On the eve of Tuesday, the 20th of Jumada-l-awwal, A.H. 1032 (March 10,
1623), the sun that lights the world entered his house of honour in
Aries, and the eighteenth year from the beginning of my reign commenced
auspiciously and happily. On this day I heard that Bi-daulat, having
gone to the neighbourhood of Mathura, had encamped the army tainted
with ruin in the pargana of Shahpur, and reviewed 27,000 cavalry. It
is hoped that they will soon be subdued and miserable. Raja Jay Singh,
grandson [603] of Raja Man Singh, came from his native country, and had
the good fortune to kiss my stirrup. I dignified Raja Bir Singh Deo,
than whom in the Rajput caste there is no greater Amir, with the title
of Maharaja, and promoted his son Jograj to the mansab of 2,000 with
1,000 horse. Sayyid Bahwa was presented with an elephant. As it was
reported to me that Bi-daulat was coming by the bank of the Jumna,
the march of the victorious army in that direction was also decided
on. The array of the army that resembled the waves of the sea was
divided into the van, the right and left wings, the altmish, the
tarah (reserve), the chandawul (rear), etc., and arranged in a manner
suitable to the circumstances and according to the locality. Close
upon this came the news that Bi-daulat, with the wretch Khan-khanan,
had turned his reins from the right road and gone towards the pargana
Kotila, 20 koss towards the left, along with the brahman Sundar,
who was his guide to the desert of error, with Darab, s. Khan-khanan,
and many of the Amirs who had accompanied him on the road of rebellion
and rascality, such as Himmat K., Sar-buland K., Sharza K. `Abid K.,
Jado Ray, Uday Ram, Atash K., Mansur K., and other mansabdars, who
were attached to the Deccan, Gujarat, and Malwa, the recital of whom
would take too long, and all his own servants, such as Raja Bhim,
s. Rana, Rustam K., Bairam Beg, the Afghan Darya, Taqi, and others
whom he had left to confront the royal army. There were five [604]
armies (corps?). Although nominally the command was in the hands of
the wretch (bar-gashta-i-ruzgar) Darab, yet in reality the leader
and centre of the whole affair was Sundar, of evil deeds. These men
of darkened fortune pitched in the neighbourhood of Baluchpur to
their ruin. On the 8th I pitched at Qabulpur. On this day the turn
to take the rear fell upon Baqir K. We had left him behind all the
rest. A body of the rebels attacked him on the march, and stretched
out the hand of plunder. Baqir planted firmly the foot of courage,
and succeeded in beating them back. Khwaja Abu-l-Hasan got news of
this, and turned his reins to support him. Before the arrival of the
Khwaja the rebels (mardudan), not being able to stand, had taken
to flight. On Wednesday, the 9th of the month, having separated
25,000 horse under the leadership of Asaf K., Khwaja Abu-l-Hasan,
and `Abdu-llah K., I sent them to attack the rebels who did not look
to the end of things. Qasim K., Lashkar K., Iradat K., Fida'i K.,
and other servants, to the number of 8,000 horse, were appointed to
Asaf K.'s force. Baqir K., Nuru-d-din Quli, Ibrahim Husain Kashghari,
and others, to the number of 8,000 horse, were appointed to support
Abu-l-Hasan. Nawazish K., `Abdu-l-`Aziz K., `Azizu-llah, and many of
the Barha and Amroha Sayyids, were ordered to accompany `Abdu-llah. In
this army 10,000 horse were enrolled. Sundar had arranged the army
of ruin and put forward the foot of shamelessness. At this time I
sent my special quiver by Zabar-dast K., Master of Ceremonies, to
`Abdu-llah K., that it might be the means of animating his zeal. When
the encounter of the two sides took place, that black-faced one
to all eternity, in whom the tendency to rebellion and ingratitude
was innate, taking to flight, joined the rebels. `Abdu-l-`Aziz K.,
the son of the Khan Dauran, God knows whether knowingly or not,
went off with him. Nawazish K., Zabar-dast K., and Shir-hamla, who
were in the corps of that shameless one (`Abdu-llah K.), planted
firmly the foot of courage, and were not disturbed at his going. As
