3 lakhs of rupees, or 3 lakhs 43,000 tumans. Apparently

the tuman, which was a gold coin, was, in Jahangir's time, reckoned as

worth 30 rupees, and Wollaston, in his Dictionary, says it was worth

£3 in Shah `Abbas I.'s time. Jahangir's account of the tank should

be compared with that given in the Akbar-nama, III. 246 and 257,

where the tank is called the Anup-talao, or the "Unequalled Tank."

In the text, difficulty has, I think, been made by the introduction

of the word kih in p. 260, six lines from foot, and bashad in the

fifth line from the foot. These words make the sense to be that 34

krors odd of dams were only equal to 16 lakhs odd of rupees. But

this cannot be, for the dam was the fortieth part of a rupee, and

so 34 krors of dams would be not far short of one kror--i.e., 100

lakhs of rupees. The MSS. have not the kih and bashad in question,

and have only a conjunction after the word dam. Thirty-four krors odd

of copper and 16 lakhs of silver were poured into the tank, making a

total, in round numbers, of 1 kror, 3 lakhs of rupees. According to

Abu-l-Fazl gold was also thrown in.

[172] Text Yad `Ali, but the MSS. have Nad. See also Blochmann, 508.

[173] This name is Bairam or Siram in MSS. Chikani may be a trade

designation, and mean embroiderer, or worker in gold thread.

[174] Kuh-daman, "hill-subduing."

[175] dibacha. Here meaning the early part of the Memoirs.

[176] The text has ba by mistake for ya.

[177] `aurat-i-mustahaqqa. Perhaps "pensioned women."

[178] These are the opening lines of Jami's Yusuf and Zulaikha (note

by Mr. Rogers).

[179] Salim Chishti died on 29 Ramazan 979, or February 15,

1572. Jahangir was born on 17 Rabi` 1st, 977; and so he would be

about two years and seven months old at the time of Salim's death. See

Beale and Khazinatu-l-asfiya, I. p. 435.

[180] The conjunction wa in text, p. 262, line 16, is a mistake.

[181] This is the Buland Darwaza. It was built many years after the

mosque. For an account of it, see Mr. Edmund Smith's Fathpur Sikri. The

gateway is there said to be 134 feet high from the pavement and 176

feet from the roadway. The thirty-two steps mentioned in text must

be those from the roadway to the gate. There are two flights of

steps, and the total number, up to the top, is 123. The quadrangle

or court is stated by Keene to be 433 feet by 366. Another statement

(in the Archæological Report) is 438-9 by 359-10 feet. Salim's tomb

was erected in 1581 (988). It is 47 feet 11 inches each way.

[182] 4 1/2, Iqbal-nama, 124.

[183] Text aiwan, but should be alwan, "coloured." See Iqbal-nama, 124.

[184] Finch says: "Under the courtyard is a good tank of excellent

water." He also speaks of the lake and of its being covered with the

singara (Trapa bicornis).

[185] That is, Bayazid, a grandson of the saint. Ikram K. is another

name for Hushang. His mother was Abu-l-Fazl's sister. According to

the Ma'asir, I. 120, he was a tyrant. According to local tradition,

Qutbu-d-din is buried in Bardwan near Shir-afgan.

[186] So in text, but ought to be the 17th.

[187] Mau was a Himalayan fort. Blochmann, 345. The text has Mau u

shahri, and so have the MSS. The Iqbal-nama has Maud u Mahri, p. 124,

and so has the Ma'asir U., II. 178. Evidently from what follows there

were two places, unless one was the fort and the other the city. See

also Tuzuk, 304, l. 10, which has pargana Maud Mahri. In the Ayin,

Jarrett, II. 319, we have Mau and Nabah, and the next name in the

list is Mahror. Gladwin has Mowd, and possibly we should translate

"Mowd, a city on which he relied."

[188] The Iqbal-nama, 125, says Rs. 20,000 which would be 40,000 darbs.

[189] Jagat Singh afterwards became a rebel, joining Shah-Jahan,

as also did Raja Bikramajit, or Sundar. He rebelled also in

Shah-Jahan's reign, but was pardoned, and did good service in Kabul

and Badakhshan. He died in Peshawar in 1055 (1645). See Ma'asir U.,

II. 238, and Padishah-nama, II. 481.

[190] It is hasr in text, but surely this is a mistake for hafr, and

the meaning is that a new pit or well should be made in the middle

of the garden. It appears to be hafr in MSS. The Nur-manzil garden

is the same as the Bagh Dahra, and was near Agra. Blochmann, 499.

[191] Egyptian. Hitherto this has been read Qutbi, but it really is,

I think, Qibti, "Egyptian." Chardin, IV. 70, ed. 1723, says that

the Persians state that the ruby of the East comes from Egypt. The

etymology, however, is doubtful.

[192] Possibly the praise of Shah-Jahan's inventive powers refers

to his arrangements for the orchestra. The kuwarga is defined

in the Ain, Blochmann, 50, as a damama--i.e., a large drum. See

illustration in Plate VIII. to Blochmann's Ain. The karana and surna

are wind-instruments, and are also represented in Plate VIII. With

regard to the mursal, Blochmann, p. 51, has: "The mursali, which

is the name of a tune played by the mursil." Apparently the mursal

is the overture, or some introductory strain, and played only by a

portion of the band.

[193] MS. No. 181 has ten instead of two as the number of elephants

presented by Qutbu-l-mulk, and this seems likely to be correct, else

where do the six now mentioned come from? But six should probably

be eight.

[194] Kurkaraqs. See Blochmann, 87, n. 2, and p. 616. Kurk means fur,

and kurkaraqan may be translated furriers.

[195] So in text, but it should be Tatta--i.e., Sind. See Blochmann,

378, n. 2, and also the Tuzuk, infra, p. 275.

[196] Suwaran-i-khud-mahalla. I do not know the exact force of the

last two words. Possibly they are pleonastic. The word mahalla is

explained in Irvine A. of M. 46.

[197] The Iqbal-nama, 127, mentions that Parwiz came from Allahabad

to pay his respects. See infra, Tuzuk, 268, and 273.

[198] Probably this is the friend of Father Jerome Xavier and the

abridger of the Zafar-nama. See Rieu, 177b and 1077a.

[199] He was of the royal house of Khandesh.

[200] See Blochmann, 252, and n. 1. Jahangir himself saw 700 antelope

taken, and Ray Man afterwards made a drive of 800 more.

[201] This was Jodh Ba'i, d. the Mota (fat) Raja. See Blochmann, 619.

[202] Qulba, ploughs. Here apparently used as a measure of land. But

the expression is obscure. In Wilson's Glossary kulba is stated to be

a measure of land in Sylhet, and equal to 1,008 cubits by 144. The

corresponding Sanskrit word Sir ("a plough") is used to mean land

held by the landholder in his own possession.

[203] Mahalla. Here used apparently for musters.

[204] Mr. Rogers corrects this to Miran on the authority of R.A.S.,

MS. It is, however, Bizhan in I.O. MS., 181, and as Blochmann points

out, Bizan or Bizhan is twice referred to in the Tuzuk, pp. 307,

309. He was son of Nad `Ali Maidani.

[205] I.O. MS. has "by favour of my rearing" (tarbiyat) and probably

the words in text rather mean that he was promoted by virtue of

Jahangir's liking for him, than that he was of good disposition. His

real name was `Abdu-r-Rahim. He was the son of Qa'im K., and his

sister Saliha Banu was one of Jahangir's wives, and had the title

of Padishah-Mahall. Blochmann, 371. Before Nur-Jahan she was the

chief wife.

[206] Mihtar K. was a very old servant, and died in the third year

of Jahangir. Blochmann, 417.

[207] Text wrongly has Shah Nur.

[208] This is the ancient Dhafur or Dofar on the south coast of Arabia

now known as Mirbat. The proper spelling was Zafr. See Redhouse's

Annotations to the History of Yemen, published by the Gibb Trust,

Nos. 349, 578, and 836. See also d'Herbelot, 269, and Jarrett, III, 51.

[209] The description is rather obscure. Apparently Jahangir regards

bamand (dun- or bay-coloured) as equal to red (surkh).

[210] Text has Mushrif.

[211] Du manzil kishti must surely mean "tray" here; or perhaps they

were models. Kosha is a well-known Bengali name for a swift boat.

[212] Apparently Khwaja Hasan died in Badakhshan. Ma'asir, III., 459.

[213] This S. Ahmad is a well-known man. He is mentioned in

Beale as Ahmad Sirhindi (Shaikh), and as having had the title of

Mujaddid-i-Alf-i-Sani, because he believed that he was the man of the

second millenium. In other words, he claimed to be a Mahdi. He was

s. `Abdu-l-Wahid Faruqi, and born in 1503. He died 29 November, 1624,

and is buried at Sirhind. The I.G. new edition, XXIII. 21., says there

are two tombs in Sirhind known as those of the Master and the Disciple,

and it may be that one of them is S. Ahmad's, although the Gazetteer

says they probably belong to the fourteenth century. There is also

a reference to him in Rieu's Catalogue, III. 1058a., fol. 16. He

belonged to the Naqshbandi order, and one of his writings is called

Majmu`atu-t-tasawwuf. There is a very long account of him, and of his

interviews with Jahangir in the Khazinatu-l-Auliya, I. 607, etc. It is

said there that he was imprisoned for two years, and then released,

and that he died on the last day of Safar, 1035, November 20, 1625,

at the age of sixty-three. Jahangir afterwards pardoned S. Ahmad. See

Tuzuk, 308, account of fifteenth year.

[214] Dandan-i-mahi, explained in dictionary as the canine tooth of the

Walrus (Trichechus rosmarus). But there is nothing black or piebald

about walrus-teeth, and Jahangir would surely not admire greatly a

kind of ivory which was inferior to that of the elephant. I incline

to think that what is here meant is tortoise-shell. Jauhar-dar has two

meanings--it may mean jewelled and also "striated." See Vullers, 542a.

[215] Apparently Miran is a mistake for Bizhan. See ante and Blochmann,

508, and Tuzuk, 307. It is Bizan in I.O. MS., 181.