the aid of Almighty God is ever near this suppliant, at this crisis,
when a leader of the army such as `Abdu-llah K. threw 10,000 cavalry
into confusion and joined the enemy, and there was nearly a great
disaster, a shot from a mysterious hand reached Sundar. At his fall
the pillars of the courage of the rebels shook. Khwaja Abu-l-Hasan
also drove before him the army in front of him and defeated it. Asaf
K., when Baqir K. arrived, showing great activity, finished the
affair, and a victory which might be the tughra (sign manual) of
the victories of the age showed its face of purpose from the hidden
world. Zabar-dast K., Shir-hamla, Shir-bacha, his son, and the son
of Asad K., the architect, and Muhammad Husain, brother of Khwaja
Jahan, and a number of the Sayyids of Barha who were in the corps of
the black-faced `Abdu-llah, having tasted the sweet-flavoured wine of
martyrdom, obtained everlasting life. `Azizu-llah, grandson of Husain
K. (Tukriya), being wounded by a gun-shot, got off safely. Although at
this time the desertion of that rejected hypocrite was a secret help,
yet it is probable that if he had not performed this detestable action
in the crisis of the battle, many of the rebel leaders would have been
killed or captured. It chanced that he was known to the common people
by the title of La`natu-llah (God's curse), and as he had received
this name from the hidden world I also called him by it. Hereafter,
wherever the expression La`natu-llah is used it refers to him. Briefly,
after the rebels, whose end was evil, took to flight from the field of
battle, and turned their faces towards the valley of ruin and could
not reassemble, La`natu-llah, with all the rebels, did not turn his
rein till he reached Bi-daulat, who was at a distance of 20 koss.
When the news of the victory of the servants of the State reached this
suppliant to God, he prostrated himself in thankfulness for this gift,
which was from the renewed favour of Allah, and summoned the loyal ones
into his presence. On the next day they brought before me the head of
Sundar. It appeared that when the ball struck him he gave up his soul
to the lords of hell, and they took his body to a neighbouring village
to be burnt. When they were about to light the fire, an army appeared
in the distance, and for fear lest they should be taken prisoners,
everyone took to flight. The Muqaddam (head man) of the village cut
off his head, and for his own acquittal took it to Khan A`zam, as it
occurred in his jagir. He was brought to me (with the head): the head
was quite recognizable and had as yet undergone no change, but they
had cut off the ears for the sake of the pearls in them. No one knew
by whose hand he had been shot. In consequence of his destruction,
Bi-daulat did not gird his loins again. One might say his good fortune
and courage and understanding lay in that dog of a Hindu. When, with a
father like me, who in truth am his ostensible creator, and in my own
lifetime have raised him to the great dignity of Sultanship, and denied
him nothing, he acts in this manner, I appeal to the justice of Allah
that He may never again regard him with favour. Those servants who
in this disturbance had done fitting service were honoured with more
and more favours, each according to his degree. Khwaja Abu-l-Hasan was
raised to the mansab of 5,000, original and increased, Nawazish K. to
that of 4,000 and 3,000 horse, Baqir K. to that of 3,000 and 500 horse,
with drums, Ibrahim Husain Kashghari to that of 2,000 and 1,000 horse,
`Azizu-llah to that of 2,000 and 1,000 horse, Nuru-d-din Quli to that
of 2,000 and 700 horse, Raja Ram Das to that of 2,000 and 1,000 horse,
Lutfu-llah to that of 1,000 and 500 horse, Parwarish K. to that of
1,000 and 500 horse. If all the servants were to be written in detail
it would take too long. Briefly I remained at that place one day
and marched on the next. Khan `Alam, having marched from Allahabad,
had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. On the 12th of the month
I encamped at the village of Jhansa (?).