[216] The buildings referred to are the garden-houses made by Khwaja

Jahan in the Nur-manzil garden.

[217] See Jarrett, II. 323; it was near the Jhelam. See also I.G.,

new edition, XV. 297. It is in the Shahpur district. The land-revenue

of it was 24 lakhs of rupees in 1903-1904. 30 lakhs of dams would be

equal to Rs. 75,000. Khan Dauran's name was Shah Beg K. The Ma'asir

says his resignation was not altogether voluntary. See Blochmann, 378.

[218] In the MSS. the name is written Nardani.

[219] The route from the South. See Jarrett, II. 347, n. 3.

[220] I.O. MSS. have Monday.

[221] The word in text is shashsat. Shast is a thumbstall, but it

may also mean a ring. See Blochmann, 166 and n. 1.

[222] Khatam-bandi. It also means "inlaying."

[223] Bandu ban. In I.O. MSS. it is bandu baran. Perhaps "skilful

painter" should be "the Painter of Creation."

[224] Should be Kara. See Herklots Qanun-i-Islam, Appendix XXIV.

[225] Nabira here cannot mean grandson, for Suraj Singh, commonly

called Sur Singh, was fifth in descent from Maldeo (Blochmann,

359). Suraj or Sur was s. Ray Ray Singh of Bikaner. See Tod, who says

Sur Singh passed nearly all his life as an alien.

[226] Tod has much to say about Gaj Singh, but the account seems

hardly trustworthy.

[227] The text, p. 277, has a representation of one of these milestones

which was outside Delhi.

[228] Perhaps sib-i-khub is the name of a kind of apple.

[229] I.O. MS. 181 has Shukr-dara and the name of the village as

Shin-waran. The printed text has Siwaran.

[230] Mr. Rogers here refers to the R.A.S. MS. The I.O. MSS. are not

clear. Apparently what Jahangir says is: "On this occasion fresh items

of expenditure occurred to me, and the former outlay was greatly

increased." The word tasarrufat ("expenditure") is omitted in the

printed copy.

[231] The village must be Hilalabad, near Rankatta (Blochmann, 332).

[232] Jahangir says nothing about the permission that he gave to

Bir Singh Deo--as a reward for murdering Abu-l-Fazl--to build a very

splendid temple at Mathura. It was destroyed by Aurangzib. See Growse's

"Mathura."

[233] Text halal, which means "weakness," or hulal ("striped

garments"). But according to the MSS., the true reading is khalal,

which means "a crack" and also "corruption."

[234] The Iqbal-nama, 128, calls him Achadrup, and says that the

Khan A`zam went privately to him and begged him to use his influence

with Jahangir for the release of Khusrau. Achadrup spoke accordingly,

and Khusrau was released and allowed to pay his respects. See infra

for account of his release. After Jadrup removed to Mathura, he was

cruelly beaten by Hakim Beg. See Ma'asiru-l-Umara, I. 576.

[235] Elliot, VI. 367.

[236] Luqman is the Eastern Æsop, and there is much about him in

D'Herbelot. In the second line the word translated "hollow" is gulugah,

literally "throat place," and the word for bosom is sina, the whole

expression being sina-i-chang. Chang is a harp or lyre, and apparently

the expression refers to the narrowness of the space between the horns

of a lyre (chang, which appears to be the Jew's harp), or the sides

of a harp. The fourth line is obscure, and the version in text seems

corrupt. The words shash bidast du pay seem unintelligible. They,

however, occur in I.O. MS. 181, f. 161a, and in I.O. MS. 305,

f. 225a. The only difference is that they have a conjunction after

bidast. On the other hand, the Iqbal-nama, which inserts the lines

into the record of the eleventh year, has, at p. 95, a different

reading for the fourth line. The words there are khana yak bidast

u sih pay. Bidast is given in Richardson, and the Farhang-i-Rashidi

as meaning a span, so the line as given in the Iqbal-nama may mean

3 feet and 1 span. The author of the Iqbal-nama was so struck with

the verse of Hakim Sana'i and the appearance of Jadrup's dwelling,

that he composed a masnavi on the subject, which he gives at pp. 95,

96. There is a third version in Daulat Shah's anthology, p. 97 of

Professor Browne's edition. There, in the second line we have halqa

("ring"), or perhaps "plectrum" instead of sina. We have also two lines

not given in the Tuzuk or the Iqbal-nama, and the line containing the

noodle's question is given thus: "Kin chih jayast yak pust u du pay."

"What place is this, one skin (?) and two feet."

As if the meaning was that Luqman lived in a tent propped up by two

sticks. In the first line, also, we have wisaqi instead of kurichi.

The lines may be versified thus:

"Luqman's cell was small and narrow to boot,

Like the throat of a pipe, or the breast of a lute.

A foolish one said to the grand old man--

'What house is this--three feet and six span?'

With tears and emotion the sage made reply--

'Ample for him whose task is to die.'"

In the Nawalkishor edition of Hakim Sana'i's poem the lines

are entered as in the seventh book of the Hadiqa, but in two

B.M. MSS. (Add. 25,329, f. 145a, and Or. 358, f. 172b), they are

placed in the fifth book. Both of these MSS. have bidast, apparently,

and Add. 25,329, has shash ("six"), but Or. 358 has shass. There is

such a word, meaning hard ground. Both MSS. have sih ("three"). Bidast

may properly be bad-pusht ("bad-backed"), or it may be bad-past ("bad

and mean"). The reference in verse may be rather to the curvature of

the chang (Arabic, sanj) than to its narrowness, for Jami speaks of

the back "being bent like a harp."

[237] Compare Price, 123.

[238] Ba dusturi kih dar Bangala dasht.

I think this must mean that his men were allowed the Bengal batta, or

exceptional allowance, which used to be 50 p.c. of pay elsewhere. See

A.N., III. 293, the eighth reason for the rebellion.

[239] This passage has been translated by Colonel Phillott in the

A.S.B.J. for February, 1907, p. 113. There is something wrong in the

text. Khan `Alam certainly did not die on the road (see Blochmann,

513), for he waited upon Jahangir at Kalan ur (Tuzuk, 284); nor did

the Mir Shikar, for Jahangir says he gave him a present and dismissed

him. I presume, therefore, that the word "aforesaid" refers to Khan

`Alam's hawk.

[240] Nigah-darad. Perhaps this means that the painter was afterwards

to stuff the bird.

[241] This is an obscure passage, and Jadrup's reference to the

mention of dams in the Vedas is curious, for dam is said to be

derived from the Greek drachma. However, it appears from the Ayin

(Blochmann, 31), that the dam, though in value only the fortieth

part of a rupee, weighed 5 tanks or 1 tola, 8 mashas, 7 surkhs. The

rupee, we are told there, weighed 11 1/2 mashas--i.e., half a masha

less than a tola. Consequently the dam weighed over 20 mashas, and

so was not far from being equal in weight to 2 rupees. The weight

of a seer varied, and it may be 30 or 36 copper dams were reckoned

as equal to a seer. By dam Jahangir probably meant paisa, or double

paisa. According to Gladwin, 3 1/2 tanks are by jeweller's weights =

one tola, and a tank is 70·112 grs. Troy.

[242] As stated below, the antelope which were caught all eventually

died.

[243] Text gul-rang, which seems unintelligible. No. 181 MS. has

kalanak ("somewhat grown-up"). The child was presumably the Sultan

Dur-andish, born at the end of the ninth year (Tuzuk, 137), and so was

now about five years old. Gul-rang occurs in B.M. MS., and may mean

"ruddy."

[244] Text has Agha-i-Aghaman. The MSS. have Aqa Aqayan ("Agha

of Aghas").

[245] Akbar was born in October, 1542, so she was now seventy-seven

years old.

[246] Sayyid Bahwa is commonly known as Din-dar K. Bukhari, and is

described under that name in the Ma'asir, II. 23.

[247] Elliot, VI. 366, and Rieu, I. 14 and 355. The book is called

Akhbaru-l-Akhyar, id.

[248] In Sarkar Saharanpur. Elliot, Supp. Gloss., II. 129. I.G. new

edition, XIV. 287.

[249] The child was born at Sirhind on Wednesday, 11 Muharram, 1029

(December 8, 1619), and died at Burhanpur in Rabi`u-s-sani, 1031

(February-March), 1622. Padishah-nama, I. 392.

[250] See Erskine's Babur, p. 321.

[251] Perhaps this is Biru'i in Sambhal, Jarrett, II. 200. Or it may

be the Miyani Nuriya of Jarrett, II. 317.

[252] To clear the roots? Or is it to let the sap flow? Or is

`iraq-bandi right, meaning footpaths? Jahangir's order then would be

to clear out the brick footpaths.

[253] Yak-awiz. Defined in Vullers as a short, broad sword, and also

as a two-edged knife. See Vullers, 1519a. The weapon is described in

text as shamshir-i-nimcha-i-yak-awiz.

[254] Az nilam-i-farang-tarash. It is difficult to suppose that the

hilt was a sapphire. Possibly "nilam" is the European artist's name,

or nilam-i-farang may be some kind of European work or material. Query

niello?

[255] Buy-i-khwish ("my own scent"). The scent (otto of roses) was

invented by Jahangir's mother-in-law (the mother of Nur-Jahan). She

called it after Jahangir's name.

[256] The meaning of the clause is obscure.

[257] The first line is obscure and the MSS. do not help. Possibly the

meaning is Spring thanks thee for robbing his garden, or it may be,

Spring is exhorted to rob thy garden. The quatrain is also given in

the Iqbal-nama, 132.

[258] Meaning that the lips were so closed that the mouth looked like

a thin scar.

[259] The collyrium of Solomon was something which enabled one to

see hidden treasures.

[260] This quatrain is stated in the Iqbal-nama, 133, to be by

Baba Talib Isfahani. He is a quite different person from Talib

Amuli. The same quatrain is given by Abu-l-Fazl, and I am indebted

to Mr. Blochmann, p. 607, for being able to understand it. Baba

Talib Isfahani is not mentioned by Dr. Rieu. At Vol. II., 679b, of

his Catalogue, there is an account of Talib Amuli, who, it is said,

died young. Baba Talib died somewhat later, and at the age of over

100. See Iqbal-nama, loc. cit., and Badayuni, III. 265.

[261] A Muhammad Shaikh is mentioned in Beale as the author of two

books (see p. 273, col. 2). One of them was the Jam-i-Jahan-numa,

and is perhaps the work mentioned in Rieu, II. 866a, V.

[262] Some unnecessary details have been omitted here.

[263] Khwaja Jahan's real name was Dust Muh., and he was from

Kabul. See Blochmann, 424. Jahangir's characterization of him is rather

obscure, and I am not sure if my translation is correct. Jahangir

had married his daughter. Blochmann, 477, n. 2.

[264] This is the seesee partridge or Ammoperdrix Bonhami of Jerdon,

p. 567 of first edition. Jerdon states that in Afghanistan it is

called the teehoo, and that its flesh is said to be delicious.

[265] Apparently this is the Hibiscus mutabilis, for which the Bengali

name is thal padma ("land lotus").

[266] The word for twenty is omitted in text, and also in Elliot,

VI. 367.

[267] "On the southern bank of the Harroh River," Elliot, VI. 367.

[268] Bhim was the younger brother of Karan (Tod). The passage is

translated in Elliot, VI. 367.

[269] Elliot, VI. 368 and n. 1.

[270] Elliot, VI. 368, and note.

[271] Elliot has Hazara Farigh.

[272] On the eastern bank of the Dhor. Elliot, loc. cit.

[273] Elliot has: "As far as the eye could reach, the blossoms of

the thal kanwal, and other flowers were glowing between the green

foliage. It was a beautiful scene."

[274] Salhar in text, but Salhar in Elliot.

[275] Marsh-mallow of Steingass and Elliot. Query Hollyhock?

[276] The word violets occurs in MS. 181 and also in Elliot.

[277] The Bib. Ind. edition, Iqbal-nama, p. 135, changes this into

Pakli. MS. 181 has Bankli (?) apparently. Pakli is probably not right,

for the entrance to it is mentioned lower down.

[278] Tasadduq shud. This is how Mr. Rogers has translated the

passage, and this seems to me to be right. Elliot has "lost,"

but surely Jahangir would not pass over so lightly the loss of 25

elephants. Tasadduq is often used in the sense of almsgiving, or of

granting a favour. The text 290, line 2, has aksar-i-rah basta bud. The

word basta seems unintelligible, and in the corresponding passage of

the Iqbal-nama, 135, the words are aksar-i-rah ajama bud. This word

perhaps means "muddy," and this would fit the sense.

[279] Elliot has Tawadkar.

[280] Achamba. But MS. 305 has ajamat, and this may mean forest,

or woods. Perhaps Elliot's "mud" is a clerical error for wood, but

ajamat means pools as well as woods. Perhaps this is the same word

as occurs in the Iqbal-nama, 135, and means "muddy."

[281] So in text, but the MSS. ba garaz basta ("loosely tied"),

so that they could be thrown off if any game appeared.

[282] Elliot has sir.

[283] Now known as the Kunhar. It rises in Lake Lohusur at the head

of the Kagan glen. See I.G., old edition, VIII. 365, and ditto new

edition, XIV. 272, for Kagan Valley.

[284] Text Waru. Iqbal-nama 136 has Kuh-i-Wazuh. MS. 181 seems to

have Dard.

[285] Text shakhdar ("with branches"), but the true reading seems to

be naj ("pine"). Elliot has "sal."

[286] This is a fanciful derivation. The word is not darang, but

drang, which means a watch-station. See Stein, A.S.B.J., for 1899,

p. 84. The Pamba-drang, however, was near the Kishan Ganga, and so

is not the drang mentioned by Stein.

[287] A mistake. See Elliot, VI. 373, note.

[288] Each sidereal hour being equal to 2 1/2 gharis.

[289] Sag-i-abi. Probably otters are meant, as a name for them is

pani kutta ("water-dogs"). But in the dictionaries sag-i-abi is given

as meaning the beaver. The otter occurs in Kashmir, and is known as

wudar. Lawrence, Valley of Kashmir, 111.

[290] Properly Buliyasa. See Stein, A.S.B.J., for 1899, p. 85. It is

the Peliasa of the maps. Later on, Jahangir indicates its position

by saying that it is 11 koss on the Kashmir side of the Kishan Ganga.

[291] That is, I presume, he did not really utter the words,

but his appearance represented them. The Iqbal-nama has, p. 138,

mihman chu Biga ("a guest such as a Begam"). MS. 181 has nagah chu

Sultan. I.O. MS. 305 has nagah chu mihman. The reading Bega or Begam

certainly seems preferable. The text is wrong as usual, and has mihan

("the great"), unless it is to be read mahan, and taken in the sense

of Moons--i.e., ladies.

[292] The Iqbal-nama, 139, has Kahta'i.

[293] The Iqbal-nama, 139, has 500 horse.

[294] The name of M. Rustam's son, who was drowned.

[295] Kushtigir, which means a wrestler. But Jahangir puns on the

word as if it were kishtigir ("a boatman"). Perhaps kushtigir was

his name. I presume that the person meant is the other servant. There

was no boat there. The Iqbal-nama has either kishtigir, or kushtigir.

[296] There is an extraordinary account of the Mirza's death in Price's

"Jahangir" which quite differs from the story told here. See Price,

p. 138. It is also stated there that he had been married six months

before to a daughter of I`timadu-d-daula. There is also an account

of the accident in the Iqbal-nama, p. 139.

[297] Or Kuwarmast.

[298] Perhaps we should read Buniyar. See Stein, loc. cit.,

p. 87. Jahangir seems to have crossed over to the left bank of the

Jhelam in the course ot his march. Perhaps he did so at Ooriu of the

map (Uri). Buniyar seems to be the Bhaniar of the map. I.O. MS. 181

has Butiyar.

[299] The allusion may be to the tuft of leaves at the top of a

pineapple.

[300] Perhaps bula nik.

[301] Push means flower in Kashmiri. Does the name mean "flower of

`Ali the Perfect"?

[302] Baramula is on the left bank of the Jhelam according to the

I.G., new edition. But maps and travellers seem to place it on the

right bank.

[303] Fourteen koss seem too little. The distance to Srinagar seems

to be 31 miles by the road. The old city Varamula was on the right

bank. Stein, 201. It is 32 miles from Srinagar.

[304] There is an omission in the text here. The MSS. have: "As Monday

had been fixed for entering Srinagar, I did not think it advisable to

halt at this stage, but immediately entered boats with the ladies and

proceeded on with blessings towards the goal. On Sunday, the 10th, when

two watches of the day had passed, I arrived at Shihabu-d-din-pur."

[305] See Jarrett, II. 310, n. 7.

[306] The MSS. have La? Apparently the kah of text is a relative

pronoun and not part of the name. Perhaps Lah in Ladakh is the

place meant.

[307] Dar kull ("in general, in bulk") (?).

[308] The MSS. have also Mandal Badr. They have not Mulk after Badr

as in text.

[309] Sister in MSS.

[310] Zar here does not, I think, mean gold.

[311] The silver sasnu of Jarrett, II. 354, and n. 2.

[312] Jahangir went part of the way by water.

[313] Perhaps he is the Raja Bhagwan Singh mentioned by Drew in his

book on Kashmir, p. 119.

[314] Abu-l-Fazl, Jarrett, II. 347, puts Kashmir into the third

and fourth climates, but at Vol. III., p. 89, he puts Kashmir into

the fourth climate. Probably both he and Jahangir mean by Kashmir

Srinagar. The appellation "White Islands" is probably a mistake for

"The Fortunate Islands," safid (white) being written instead of sa`ada,

which is the word in the Iqbal-nama. Jaza'ir-i-Sa`ada ("The Fortunate

Isles") is also the expression used in the Zafar-nama, II. 178, which

is probably the source of the Ayin and the Tuzuk. In the extract from

the Zafar-nama given in the T. Rashidi translation, 430, the longitude

is given as 105° from the "Fortunate Islands." The text of the Ayin,

Bib. Ind. edition, II. 42, gives 105.40° as the longitude.

[315] See Rieu, I. 296. The translator was Mulla Shah Muh. of

Shahabad. See also Blochmann, 106.

[316] The Peliasa of the maps and the Bolvasaka of Stein. Qambarbar is

Farutar in text. The Iqbal-nama, 147, has Qambarbar. It is evidently

the Qambarber of Jarrett, II. 347 and 361. It lies in the south-east of

Kashmir. Measured by the compass, Jahangir's 67 is much more correct

than Abu-l-Fazl's 120. The I.G. new edition gives the area of Kashmir

and Jammu as 80,900 square miles. Lawrence states the approximate

length of the valley as 84 miles, and the breadth as from 20 to

25 miles.

[317] The word used by Jahangir is dara`, which is given by Steingass

as Arabic, and as meaning a yard. Zara` again, is given as equal to a

cubit. Clearly Jahangir uses the word here as equivalent to a gaz or

yard, for he says that there are 5,000 dara` in the koss adopted by

himself and his father, and Abu-l-Fazl in the Ayin (Jarrett, II. 414)

says the koss is 5,000 gaz. The word dara` is also rendered gaz in

the Hindustani translation of the Memoirs. There is an important

discrepancy between the two I.O. MSS. and the printed text of the

Memoirs. The former, instead of saying that the dara` or yard is =

2 shar`i dara`, say that 1 1/4 dara` are = 2 shar`i dara`. In the

Ayin (Jarrett, II. 417) the gaz is given as equal to 24 digits. See

later on, p. 303 of text, where, in describing Shah Shuja's accident,

7 dara` are said to be equal to 10 shar`i, or ordinary, gaz.

[318] See text (thirteenth year), p. 234, where it is stated that

the Ilahi gaz is 40 finger-breadths.

[319] Vir is willow, so Vir-nag means Willow-fountain.