On this day Sar-buland Ray came from the Deccan and waited
on me, and was honoured with a special jewelled dagger, with a
phul katara. `Abdu-l-`Aziz K. and some of those who had gone with
La`natu-llah released themselves from the hand of Bi-daulat, and paid
their respects, and represented that when La`natu-llah charged, they
thought it was for a cavalry encounter. When they found themselves
in the midst of the rebels they saw nothing for it but to submit and
pay their respects, but now they had found an opportunity and had
obtained the good fortune of kissing the threshold. Though they had
taken 2,000 muhrs from Bi-daulat for their expenses, as the times
were critical I made no inquiry, but accepted [605] their statement.
On the 19th the Feast of the culmination was held, and many of the
servants of the State were raised in mansab, and had suitable favours
conferred on them.
Mir `Azudu-d-daulah, having come from Agra, waited on me. He brought a
vocabulary [606] of words that he had prepared. In truth he had taken
much pains, and collected together all the words from the writings
of ancient poets. There is no book like this in the science.
Raja Jay Singh was raised to the mansab of 3,000 with 1,400 horse,
and a special elephant was presented to my son Shahriyar. The post
of `Arz-mukarrir (examiner of petitions) was conferred on Musawi
K. Amanu-llah, s. Mahabat K., was given the title of Khan-zad Khan,
was favoured with a mansab of 4,000 personal and horse, and was
honoured with a flag and drums.
On the 1st of the Divine month of Urdibihisht I pitched on the
bank of the lake at Fathpur. I`tibar K. came from Agra and waited
on me, and was graciously received. Muzaffar K., Mukarram K., and
his brother also came from Agra, and had the good fortune to wait
on me. As I`tibar K. had done approved service in the charge of
the Agra fort he was dignified with the title of Mumtaz K., and I
gave him the mansab of 6,000 personal and 5,000 horse, and having
bestowed on him a dress of honour, a jewelled sword, a horse, and
a special elephant, I sent him back to his duty. Sayyid Bahwa was
promoted to the mansab of 2,000 and 1,500 horse, Mukarram K. to that
of 3,000 and 2,000 horse, and Khwaja Qasim to that of 1,000 with 400
horse. On the 4th Mansur K. Farangi, whose circumstances have been
recorded [607] in the preceding pages (?), with his brother [608] and
Naubat [609] K. Dakhani, by the guidance of good fortune separated
themselves from Bi-daulat, and came into my service. I sent Khawass
K. to my fortunate son Shah Parwiz. Mirza `Isa Tarkhan, having come
from Multan, had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. A special
sword was given to Mahabat K. On the 10th the camp was pitched in the
pargana of Hindaun. Mansur K. (the Farangi) was raised to the mansab
of 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse, and that of Naubat [610] K. to
that of 2,000 and 1,000 horse. On the 11th was a halt. As on this
day a meeting with my fortunate son Shah Parwiz had been arranged,
I ordered that the powerful princes and the illustrious Amirs and all
the devoted servants should go out to meet him, and bring him to wait
on me in a fitting manner. After midday had passed, at an auspicious
chosen hour he kissed the ground and illuminated the forehead of
his sincerity. After the usual salutations had been performed and
the customary ceremonies gone through I embraced my fortunate son
with the greatest pleasure and affection, and loaded him with more
and more favours. At this time news came that Bi-daulat, when he
was passing through the township (hawali) of the pargana of Amber,
which was the hereditary abode of Raja Man Singh, had sent a band of
scoundrels and plundered that cultivated spot.
On the 12th I pitched outside the village of Sarwali. I had previously
sent Habash K. (Abyssinian) to repair the buildings at Ajmir. I
promoted my fortunate son Shah Parwiz to the high mansab of 40,000
and 30,000 horse. As it was reported that Bi-daulat had sent off
Jagat Singh, s. Raja Baso, to his own country to raise disturbances
in the hills of the Panjab, I promoted Sadiq K., chief Bakhshi,
to the governorship of that province, and ordered him to punish him,
giving him a dress of honour, with a sword and an elephant, and making
up his mansab, original and increased, to 4,000 personal and 3,000
horse. I also honoured him with a standard (tugh) and drums.