[320] Jarrett, II. 387. The I.G., XXIII. 100, says it was built by

Zainu-l-`abidin. The inscription shows that Zainu-l-`abidin built

it (Lawrence, 290). It is stated there that it was also burnt in

1029. A.H.--i.e., in the year of Jahangir's visit.

[321] Khanaqahi. Lawrence, 292.

[322] So in text and MSS., but perhaps du is a mistake for

Dal. However, the I.G. speaks of two lakes, the Dal and the Anchar

(north of Srinagar). See also Lawrence, 20 and 36.

[323] Probably the meaning is that the water never causes

indigestion. Abu-l-Fazl speaks of the streams being khush-guwar--i.e.,

their water is digestible.

[324] The number of boatmen, when compared with the number of boats,

seems very small, but the figures are the same in the I.O. MSS. and in

the Iqbal-nama, 149. Perhaps the word bist, 20, has been omitted, and

we should read 27,400 boatmen. Lawrence states the number of boatmen

at 33,870, and the boats, exclusive of private ones, at 2,417. The

revenue of Kashmir, as stated by Jahangir, is that mentioned in the

Ayin, Jarrett, II. 366, and is according to the assessment of Qazi

'Ali. In the two I.O. MSS. the corresponding number of dams is given

as 7,46,70,400 (Rs. 1,866,760), being only 11 less than that given

in Jarrett, II. 367, line 3. The figures given in Lawrence, 234, are

taken apparently from the Persian text (compare Bib. Ind. edition,

I. 571), corresponding to Jarrett, II. 368. The pargana Der, which

Lawrence failed to trace, is a mistake for the well-known Ver, dal

having been written or read by mistake for wa.

[325] Compare Jarrett, II. 366. "Some part of the Sair Jihat cesses

are taken in cash."

[326] Jarrett, II. 347.

[327] Compare Jarrett, II. 348, where we have "the country is

enchanting, and might be fittingly called a garden of perpetual spring

surrounding a citadel terraced to the skies."

[328] That is, the flowers.

[329] Text jawaniha, but I.O. MSS. have khubiha.

[330] Apparently the proper spelling is jughashi. See Vullers'

s. v. and Bahar-i-`ajam, 368, col. a. It is a black tulip. Sir George

King thought it might be the Fritillaria imperialis. See Jarrett,

349, and n. 1.

[331] Nur-afza garden. See infra.

[332] Tagetes patula. The genda of Bengal?

[333] Compare text, p. 235.

[334] Compare Jarrett, II. 349, where the words "Besides plums and

mulberries" should be "except cherries (shah-alu) and shah-tut"

(a large mulberry).

[335] Blochmann, 411. Abu-l-Fazl, Ayin, Blochmann, 65, speaks of

cherries coming from Kabul. But cherries both sweet and sour are

mentioned in the T. Rashidi as growing in Kashmir (Translation,

p. 425).

[336] Zard-alu-i-paiwandi.

[337] Shikananda, query, melting. The word occurs also in Iqbal-nama,

152. Possibly it means "with good markings."

[338] But see I.G., XV. 124, where shah-tut is mentioned. See also

Lawrence, 348.

[339] Compare Jarrett, II. 349.

[340] Mushang or mushanj, a small pea ("pisum arvense").

[341] Text khushka-tar. MSS. have khushka narm. Perhaps we should

translate "it is inferior and dry. They boil till it is soft, etc." The

Iqbal-nama has khushka narm mi-pazand.

[342] The sentence about wheat is omitted in the text.

[343] Text kuhi ("hill"); but this is opposed to the MSS. and also to

the Ayin-i-Akbari which Jahangir is evidently copying. See Jarrett

II. 350, and n. 3, and Persian text, I. 563. The I.O. MSS. of

Tuzuk have kaddi or gaddi. Gaddi is the name of a pastoral tribe

(see Lawrence, 12), and there is a Turkish word kedi meaning a cat,

and a word gaddi which means "horned." The Iqbal-nama, 153, has

"kadi-i-Hindustan." Jarrett, loc. cit. states that handu in Kashmiri

means a domestic ram. The word for tailless is bi-dumba, and perhaps

means that the sheep have not the enormously thick tails of some

kinds of hill sheep.

[344] Possibly nahrma ("like a river"), is right, for the garment

is said to be mauj-dar ("having waves"). The word mauj-dar occurs in

the Iqbal-nama, 153, and in the two I.O. MSS.

[345] Jul is a coverlet, and khirsak means a little bear, but is

applied to a rough woollen coverlet--a drugget. Darma is a name in

Bengal for a reed mat.

[346] Perhaps "tie it at the waist." But see Lawrence, 252: "The

Panditana wears a girdle, but no drawers."

[347] The MSS. have tattu. Both they and the text have also the words

chahar shana ba-zamin nazdik. Chahar shana means a dwarf. Literally

it means "four shoulders," and Vullers following, the Bahar-i-`Ajam,

defines it as a man of small stature with thick shoulders. Evidently

the words ba-zamin nazdik are meant as an explanation or addition to

Chahar-shana, and signify that the yabu or tattu has his withers near

the ground. The words also occur in the Iqbal-nama, 154.

[348] Jangrah u shakh-jilau. Jangrah, however, may refer to their

gait, and may mean that they don't go straight, and very likely we

should read changrah "going crookedly." Shakh-jilau is not in the

dictionaries, and I only guess at the meaning. The phrase is also in

the Iqbal-nama, 154.

[349] Text ilchi-i-saman. The real word is ilkhi, which is also

spelt ilqi and ilghi, and is a Turki word meaning a horse, and also

a troop of horses. See Pavet de Courteille Dictionary, p. 132, and

Vullers I. 149b, who refers to the Burhan-i-qati`, Appendix. See also

Zenker, p. 152. The Iqbal-nama, p. 155, top line, wrongly has balkhha

(from Balkh?).

[350] Jarrett, II. 352, and n. 1, also T. Rashidi, translation,

435. But perhaps all that is meant is the followers of the national

saint Shaikh Nuru-d-din. Lawrence, 287.

[351] Taken from the Ayin, see Jarrett, II. 353. There they are called

brahmans, but this seems to be an error of the Bib. Ind. text. Gladwin

has "Rishi." The Rishis were Muhammadans. See Jarrett, II. 359, where

mention is made of Baba Zainu-d-din Rishi. See also Colonel Newall's

paper on the Rishis or Hermits of Kashmir, A.S.B.J., 1870, p. 265.

[352] Text Baran. MSS. have Maran, and Eastwick has Koh-i-Mahran. He

calls it an isolated hill 250 feet high. It is on the north outskirts

of the city. See also Lawrence, 184, and n. 2, and Stein, 147-48.

[353] The Dal Lake is 3.87 miles long and 2.58 broad, the Anchar Dal

is 3.51 miles long and 2.15 broad. Lawrence, 20.

[354] MSS. have kil, and so has the Iqbal-nama. Kil is given in

Lawrence, 114, as the Kashmir name for the ibex.

[355] Jarrett, II. 360.

[356] This is the Ilahi gaz.

[357] Blochmann, 252, and note.

[358] So called because in Shuja`'s horoscope.

[359] A village called `Aish-maqam is mentioned in Jarrett, II. 359,

n. 1, but it is probably not the `Aishabad here mentioned, for

`Aish-maqam was on the Lidar and a long way S.S.E. Srinagar.

[360] Shigufa-i-sad-barg ("the blossoms of the hundred-leaved rose"?).

[361] Allah-dad was s. Jalalu-d-din Tariki, also called Raushani,

and he became a distinguished officer of Shah-Jahan under the title

of Rashid K. See Ma'asir, II. 248, and Dabistan, 390.

[362] There are different readings. No. 181 has Maud and

Mihri. Apparently it is the Mau and Nabah of Jarrett, II. 319, where

also there are various readings. See also Tuzuk, 263, where the text

has Mau u shahra.

[363] Or Charvara. See Rieu Catalogue, I. 297. Haidar Malik wrote

a history of Kashmir. It was he who protected Nur-Jahan after her

first husband's murder. Stein has Cadura, recte Isadur p. 43; it is

10 miles south of Srinagar.

[364] An allusion to Nur-Jahan and to Nuru-d-din Jahangir.

[365] See Akbar-nama, III. 542, and Tabaqat-i-Akbari extract in

Appendix, translation of Tarikh-i-Rashidi, p. 490. The place was

Khanpur or near it. Perhaps the tree is the Adansonia. See also

Jarrett, II. 363. According to Stein, 191, Halthal is the name of the

village, and is a corruption of Salasthala. This agrees with the Ayin

I. 569, but not with Akbar-nama III. 542, where halthal is given as

the name of the tree.

[366] I have not found this passage in the Akbar-nama. The

Iqbal-nama, 159, says that 70 people stood erect inside of the

trunk. Rawal-pur is marked on the map of Kashmir, a little to the

south of Srinagar. Nizamu-d-din, in his chapter on Kashmir in the

Tabaqat-i-Akbari, speaks of a tree under the shade of which 200

horsemen could stand.

[367] Possibly bi-sarfa only means "unsuccessful." But it is used lower

down (text 308, line 8), in the sense of immoderate or unprofitable.

[368] Text has Turks (Turkiyan).

[369] Apparently the Rohankhed of I.G., XXI. 304.

[370] Literally, "raised the foot of ignorance."

[371] Perhaps Sukh Nag is the Shakar Nag of Jarrett, II. 361. The Sukh

Nag River is mentioned in Lawrence, 16. It may also be the waterfall

mentioned by Bernier, which he says Jahangir visited and levelled a

rock in order to see properly.

[372] From Dr. Scully's list it appears that this is the sach, the

rose-coloured starling, Pastor roseus. See also Vullers, Dictionary,

s. v. The bird seen by Jahangir may have been a dipper, Lawrence, 153.

[373] The MSS. have kulhai.

[374] According to the two I.O. MSS.--which are corroborated by

the Iqbal-nama--the text has here omitted an important part of the

report--presumably a written one--submitted by the Qazi and the

Mir `Adl. After the words "denied it," there comes in the MSS. the

statement: "The Hakim-zada (Hakim's son) produced two witnesses in

court. The Sayyids invalidated (or impeached) the testimony of one of

them, and the Hakim-zada brought a third witness and proved his case

according to law." The Iqbal-nama, p. 161, has not the whole of this,

and it has kharij instead of jarih, but it has the words guwah-i-salis

("a third witness").

[375] The meaning seems to be that he would in corroboration and ex

cautela take the oath. He had already proved his claim in the ordinary

way by witnesses and the production of the bond. See the account in

the Iqbal-nama, 160-63, which is fuller than that in text.

[376] Mu`amala-i-kulli ast. "The case was involved" (like a bud?),

or perhaps "the case was important."

[377] The text wrongly omits the negative. See Iqbal-nama, I. 62.

[378] Apparently this was Saliha Banu d. Qa'im K. Blochmann, 371, and

477, n. 2. She had the name of Padshah-mahall. See Hawkins' account

in Purchas, IV. 31, and Khafi K. I. 259. He calls the father Qasim.

[379] It is Ghairat K. in I.O. MS., 181.

[380] For Jalal K., see Blochmann, 455 and 486. He was grandson of

Sultan Adam.

[381] Rasid. See lower down text 308, where it is noted that the

cherries came to an end.

[382] This represents A.H. 1029, or 1620.

[383] Mat-treading or beating = house-warming. This was in honour of

the new picture-gallery.

[384] Danaha-kish. See Vullers, s.v. Kesh. The kish is a marten of

whose skin neckcloths, etc., are made. This note corrects the one at

p. 321 of translation, as also the text there.

[385] It is Busi-marg in the I.O. MSS. But perhaps the text is right,

and the place is the Tosh Maidan of Lawrence, 16.

[386] The gun is now at Bijapur, I.G., VIII. 186.

[387] Compare Iqbal-nama, 163-64. The text has ran ("thigh") instead

of zaban.

[388] Blochmann, 382. The name of the son is given in the MSS. as Mir

`Ali Asghar.

[389] Perhaps this is the Gurais Valley of Lawrence, 16, for Kuri

may be read Guri.

[390] See Jarrett, III. 121 and n. 5. The bird is either the

common hawk-cuckoo of Jerdon (Hierococcyx varius) or his Coccystes

melanoleucos--i.e., the pied-crested cuckoo, for both birds seem

to have the native name of Papiha. The Hierococcyx varius is the

"brain-fever" bird of the Anglo-Indian, I.G., I. 250. The pied-crested

cuckoo occurs in Kashmir, and so also apparently does a bird of the

genus Hierococcyx. Lawrence, pp. 138, 139.

[391] I am not sure what bird this is. Ghaugha'i means a turtle dove in

Bengal, but I doubt if this be the bird meant by Jahangir. Ghaugha'i

would mean a noisy bird, and perhaps is the Bengal Babbler of Jerdon,

or the Sat Bha'i (seven brothers) of the Indians. It belongs to the

Malacocircus genus, and Jerdon, I. 340, states that the pied-crested

cuckoo generally lays her egg in the nest of the Malacocirci. The

babbling thrushes occur in Kashmir. In Blochmann, 296, there is an

account of how ghaugha'is are caught.

[392] MS. 305 has Ghairat K., but No. 181 has `Arab K., and this

agrees with Stanley Lane Poole's Muhammadan dynasties (p. 279),

which has 'Arab Muhammad as ruling down to 1623. Urganj is in Khiva.

[393] Jahangir called Khan-Jahan his farzand (son).

[394] Not the famous `Ali Mardan, but `Ali Mardan, who was killed in

the Deccan. Blochmann, 496.

[395] Dandan-i-ablaq-i-jauhar-dar. Jauhar-dar here does not mean

"jewelled," but veined or striped. See Vullers, I. 542a. Walrus-teeth

may be meant by Jahangir, but tortoise-shell is more likely.

[396] Sundar is another name for Raja Bikramajit, and the reference

must be to the Siege of Kangra. Jauhar Mal was a son of Raja Baso,

and appears to be the same person as Suraj Mal. It is Jauhar in

I.O. MS., 181.

[397] Deotani in No. 181. Blochmann has the name Dutani, apparently

as a tribal name (p. 504), and Elphinstone speaks in vol. II., p. 82,

of a small tribe called Dumtauny.

[398] Veth is the Kashmiri name for the Jhelam (Lawrence, 18). It is

contracted from Vitasta. It is curious that the date of the festival

should be given according to a Muhammadan month (Shawwal), which must

recur at different seasons. Apparently the meaning is that the birth

of the Jhelam took place on that day.

Apparently the festival is not much celebrated nowadays, for it

is not mentioned by Lawrence (264-266), except that in a note to

p. 266 the Vathtrwah is mentioned as a day on which daughters receive

presents. The 19th Shahriwar, the corresponding date mentioned by

Jahangir, would answer to the end of August or beginning of September,

and to the Hindu month of Asin. 13 Shawwal, 1029, would correspond

to 1 September, 1620. Possibly the Shawwal of text is a mistake for

the Hindu month Sawan--i.e., Sravan. The legend of the birth of the

Jhelam is told in Stein, 97. Possibly Shawwal does not here mean the

month, and we should read shaghal-i-chiraghan, "the business of lamps."

[399] The crane visits Kashmir in winter, but Jahangir was never

there in that season.

[400] The text wrongly gives this as a list of birds which are found

in Kashmir. The Iqbal-nama 159 and the MSS. show that the text has

omitted a negative, and that the list consists of Indian birds which

are not met with in Kashmir. Several of the names do not occur in

the dictionaries. No 2 (the saras) is described in Babur's Memoirs,

321. No. 4 is the florikan, or Otis Bengalensis. For Nos. 5-7 see

Babur's Memoirs, 321. Karawan is a crane in Arabic, apparently, and so

Karwanak should be a little crane. It is also described as a kind of

partridge. Perhaps the Karwanak is the demoiselle crane. No. 9 may be

the oriole, or mango-bird, but that, too, is common in Kashmir. For

No. 12, which may be the ibis, see Babur's Memoirs, 322. For No. 14

see Babur's Memoirs, p. 321, and for No. 18 Babur's Memoirs, 320. For

the Sharak (No. 19), see Babur's Memoirs, 319. No 22 may possibly be

the bee-eater (Merops viridis). For No. 23 see Babur's Memoirs, 267

and 321. No. 25 may be one of the parrots, as Hafiz called the Indian

parrots and poets tutiyan-i-shakar-shikan. See Ayin-i-Akbari, Persian

text, I. 415, and Jarrett, II. 150. The tatiri, No. 30, is apparently

the black partridge Francolinus vulgaris. The names of the birds seem

to be often wrong in the text, and so I have followed the I.O. MSS.

[401] Kurg, but perhaps Gurg, "the wolf," is meant. The wolf is very

rare in Kashmir (Lawrence, 109).

[402] Query, mushak-i-kur--i.e., mole.

[403] According to Wilson's Glossary, the tola is = 180 grains Troy,

and the misqal = 63 1/2 grains Troy.

[404] Elliot, VI. 373, and Iqbal-nama 165.

[405] Vernag of Lawrence, 23.

[406] Text u an; in MSS. u.

[407] Lawrence, 67.

[408] Jarrett, II. 356, where it is written Vej Brára.

[409] Iqbal-nama, 164.

[410] This must be the Nandimarg of Jarrett II. 357 and of Akbar-nama

III. 551. In the Ayin (Jarrett II. 356), mention is made of a place

where there are seven fountains. Stein, 182, speaks of a spring sacred

to the seven Rishis. Is it possible that chashma in the A.N. (Persian

text, I. 565) is a mistake for chinar?

[411] Satha phuli? Seven fountains?

[412] Khan Dauran is the Shah-Beg K. Arghun of Blochmann, 377.

[413] See Ma'asir, II. 155, and Blochmann, 483, for an account of Ram

Das. Inch is mentioned in Jarrett, II. 356. Perhaps Inch is the Yech

pargana of Stein, 190-191.

[414] Ram Das had died eight years before this.

[415] Akbar-nama, III. 725, last line; Lawrence, 298; Stein, loc. cit.,

176, 177.

[416] The Achh Dal of Jarrett, II. 358, and the Achabal of Lawrence,

22.

[417] Jarrett, II. 361. The Dir Nag of Iqbal-nama, 165. See also

Jarrett, II. 361. The Vernag of Lawrence, 23. Jahangir interpolates

an account of Virnag into the annals of the second year. See p. 92

of translation.

[418] So in text, but a few lines lower down the depth is spoken of

as four gaz. The Ibqal-nama has "fourteen yards."

[419] The Iqbal-nama has "to the end of the garden."

[420] Iqbal-nama, 165, has "186 yards."

[421] Compare Iqbal-nama, 166.

[422] The meaning is that the Maraj (or Marraj), the upper part of

Kashmir, is superior to the lower part, or Kamraj. See Tuzuk, 298.

[423] Iqbal-nama, 166. Perhaps the Bawan Send of Jarrett, II. 361. Loka

Bhavan (bhavan means "abode") is mentioned in Stein, 180. It is the

Lokapunya of the Rajatarangini. It is five miles south of Achbal.

[424] Is this a corruption of Anantanag--i.e., Islamabad?

[425] Author of Iqbal-nama, 166. The appointment was that of examiner

of petitions.

[426] I presume that the ends laid hold of by the boatmen were

the disengaged ends--i.e., the ends 14 or 15 yards apart. But see

Iqbal-nama, 166-167.

[427] Text Panj Hazara. The MSS. are not clear. It may be the Sendbrary

of Bernier.

[428] The word is shikar, but, as he had renounced shooting, netting

is probably what is meant.

[429] Iqbal-nama, 169.

[430] Or Pampar, the ancient Padmapura. See Stein, J.A.S.B. for 1899,

p. 167; Elliot, VI. 375. But the passage, as in Elliot, does not come

directly from the Tuzuk or the Iqbal-nama.

[431] MSS. have 3,200.

[432] I.e., hawks taken from the nest, and not born in captivity.

[433] Iqbal-nama, 169.