At this time it was reported to me that the younger brothers of
Mirza Badi`u-z-zaman, s. Mirza Shahrukh, who was known as Fathpuri,
had attacked him unawares and killed him. About this time his brothers
came to Court and paid their respects. His own mother also waited on
me, but did not make a claim, as was proper, for her son's blood, and
(so) proceedings [611] could not be taken according to law. Although
his disposition was so bad that his murder was not to be regretted, but
on the contrary was opportune and advantageous, yet, as these wretches
had shown such audacity with regard to their elder brother, who was to
them in the position of a father, I ordered them to be put in gaol,
and afterwards what was deemed proper should be done to them. On the
21st Raja Gaj Singh and Ray Suraj Singh arrived from their jagirs,
and had the good fortune to kiss my stirrup. Mu`izzu-l-mulk, whom
I had sent to Multan to summon my son Khan Jahan, came and waited
on me, and presented me with a letter about his severe illness and
weakness. He had sent his son Asalat K. with 1,000 horse to wait on me,
and expressed great regret at being deprived of the honour of meeting
me. As his apology was evidently sincere, I accepted it. On the 25th
my fortunate son Prince Parwiz, with the victorious army, was sent
in pursuit to overthrow Bi-daulat. The reins of authority over the
powerful Prince, and the centre of the ordering of the victorious
army, were given into the hand of Mu'taminu-d-daula Mahabat K. Of
the illustrious Amirs and life-sacrificing brave men who were in
attendance on the Prince of lofty fortune, this is the detail.
Khan `Alam, Maharaja [612] Gaj Singh, Fazil K., Rashid K., Raja
Girdhar, Raja Ram Das Kachhwaha, Khwaja Mir `Abdu-l-`Aziz, `Azizu-llah,
Asad K., Parwarish K., Ikram K., Sayyid Hizbar K., Lutfu-llah, Ray
Narayan Das, and others to the number of 40,000 horse, with much
artillery. Rs. 20,00,000 (twenty lakhs) of treasure were sent with
them. At a propitious hour they were started with my son, and bridle
to bridle with victory. Fazil K. was appointed Bakhshi and newswriter
to the victorious army. A special dress of honour was bestowed on
the Prince, with a nadiri of gold brocade, and pearls on the collar
and skirt worth Rs. 41,000, prepared in the royal establishment, and
a private elephant of the name Ratan Gaj, ten [613] female elephants,
a private horse, and a jewelled sword, the value of the whole of which
was Rs. 77,000. These were all given to the Prince. Nur Jahan Begam
also gave him a dress of honour, a horse, and an elephant, as is the
custom. To Mahabat K. and the other Amirs, according to their standing,
horses, elephants, and dresses of honour were presented. The immediate
attendants of the prince were also honoured with favours. On this
day Muzaffar K. received a dress of honour on appointment to the post
of chief Bakhshi. On the first of the Divine month of Khurdad Prince
Dawar-bakhsh, s. Khusrau, was appointed to Gujarat, and Khan A`zam to
the high dignity of tutor to him. I conferred on the prince a horse,
an elephant, a dress of honour, a private jewelled dagger, a standard
(tugh), and drums. Khan A`zam, Nawazish K. and other servants were
honoured with presents according to their standing. Iradat K. was
appointed Bakhshi in place of Fazil K. Ruknu-s-saltana Asaf K. exalted
his head with the dignity of the Subadarship of Bengal and Orissa. A
special dress of honour, with a jewelled sword, were conferred on
him. Abu Talib (i.e., Shaista K.), his son, was appointed to accompany
him, and promoted to the mansab of 2,000 with 1,000 horse. On Saturday,
the 9th, corresponding with the 19th Rajab, A.H. 1032 (May 9, 1623),
the camp was pitched at the Ana-Sagar lake outside Ajmir. Prince
Dawar-bakhsh, being honoured with the mansab of 8,000, and 3,000
horse, was granted Rs. 2,00,000 of treasure for the expenses of the
army which accompanied him. Rs. 1,00,000 I also gave as an advance to
Khan A`zam. Allah-yar, s. Iftikhar Beg, who was in the service of my
fortunate son Shah Parwiz, was at his request granted a standard. Tatar
K. took leave on his appointment to the charge of Fort Gwalior. Raja
Gaj Singh was appointed to the mansab of 5,000, with 4,000 horse.