[434] This is Mir Jamalu-d-din, the dictionary-maker and friend of

Sir Thomas Roe.

[435] The sentence appears obscure, but probably it was an order to

the authorities at Lahore to supply Husamu-d-din with the cost of

entertaining the ambassador up to the amount of Rs. 5,000.

[436] Perhaps the waterfall described by Bernier in his ninth letter,

and mentioned as having been admired by Jahangir.

[437] Hirapur is Hurapur and the ancient Surapura.

[438] Mari or Nari Brara in the MSS.

[439] Bi-badal K. is the name given by Jahangir to Sa`ida or Shaida who

was chief goldsmith. See end of 15th year, p. 326 of text. For Shaida,

who died in Kashmir in 1080 (A.D. 1669-70), see Rieu, III. 1083a,

and I. 251, and Supp. Catalogue, p. 207, and Sprenger's Catalogue 124.

[440] Text calls them brothers, but the MSS. show that biradar is a

mistake for barabar, "equally."

[441] The MSS. add: "He was a good youth (jawan) and without guile."

[442] Ab-i-hayat, "water of life," a name given by Akbar to his

ab-dar-khana, or supply of drinking-water, etc. See Blochmann, 51.

[443] Text wrongly has Thatta.

[444] Elliott, VI. 376. Apparently Sati was not practised by burning,

but by burying.

[445] Bisyar bihtar, MS., 181.

[446] Girjhak is said to be the Hindu name for Jalalpur, and

the probable site of Bukephala, Jarrett, II. 324. Makhiyala

is also mentioned there. It seems that Mukhyala is the famous

Manikiyala, where the Buddhist tope is which was first described

by Elphinstone. Abu-l-Fazl says in the Ayin that it was a place of

worship. See I.G., new ed., XVII. 182.

[447] Mountain-sheep. Apparently three rings were made.

[448] The I.O. MSS. add here 76 head of markhwur, etc., were taken.

[449] Perhaps the reference is to the tomb he formerly put up over

a favourite deer.

[450] MSS. have "is very noble."

[451] Pigeon-fancier. He belonged to Herat, and is mentioned in

Blochmann, 302.

[452] Text wrongly has 1031. It should be 1030, as in the Iqbal-nama,

171.

[453] The couplet is given in Iqbal-nama, 171, with some verbal

differences.

[454] Elliott, VI. 374.

[455] Jauhar Mal is mentioned at p. 310. Perhaps he was not Suraj Mal,

but it looks as if he was the same person. Cf. corresponding passage

in Iqbal-nama, 173, where he is called Suraj Mal.

[456] P. 310 of text.

[457] Raja Bikramajit. See ante, p. 310.

[458] Text wrongly has ghalla grain, instead of `alafha fodder,

grasses, etc. See MSS. and Iqbal-nama, 174.

[459] Text wrongly has 1031, but it is 1031 in the MSS. and in Elliot,

VI., 375. See, however, Elliot, VI. 378, and text, 326, which shew

that the 16th year began in 1030.

[460] The `Abbasi is also the name of a dress. The MSS. have fourteen,

instead of four, horses. Apparently the presents were Zambil's own

offering, not that of his master. See below.

[461] Mansab-i-kabak. Perhaps we should read katak, and regard the

increase as made to the office of guarding the palace. It is katak,

apparently, in I.O. MSS. It may, however, be Kang or Gang and a

man's name.

[462] Apparently the translator of the Rajatarangini.

[463] Doubtless the Gwalior in the Panjab.

[464] Nur Jahan's daughter by Shir-afgan. The date of the asking is

given in the text as the third, but should be the 30th, as in the

I.O. MSS.

[465] Elliot, VI. 376.

[466] The Iqbal-nama, 176, has "ten crores."

[467] The MSS. have 5,000. The word for "gunners" is tupchi.

[468] The MSS., instead of Naushahr, have sawad-i-shahr, "the environs

of the city" (cf. Lahore?).

[469] It was in the vicinity of Lahore. Akbar-nama, III. 569.

[470] But the next page of text records another feast of the lunar

weighment. Can it be that the lunar weighment refers to Nur Jahan's

birthday, not to Jahangir's? The 17th here mentioned is the 17th

of the solar month of Dai, and corresponded to about December 28,

1620. In the following page (324) we are told that the lunar weighment

took place on 30 Bahman, corresponding to 25 Rabi`u-l-awwal--i.e.,

February 8, 1621: Jahangir's birthday was on Rabi`u-l-awwal 17,

so the anniversary fell this year on 22 Bahman. Consequently, if he

celebrated it, as stated on p. 323, on 17 Dai, he did so more than

a month too soon! Evidently there is a mistake somewhere.

[471] This place is mentioned again in the account of the 16th year,

p. 338. It evidently received its name from Nur Jahan.

[472] Akbarpur, twelve miles N.W. Mathura. J. Sarkar's India of

Aurangzeb, 171.

[473] That is, of Chach in Transoxiana, but according to I.O. MS. 181,

the word is Khafi--i.e., from Khaf or Khwaf.

[474] Ninety-one rubies is surely a mistake. The Iqbal-nama, 177,

only speaks of one. It is, however, 91 yaqut in I.O. MS., 181.

[475] This is the Armenian of whom so much is said by Father Botelho

and other missionaries. It is mentioned in M. Waris's continuation

of the Padishah-nama, p. 392, of B.M. MS., that Zu-l-Qarnain Farangi

came from Bengal and presented poems which he had composed on Shah

Jahan's name, and got a present of Rs. 4,000. He it was, probably,

who entertained Coryat. The passage in the text seems to show that

Akbar had an Armenian wife.

[476] He is mentioned in some MSS. of the Akbar-nama, vol. III.,

as taking part in the religious discussions.

[477] Probably this is the La`l Beg who wrote a book about the

Naqshbandi order. See Ma'asiru-l-Umara, II., 382.

[478] The Iqbal-nama has "42 eunuchs."

[479] The MSS. have 40 cocks, 12 buffaloes, and 7 buffalo-horns. The

text also has shakh, horns, but this has been taken as a pleonasm.

[480] But there was such a ceremony a few days before (see p. 323

of text).

[481] For tank see Blochmann, 16 n. The Iqbal-nama, 178, has "twelve

misqals."

[482] For the Naskh character see Blochmann, 99-100, and for the

Nasta`liq, 101. See also the elaborate article on Writing in Hughes'

Dictionary of Islam.

[483] By Shah-i-Wilayat is meant the Caliph `Ali b. Abi Talib.

[484] The Houshabarchan of Hawkins.

[485] Mahaban, five or six miles from Mathura.

[486] They had made an istiqbal, or visit of welcome, from Agra.

[487] This was Babar's garden. It was on the opposite side of the

Jumna to Agra.

[488] So in text, but two (du) must be a mistake for "ten," as 2

months, 2 days = 62, and the marches and halts 49 + 21 amount to 70,

or 8 more. It is 10 in I.O. MSS.

[489] The budna, or bodna, is a species of quail. See Babar's Memoirs,

Erskine, p. 320, where it is spelt budinah. There is a description

in the Ayin, Blochmann, 296, of the mode of catching them.

[490] The word "village" is omitted in both the I.O. MSS.

[491] This gives an average of Rs. 6,342 for each animal.

[492] The I.O. MSS. have "Saturday." But Monday seems right, as

Thursday was 4 Farwardin.

[493] In the Ayin, which was composed in the 40th year of Akbar's

reign, Salim's rank is given as 10,000, Murad's as 8,000, and Daniyal's

as 7,000 (p. 308).

[494] In celebration of the commencement of the 16th year of the reign.

[495] Yaqut-i-kabud, "a blue ruby."

[496] The I.O. MSS. have Mirza Muhammad.

[497] Jamalu-d-din Husain Inju.

[498] See Vullers, s.v. It is a smelling-bottle or case containing

ambergris.

[499] Blochmann, 55.

[500] Apparently a zebra. See Iqbal-nama, 179, where it is stated that

it was brought by sea. The text of the Tuzuk is wrong, as usual. What

we should read is: "It was like a tiger (MS. 181 and Iqbal-nama have

shir, not babar), but the markings on a tiger are black and yellow,

and these were black and white."

[501] Perhaps this is the muhar now in Germany.

[502] Husain K. Tukriya.

[503] Nafs mi-suzad.

[504] Thursday night or Friday eve is what is meant.

[505] Elliot, VI. 378.

[506] King David was said to be a maker of cuirasses.

[507] Yamani. Elliot has almasi (adamant-like).

[508] See Blochmann's translation and remarks in Proceedings A.S.B. for

1869, p. 167. It is there stated that the date of the fall of the

meteorite was Friday, April 10, 1621, O.S., and that the weight would

be nearly 5.271 pounds troy.

[509] A widow of Baqi Muhammad.

[510] Elliot, VI. 379.

[511] Elliot, VI. 379, has "in sight of the fort." Perhaps the meaning

is that the villages were in the jurisdiction of the fort.

[512] The Iqbal-nama, 181, has "fourteen."

[513] The account of Shah Jahan's spirited attack on the Deccanis

is in some places rather obscurely worded, and the printed edition

is not always correct. Help can be obtained from the Iqbal-nama,

181, etc., and from Elliot, VI. 379. The text has firar, "flight,"

and this has been followed by Elliot, who has "on their approach the

rebels took to flight, and removed to a distance from Burhanpur." But

the true reading, as shown by the Iqbal-nama, is qarar, "firmness,"

not firar, and the words are bar daur-i-shahr, "round the city,"

not bar dur, "far from." The rebels were, as the Iqbal-nama states,

"in the environs of the city," "dar sawad-i-shahr," but apparently not

in such force as to prevent Shah Jahan's sazawuls--i.e., his apparitors

and summoners--from going into the city and bringing out recruits.

[514] In the I.O. MSS. the word looks like bi-jagari (want of settled

home or residence?).

[515] Text has chasa. The word may be jushsha, given in Vullers, 516b,

as meaning robes or garments, and this is the meaning given to it by

Elliot, but the Iqbal-nama has jubba, "cuirasses," and this I have

adopted. It is jubba in I.O. No. 181.

[516] Text, chihla u khamcha. The last word should, I think, be

jamjama. Chihla in Hindustani means a "slimy place." It is jamjama

in I.O. MS., No. 181.

[517] Text has ghair instead of `Ambar.

[518] Text wrongly has Rup-ratan.

[519] Padishah-nama, I., Part II., p. 349.

[520] The text wrongly has 1,000.

[521] The Bib. Ind. ed. of Iqbal-nama, 184, inserts a negative here,

but this seems wrong. In a MS. in my possession there is no negative.

[522] Elliot, VI. 380.

[523] Elliot, VI. 448, the Ma'asiru-l-Umara, I. 577, and Padishah-nama

I., Part II., 347.

[524] Text wrongly has 12th. Jahangir's birthday was on the 18th

Shahriwar.

[525] Khiffati. I am not sure of the reading. One B.M. MS. seems to

have haqqi, and perhaps the meaning is that the physicians had already

been abundantly recompensed for their labour for two or three days,

haqqi being taken as equal to haqq-i-sa`i.

[526] A little before his weight came only to Rs. 6,500 (p. 329 of

text). But possibly Jahangir means that he had himself weighed for

Jotik's benefit.

[527] Elliot, VI. 381.

[528] Madar-i-dahr.

[529] Text and MSS. have madar-i-ura, "her mother"(?) Perhaps we should

read ma ura, "we (esteemed) her not less than our own mother." Or

it may be that the "her" means Nur Jahan, and that Jahangir means he

esteemed his mother-in-law as much as his own mother.

[530] That is, Shah Jahan (see Iqbal-nama, 186).

[531] The MSS. seem to have Khosti--i.e., of Khost.

[532] Text 8th, but should be 20th.

[533] Alwanu in MSS. It appears to be Aluwa, 11m. S.-E. of Sirhind.

[534] Text pahangi, which seems unintelligible. The MSS. have

mahiki(?)-i-khurd, "a small fish."

[535] Baqqa.

[536] Founded by Nur Jahan (see Cunningham, "Archæological Reports,"

XIV. 62).

[537] Spelt Ilah-bas.

[538] I have translated this passage from the MSS., which differ

a good deal from the text. Talwara was in the Bari Du'ab Sarkar

(Jarrett, II. 318.)

[539] Apparently this is the pulpaikar of Babar (Erskine, 320), though

the two descriptions do not altogether agree. Perhaps it is a hornbill.

[540] The MSS. have sal and lut. Is it the sham of Babar? (Erskine,

320).

[541] Murgh-i-zarin, goldfinch or golden oriole (?).

[542] The date and month are not mentioned, but it appears from the

Iqbal-nama, which gives the next entry as 14 Bahman, that the month

was Bahman, and that the date was probably about 20 January, 1622.

[543] The Bhalon of Jarrett, II. 316. Sibah is mentioned at p. 317,

ibid. The text has Sita.

[544] The couplet comes from Budags's elegy on Abu-l-Hasan Nahid

Balkhi. See Aufi's Lababu-l-Albab. Browne's ed., Part II., p. 3.

[545] Text wrongly has Chita. Chamba is N.-W. of Kangra.

[546] Elliot, VI. 382.

[547] The fort was destroyed by the earthquake of 1905 (I.G.,

XIV. 397). Presumably Jahangir's mosque was also destroyed then.

[548] The breadth of the second tank is not mentioned in the MSS.

[549] "The present temple of Bajreswari Devi is at Bhawan, a suburb

of Kangra" (I.G., XIV. 386).

[550] See I.G., XIV. 86, and Jarrett, II. 314 and n. 1. Jarrett states

that Jwala Mukhi is two days' journey from Kangra. Apparently Jahangir

took his statement from the Ayin, which has the words "in the vicinity"

(Jarrett, ibid.). Jarrett's statement that Jwala Mukhi is two days'

journey from Kangra is taken from Tieffenthaler, I. 108. Tieffenthaler

adds that the distance is 14 to 15 milles (leagues, or kosses). He

speaks of the Fort of Kangra as being only one-fourth of a mille

in circumference. The image, he states, was that of Bhowani, and

represented the lower part of the goddess's body. The head was alleged

to be at Jwala Mukhi.

[551] I.e., know the physical cause of the flame. The MSS. do not

mention Hindus in this clause.

[552] See Jarrett, II. 313, and note 2.

[553] The temple was sacked by Mahmud of Ghaznin.

[554] This might be Koh-i-Mandar, the hill which was used as a

churning-stick by the gods. There is a hill of this name in Bhagalpur

district which is known as Mandargiri. But probably Kuh-i-Madar here

means the centre-hill, for in the Bib. Ind. text of the Ayin-i-Akbari,

I. 538, two lines from foot, it is said that the place is called

Jalandhari, and a note (7) gives the various reading, "this spot is

regarded as the centre," "sar-i-zamin-ra madar pindarand." Apparently

it is regarded as the central place because the breast fell here,

Jarrett, II. 314, n. According to the list given there the right

breast fell at Jalandhara and the tongue at Jwala Mukhi.

[555] I.G., new ed., XIX. 232.

[556] Podna, or budana. The quail.

[557] Text khirdash, which I presume is a mistake for khurus.

[558] Dhameri. See I.G., XIX. 232.

[559] Mauti might mean "dead," but probably the word means "Pearl," and

was the title assumed by a tribe or family among the Sannyasis. See

infra. The statement that this order put themselves into the

figure of a cross doubtless means that they belong to the Urdu bahu

(arms-aloft) sect--i.e., the sect who raise their arms above their

heads, in the figure of a cross. In Tavernier, II. 378, of ed. of

1676, this is the 8th posture of ascetics, and at that page and at

376 there are figures of such ascetics. The I.O. MSS. have salab,

"mourning," instead of salb.

[560] Sarva vasi means "all-abiding." Perhaps the word should be

Sarva nasi, "all-destroying."

[561] For taslim, see Hughes' Dict. of Islam. Possibly we should read

taslib, "make the sign of the cross."

[562] The chronogram of the taking of the fort yields 1029, and that

of the building of the mosque 1031.

[563] Nurani, "illumined," an allusion to Jahangir's name.

[564] The MSS. have Kahtuma apparently. ? Kahuta in Rawalpindi

district.

[565] This should be, I think, the 20th, and though the name of the

month is not given, it should be Bahman. See MSS. and Iqbalnama,

191. Khusrau died in the Deccan, and presumably at Burhanpur or

Asir. 20 Bahman, 1031, corresponds to January 29, 1622, O.S. But the

date of his death has not been quite determined. See J.R.A.S. for 1907,

p. 601.

[566] The I.O. MSS. have 121 instead of 124, and they add to the

information about Zafar K. that he died in Ghaznin. They also give

his son's name as Sa`adatu-llah. The Iqbal-nama, p. 191, has 121 hill

sheep, markhur and deer.

[567] Date not given. The Iqbal-nama, 191, has "the 8th."

[568] The Iqbal-nama, p. 192, speaks of a report of Khan Jahan that

Khwaja `Abdu-l-`Aziz Naqshbandi, the governor of Qandahar, had a

garrison of 3,000 men.

[569] Jahangir appears on this occasion to have forgotten the vow he

made in the 13th year. See Elliot, VI. 362. Jahangir's words are clear:

"ba tir u tufang andakhtam."

[570] Apparently this is the Barahmula Pass. It is mentioned in

the Akbar-nama, III. 480-81 and 558, but does not appear on modern

maps. Jahangir refers to it in the account of the 15th year, p. 204,

and says it is the last of the passes.

[571] Sar-afraz in No. 181.

[572] The I.O. MS., No. 181, adds "and treasure."

[573] "Wilson" Glossary, p. 60. Elliot, Supp. Glossary, I. 52. The

word seems connected with barinj, "rice."

[574] This is the poet Baba Talib Isfahani of Blochmann, 607.

[575] Elliot, VI. 383.

[576] Not that the question of the Deccan had been settled, but that

Shah Jahan had left Burhanpur and come to Mandu. See Iqbal-nama, 193.

[577] Elliot, VI. 383.

[578] Tarkash-bandan, literally quiver-holders. Apparently the

meaning is that the archers who were footmen (see Blochmann, 254,

about Dakhili troops) lost their vocation when guns came into use,

and became cavalry soldiers. But the meaning in text may be that

the archers took to practising with bows and arrows on horseback. It

appears from a Dasturu-l-`amal in the I.O., No. 1,855 (E. 2736) that

the tarkash-bands were an inferior order of servants receiving 1,000

dams or less a year. They probably were not necessarily archers.

[579] The Achh Dal of the Ayin, Jarrett, II. 358.

[580] No. 181 has "at Virnag."

[581] Padshah-nama, I., Part II., p. 349.

[582] May also be read Uhar and Adhar. It is Adhar or Udhar in

I.O. MSS.

[583] The Sind River of Kashmir is meant. Jarrett, II. 364.

[584] This seems a translation of Akbar's word arinas

(enemy-destroying).

[585] Elliot, VI. 384, where Jhelam is a mistake.

[586] Padshah-nama, I., Part II., p. 339. His name was Mulla

Shukru-llah, and he was from Shiraz. He is the Mirza Sorocolla of Roe.

[587] Compare Iqbal-nama, 194 and 196. It is stated there that Nur

Jahan would not allow Afzal K. to have an audience, and that he was

dismissed without gaining his object.

[588] See Iqbal-nama, 196, where it is said that these orders were

not really given by Jahangir, but were Nur Jahan's.

[589] Elliot, VI. 280.

[590] This alludes to the facts that Humayun promised Shah Tahmasp

that he would restore the fort after he had conquered India, and that

Akbar had acknowledged the justice of Persia's claim.

[591] The clause is very obscure. Perhaps it is part of what Jahangir

had said.

[592] Farzand-i-barkhurdar.