On this day news came from Agra that Her Highness (hazrat)
Maryamu-z-zamani, [614] by the decree of God, had died. I trust
that Almighty God will envelop her in the ocean of His mercy. Jagat
Singh, s. Rana Karan, having come from his native place, had the
good fortune to pay his respects. Ibrahim K. Fath-jang, governor
of Bengal, had sent thirty-four elephants by way of offering, and
they were submitted to me. Baqir K. was appointed faujdar of Oudh,
and Sadat K. to the Du-ab. The Mir Mushrif was made Diwan-i-buyutat.
On the 12th of the Divine month of Tir a report came from the
officials of Gujarat with the good news of victory and conquest. The
particulars of this summary are that I had granted the Subah of
Gujarat, the abode of Sultans of high dignity, to Bi-daulat as a
reward for his victory over the Rana, as has been fully related in the
preceding pages. Sundar, the brahman, administered and protected the
country. When futile ideas entered his ungrateful mind, he sent for
that dog of a Hindu, who was always shaking the chain of enmity and
perversity, along with Himmat K., Sharza K., Sar-afraz K., and many
of the royal servants who were fiefholders in the province. Sundar's
brother Kunhar was appointed in his room. When Sundar was killed, and
Bi-daulat retreated after his defeat to Mandu, the province of Gujarat
was put in the charge of La`natu-llah as his fief, and Kunhar was sent
for along with Safi K., the diwan. At the same time the treasure, the
jewelled throne on which five lakhs had been expended, and the pardala
(belt) on which two lakhs had been spent--and which things had been
prepared as a present for myself--were also sent for. Safi K. was the
brother's son (text says "brother") of Ja`far Beg, who received in my
father's service the title of Asaf K., and was married to a daughter
of Nur Jahan's brother, who by my favour had received the title of
Asaf K. An elder daughter was the wife of Bi-daulat. Both daughters
were by one mother, and Bi-daulat expected that on account of this
connection Safi K. would be on his side. But an eternal decree had
gone forth for Safi K.'s loyalty and prosperity, and that he should
attain to high rank! Accordingly, Almighty God made him loyal and
the performer of good deeds, as will now be described. In short, the
faithless (bi-wafa) La`natu-llah sent his eunuch named Wafa-dar to be
governor of that country, and he, with a few ragamuffins (bi-sar-u-pa)
entered Ahmadabad, and took possession of the city. As Safi K. had made
up his mind to be loyal, he courageously looked after the servants, and
collected a force, and won the hearts of the people. Some days before
Kunhar came out of the city he (Safi) encamped on the bank of the
Kankariya lake, and thence hastened to Mahmudabad, giving out openly
that he was going to Bi-daulat. Secretly, he opened communication
and made arrangements to be loyal with Nahir K., Sayyid Dilir K.,
Nanu [615] K., Afghan, and other devoted servants of the State, who
were waiting in their own jagirs. He awaited his opportunity. Salih,
a servant of Bi-daulat, who was faujdar of the Sarkar of Pitlad, and
had a good force with him, heard rumours that Safi K. entertained
other ideas. Kunhar [616] had also discovered this, but as Safi
K. soothed them and was very cautious and careful in his conduct,
they could not move hand or foot. Salih, for fear lest Safi K.,
abandoning dissimulation, should stretch his hand towards the treasure,
exercised foresight, and went farther on with the treasure, taking
nearly Rs. 10,00,000 to Bi-daulat at Mandu. Kunhar (or the younger
brother?) also, having seized the jewelled pardala, started after
him, but could not take the throne on account of its weight. Safi K.,
knowing this was his opportunity, changed his place from Mahmudabad to
the pargana of Karang, [617] which is to the left of the usual road,
where Nanu K. was, and arranged by letter and verbal messages with
Nahir K. and other loyal servants that each of them should ride from
his jagir with the force that he had, and at the hour of sunrise,
which was the morning of prosperity for people of good fortune, and
the evening of ruin to those who practised villainy, enter the city
by the gate to which each was opposite. He (Safi) left his women in
the aforesaid pargana, and, in company with Nanu (Babu?) K., came at
dawn to the outskirts of the city. He halted for a short time in the
Sha`ban [618] garden until it had become light and friend could be
distinguished from enemy. After the world-illuminating sun of good
fortune (had risen), when he found the gate of prosperity open,
though he could see no trace of Nahir K. and the other loyalists,
yet lest possibly the enemy might obtain information and fasten the
gates of the fort he placed his confidence in God who gives victory,
and entered the city by the Sarangpur gate. About this time Nahir
K. also arrived, and, entering by the gate, came into the city. The
eunuch of La`natu-llah, having ascertained the unfailing good fortune
of (Jahangir), took refuge in the house of Shaikh Haidar, grandson
of Nizam Wajihu-d-din. The royal servants of approved service,
having proclaimed their victory with loud voices, set to work to
strengthen the towers and gates. They sent men to the houses of
Muhammad Taqi, Bi-daulat's diwan, and of Hasan Beg, his Bakhshi, and
seized them. Shaikh Haidar himself came and informed Safi K. that the
eunuch of La`natu-llah was in his house, and they tied his hands to
his neck, and brought him. Having imprisoned a number of Bi-daulat's
servants and dependants, they engaged in keeping order in the city. The
jewelled throne, the cash of Rs. 2,00,000, and the property and effects
of Bi-daulat and his men in the city, came into their possession. When
this news reached Bi-daulat, he sent off La`natu-llah with Himmat K.,
Sharza K., Sar-afraz K., Qabil Beg, Rustam Bahadur, Salih Badakhshi,
and other criminals. What with royal servants and his own men, he
had some 5,000 or 6,000 horse. Safi K. and Nahir K., becoming aware
of this, planted firmly the foot of courage, and employed themselves
in encouraging their men and collecting forces. Whatever cash and
valuables they could obtain, even to the throne, which they broke up,
they divided amongst both the old and new troopers as pay. Raja Kalyan,
Zamindar of Idar (printed wrongly "Andur"), and the son of Lal Gopi
(?) [619], and all the Zamindars from every quarter, were summoned
into the city. A good number was thus assembled. La`natu-llah did
not wait for auxiliaries, and in the space of eight days came from
Mandu to Baroda. The loyal party, by the guidance of their courage,
and in reliance on God, came out of the city and encamped on the bank
of the Kankariya Lake. It occurred to La`natu-llah that if he came
on quickly, the rope of order of the loyal might be broken. When he
obtained news of the coming out of the loyal servants, drawing in the
reins of ruin, he delayed in Baroda till the arrival of help. After
the evil-ending criminals collected together at that chief place of
mischief, he put forward the foot of error and deviation from the
right path, and the loyal party, marching from the Kankariya tank,
encamped outside the village of Batoh, near the mausoleum of Qutb
`Alam. La`natu-llah traversed a road of three days in two, [620]
and arrived at Mahmudabad. As Sayyid Dilir K. had seized the women
of Sharza K. and brought them from Baroda to the city, and the
women of Sar-afraz K. were also in the city, Safi K. sent a secret
message to both of them that if by the guidance of good fortune they
would rub off the stain of sin (rebellion) from the tablet of their
foreheads, and would enrol themselves among the loyal servants, their
position in the present and future worlds would approach salvation;
otherwise he would subject their wives and children to all kinds of
indignities. Hearing this, La`natu-llah sent for Sar-afraz K. on some
excuse to his house, and imprisoned him. As Sharza K., Himmat K.,
and Salih Badakhshi were in league together, and had alighted at the
same place, he could not get Sharza K. into his hands. Briefly, on
the 21st of Sha`ban, A.H. 1032, June 10, 1623, La`natu-llah mounted
and arrayed the forces tinged with calamity. Those who were loyal
also arrayed their forces and prepared for the fight. It occurred to
La`natu-llah that if he were to go, their foot of courage would not
stand firm, and, without a battle taking place, they would be dispersed
in a miserable condition. When he saw the firm attitude of the loyal,
he could not screw up his courage (tab nayawarda), but turned his rein
towards the left, and gave out that they had hidden gunpowder under the
ground of that plain, and that his men would be destroyed by it--that
it would therefore be better to go into the plain of Sarkhej and
deliver battle there. These futile ideas were due to the aid of good