[593] It is noteworthy that Jahangir does not attempt to controvert

the statement of Shah `Abbas that Qandahar rightfully belonged to

Persia. There is a very long account in the `Alam-ara'i of the claims

of Persia to Qandahar, and of the various attempts made to realize

them, until at last it was taken by Shah `Abbas. See the account

of the 35th year in the Teheran lithograph, p. 682, etc. The fort

of Qandahar surrendered on 11 Sha`ban, 1031, or June 11, 1622. The

Shah's letter announcing the fact and explaining his procedure was

presented by Haidar Beg on 26 Aban, 1031--i.e., early in November,

1622. He brought the officers of the garrison with him. See `Alam-ara'i

and the Tuzuk text, 348 (annals of the 17th year).

[594] Elliot, VI. 280.

[595] These words do not appear in the I.O. MSS. And what is written

in this chapter about the fates of Khalil and Muhtarim, etc., does

not agree with Mu`tamid's writing in Iqbal-nama.

[596] Elliot, VI. 384.

[597] Huquq ba-`uquq, "rights into wrongs."

[598] I rather think the meaning is "he by his baseness and

illfatedness has capitally punished them, and has (as it were) slain

them by his own hand," the meaning being that they will fall in the

civil war about to take place.

[599] Compare Iqbal-nama, 199.

[600] This is the man whom Jahangir had made Raja Bikramajit.

[601] Elliot, VI. 385.

[602] The lines come from Firdusi's satire on Mahmud of Ghazni.

[603] He was the great-grandson, being the son of Maha Singh s. Jagat

Singh s. Man Singh.

[604] Panj fauj. But perhaps the word is binj, or bikh, "root." Or

it may be pichha fauj, "the hinder army." Apparently the reference

is to the arrangement of the royal army into five divisions.

[605] "Bought it as if it were genuine."

[606] The Farhang-i-Jahangiri, Rieu Cat., p. 496 b.

[607] Where is this account? He is mentioned later, p. 359 of

text. Perhaps he is the Armenian mentioned in the 15th year as

Zu-l-Qarnain. But an Armenian would hardly be called a Farangi.

[608] The MSS. have "his brother Maghrur."

[609] The MSS. have a name that is not Naubat, and perhaps is Yunas

or Yunash Khan.

[610] Yunas or Yunash in MSS.

[611] Perhaps it means that qisas or retaliation could not

be inflicted. See Ma'asiru-l-umara, III. 335, and Iqbal-nama,

204. Evidently the mother did not want to prosecute. It is probable

that his murderers were only his half-brothers.

[612] The MSS. have Maharaja Gaj Singh, and they also have the names

Mansur Khan, Sar-buland Ray and Lashkar K.

[613] "Two" in MSS.

[614] Jahangir's mother.

[615] MS. 181 has Baba Khan.

[616] MS. 181 has Kuhnar or Kunhar, and it seems that it is a name,

and not merely "younger brother." The Iqbal-nama, 205, has Kunhar Das.

[617] Karij in text. See Jarrett, II. 253. But perhaps it should

be Kaira.

[618] It is Sha`ban in Nos. 181 and 305. The famous garden of Ahmadabad

is the Shahi, for which see the Bombay Gazetteer, vol. for Ahmadabad,

p. 283. But besides being Sha`ban in the MSS. it is also Sha`ban in the

Iqbal-nama, 207. The Shahi garden lies to the north of Ahmadabad, and

Safi was at the south or south-east of the city. Perhaps the Sha`ban

garden was near the Malik Sha`ban lake, which was east of the city,

and is referred to in Bombay Gazetteer, p. 18. The Bagh Sha`ban is

also referred to in Bayley's Gujarat, 236.

[619] Name very doubtful. MSS. seem to have Pir Lal Koli, or it may

be Bir Lal.

[620] The MSS. have "in ten."

[621] Text, Nar Singh Deo. But the MSS. seem to have another name,

Silhadi Deo (?). The name Lulu is also doubtful. The MSS. seem to

have Bulur. In Elliot, IV. 402, Puran Mal is called Bhaia.

[622] Har kudam ba-tarafi aftadand.

[623] Rieu, Cat., I. 158 b.

[624] Text has Kuh-i-Kul. But the I.O. MSS. show that the true reading

is Kul Nuh ban, and it appears from the Ayin, Jarrett, II. 186, that

Nuh is a district in Kul--i.e., Aligarh. Gurg is a wolf, and Kurag

a rhinoceros, but probably a wolf is here meant. It is not likely

that there were rhinoceros in Aligarh, though Abu-l-Fazl says there

were rhinoceros in Sambhal (Jarrett, II. 281). Tir means an arrow as

well as a bullet. The word mana, "face," is not in text, but occurs

in both the I.O. MSS.

[625] Chanda Ghat between Ajmere and Malwa.

[626] Apparently the meaning is that he had no family with Shah

Jahan's army, and so could not be deterred from leaving Shah Jahan

through fear of their fate. See below, the reference to S. Salabat's

arrangements about his family.

[627] This couplet comes from Nizami's Khusrau u Shirin, and is quoted

by Babur.

[628] See Ja`far Sharif's Qanun-i-Islam. App., p. xxiv.

[629] Dhamin, python (?).

[630] See Blochmann, 60.

[631] Daughter of Nur Jahan.

[632] Blochmann, p. 311, calls her Arzani Begam. The Iqbal-nama (306)

calls her Lardili Begam. A MS. of the Iqbal-nama in my possession

calls her Wali Begam. She was born on September 4, 1623.

[633] The holy man formerly mentioned.

[634] He had been captured in Gujarat when Safi K. defeated `Abdu-llah.

[635] The author of the dictionary.

[636] See Ma'asiru-l-Umara, III. 382. His wife was the sister of Ahmad

Beg, the brother's son of Ibrahim K. Fath-jang. But if so would she not

be the daughter of Sharif and niece of Nur Jahan? See Blochmann, 512.

[637] I.O. MS., 381, and the Iqbal-nama mention the wife.

[638] Mahram sakht, "made him one who could enter the Harem."

[639] The text wrongly has ba-chand instead of ba-jambid.

[640] Daughters of the Bier--i.e., the constellation of the Plough.

[641] Shash-dar is the name of an impasse in the game of nard.

[642] The Muhammad Beg of Roe?

[643] Jarrett, II. 239.

[644] 1 Safar, 1033 = November 14, 1623.

[645] Jerdon states that the black partridge is called ghaghar about

Benares.

[646] Probably Rahimabad in the Bari Du-ab. Jarrett, II. 332.

[647] Dara` or zara`, yards? The text gives his weight as 20 1/2,

but bist must be a mistake for hasht.

[648] He was a eunuch, and originally had the name of I`tibar

K. He received the title of Mumtaz K. in this year. Tuzuk, 359. See

Blochmann, 433.

[649] Az qadiman u babariyan (properly bairiyan).

[650] Ganwaran u muzari`an.

[651] Text ba shukr u shukuh, but the Iqbal-nama, 213, has ba-shakwa,

"with complaints," and this must be correct. `Abdu-llah indulged

in abuse of his lord and master, khuda u khudawand-i-khwish--i.e.,

Jahangir.

[652] Cf. Iqbal-nama, 213-214.

[653] A proverbial expression. It is quoted by Nizamu-d-din in the

Tabaqat.

[654] `Ali Ray was ruler of Little Tibet (Baltistan). Jahangir had

married his daughter. Blochmann, 310, and Akbar-nama, III. 603. The

marriage took place in A.H. 1000 (1592).

[655] That is, Lashkari.

[656] Hadi was Harunu-r-Rashid's elder brother.

[657] Text mulka. Perhaps the word may be malka-i-an, "possession of

it"--i.e., possession of such knowledge. The MSS. have an after malka.

[658] Text hanaq. But the MSS. have merely haqq, and it is said in

the dictionaries that there is a bird called the haqq.

[659] This corrects a previous statement to the effect that the black

and red bustards were two species.

[660] The MSS. have either barin or parin. I cannot find the name in

the dictionaries, but my friend Sir K. C. Gupta suggests that the word

may be bans (Labeo calbasa). This fish is also a carp, and resembles

the rohu (L. rohita), but is smaller. It may also be the catla.

[661] Ba-rism-i-hajabat.

[662] Dewalgaon is about 60 miles S. of Burhanpur, Elliot, VII. 11.

[663] Or, perhaps, they might be sure he was coming shortly.

[664] Lal Bagh was on the outskirts of Burhanpur. Though the rainy

season is spoken of, the date Farwardin is in March.

[665] Perhaps the meaning is that Mahabat had imprisoned `Arif, the son

of the Zahid whom Jahangir had condemned to death, for in the 18th year

Jahangir speaks of Zahid as a rebel. But the sentence is not clear.

[666] Elliot, VI. 390. It seems probable that this is the place

mentioned in the Ma'asiru-l-umara, I. 410, in the biography of Baqir

K. Najm Sani, and also in the Padishah-nama, I. 333. It is called

there "the Pass of Chhatar Diwar," and is described as the boundary

between Orissa and Telingana, and is two koss from Khairapara. One

Mansur, a servant of Qutbu-l-mulk, had built a fort there, and called

it Mansur-garh.

[667] Bulbuli. I had supposed this to be Pipli, but the latter place

is in the Balasore district, and nearer Bengal than Cuttack. Curiously

enough Pipli or Pippli is not given in the I.G. new ed., though it is

given as Pippli in the old. There is also a Pipli in the Puri district

(I.G., new ed., XX. 404). In the Ma'asiru-l-umara, I. 137 and 194, in

the biographies of Ibrahim Fath K. and Ahmad Beg, the place is taken to

be Pipli. It is also Pipli in the Iqbal-nama, 217, where also Cuttack

is described as being 12 koss off, towards Bengal. The maps show a

Pipalgaon between Puri and Cuttack, and about 30 m. from the latter

place. A Pipli in the Puri district is mentioned in the I.G., new ed.

[668] Text isti`dad, but the true reading is istib`ad. Istib`ad namuda,

"regarded the thing as at a distance," or "was surprised." The

I.O. MSS. end here, their last words being "Till at length there

came a conciliatory letter from La`natu-llah (`Abdu-llah)." The

R.A.S. MS. continues with Muhammad Hadi's supplement.