fortune, for on the turning back of his rein a rumour of his defeat
was spread abroad, and the horsemen of the plain of victory attacked
him in flank, and that ill-omened one was unable to reach Sarkhej,
and halted in the village of Naranja. The loyal party arranged their
forces in the village of Balud, which is nearly three koss off. At
dawn on the next day they went to battle after the approved manner,
their forces being drawn up in this way. In the vanguard were Nahir
K., Raja Kalyan, the Zamindar of Idar, and other valiant men; on the
left wing Sayyid Dilir K., Sayyid Sidu, and other loyal servants were
stationed; and on the right wing Nanu K., Sayyid Ya`qub, Sayyid Ghulam
Muhammad, and the rest of the life-sacrificing devoted ones, whilst in
the centre were Safi K., Kifayat K. Bakhshi, and some other servants
of approved service. It so happened, fortunately, that in the place
where La`natu-llah had halted, the land was undulating, full of thorn
brakes and narrow lanes. The forces, accordingly, were not in compact
order. He had sent on most of the experienced men with Rustam Bahadur,
and Himmat K., and Salih Beg were amongst the foremost in (the ranks
of) error. The army doomed to calamity first of all came in contact
with Nahir K. and Shams K., and a notable fight took place. By chance
Himmat K. fell in the dust of destruction from a gun-shot wound,
and a fight ensued between Salih Beg, and Nanu K., Sayyid Ya`qub,
Sayyid Ghulam Muhammad, and other servants. In the height of the
battle the elephant of Sayyid Ghulam Muhammad came and threw him
(Salih) from his horse; he fell severely wounded to the ground, and
about a hundred of his men were slain. At this moment an elephant
which was in the van of the rebel army turned round at the noise of
the rockets and the lightning of the guns, and got into a narrow lane,
on both sides of which were thorn brakes, and trod down many of the
rebels. By the turning back of the elephant the ranks of the enemy
were disordered. At this moment Sayyid Dilir K. came fighting from
the right wing. La`natu-llah did not know of the killing of Himmat
K. and Salih, and, with the idea of helping them, urged on the steed
of ruin. As the brave ones in the van, having displayed activity, had
been mostly wounded, they could not stand the onset of La`natu-llah,
and turned back their rein, and it nearly happened that there was a
great disaster. At this time the assistance of God displayed itself,
and Safi K. hastened from the centre to the support of the van. Just
then La`natu-llah heard of the killing of Himmat K. and Salih Beg,
and, on the appearance of the centre and the attack of Safi K., his
courage failed him, and he became a vagabond in the desert of defeat
and disaster. Sayyid Dilir K. pursued him for a koss, and made many
of the defeated the harvest of the sword of vengeance. Qabil Beg,
unfaithful to his salt, with a body of rebels, became captives in the
claws of retribution. As La`natu-llah was not sure about Sar-afraz
K., he on the day of battle placed him in chains on an elephant and
put him in charge of one of his slaves, with orders that if a defeat
occurred he should kill him. In like manner he placed in chains on one
of the elephants Bahadur, s. Sultan Ahmad, and gave permission to kill
him. When the fight took place the man in charge of Sultan Ahmad's son
put him to death with a dagger, but Sar-afraz K. threw himself down
off the elephant. The man in charge of him in that confusion aimed a
blow at him in his bewilderment, but it was not effectual. Safi K.,
finding him in the fight, sent him into the city. La`natu-llah did not
turn back till he arrived at Baroda. As the women of Sharza K. were
captives of those who were loyal, he was helpless, and came and waited
upon Safi K. Briefly, La`natu-llah hastened from Baroda to Broach. The
sons of Himmat K. were in the fort there. Although they did not admit
him, yet they sent him 5,000 mahmudis by way of maintenance. For three
days he remained outside the fort of Broach in a wretched state, and
on the fourth went to Surat by sea. For nearly two months he remained
there assembling his scattered men. As Surat was in Bi-daulat's jagir,
he took nearly 4 lakhs of mahmudis from his officials there, and took
possession of whatever he could by oppression and injustice. He again
collected together those whose fortune was reversed and whose stars
had been burnt, and betook himself to Bi-daulat at Burhanpur.
In fine, when this approved service performed by Safi K. and other
loyal servants in Gujarat became known, each one was exalted with
favours and kindnesses. Safi K. held the mansab of 700 personal
and 300 horse: having given him that of 3,000 personal and 2,000
horse, I honoured him with the title of Saif K. Jahangir-shahi,
and conferred on him a standard and drums. Nahir K. had 1,000 with
200 horse; having given him the mansab of 3,000 with 2,000 horse,
I bestowed on him the title of Shir K., and raised his head of
honour with a horse, an elephant, and a jewelled sword. He is the
(descendant?) grandson of (?) [621], the brother of Puran Mal Lulu
(?), who was governor of Raysin and Chanderi. When Shir K., the
Afghan (i.e., Shir Shah), besieged the fort of Raysin, it is well
known that he killed him (Puran Mal) after promising him quarter,
and that his women burnt themselves, committing "Johar," according to
the Hindu custom, in the fire of fame and modesty, so that the hand
of no unlawful person should touch the skirt of their chastity. His
sons and caste fellows went off to various [622] places. The father
of Nahir K., whose title was Khan Jahan, having gone to Muhammad K.,
governor of Asir and Burhanpur, became a Musalman, and when Muhammad
K. died, Hasan, his son, when in tender years, succeeded him. Raja
`Ali K., brother of Muhammad K., put the child in confinement, and
took possession of the government. After some time news reached Raja
`Ali K. that Khan Jahan and a body of the servants of Muhammad K. had
leagued together to attack him, and had determined to take Hasan
K. out of the fort and raise him to power. He was beforehand with
them, and sent Hayat Khan Habashi, with many brave men, to the house
of Khan Jahan, either to take him alive or to kill him. He, planting
his foot firmly on his good fame, took to fighting, and when things
went badly with him committed Johar, and passed from this borrowed
life. At that time Nahir K. was very young. Hayat Khan Abyssinian,
having asked `Ali K.'s permission, adopted him as his son, and made
him a Musalman. After his death Raja `Ali K. brought up Nahir K.,
and took good care of him. When my revered father conquered Asir,
Nahir K. joined his service. He (Akbar) discerned the signs of bravery
on his forehead, and raised him to a suitable mansab, and gave him in
jagir the pargana of Muhammadpur in Malwa. In my service he advanced
more and more. Now that the grace of gratitude has been bestowed upon
him, he has found the advantage of doing what was right.
Sayyid Dilir K. is of the Sayyids of Barha; formerly his name was
Sayyid `Abdu-l-Wahhab. I raised him from the mansab of 1,000 and 800
horse to 2,000 and 1,200 horse, and presented him with a standard. They
call twelve bara in Hindi. As in the Du-ab there are twelve villages
near each other which are the native country of these Sayyids, they
have become known as the Sayyids of Barha. Some people make remarks
about their lineage, but their bravery is a convincing proof of
their being Sayyids, for there has never been a battle in this reign
in which they have not been conspicuous, and in which some have not
been killed. Mirza `Aziz Koka always said the Sayyids of Barha were
the averters of calamity from this dominion, and such is in reality
the case.
Nanu K. Afghan held the mansab of 800 personal and horse: it was
ordered to be one of 1,500 personal and 1,200 horse. In the same manner
the other loyal servants, according to their services and sacrifices,
were promoted to high mansabs, and obtained the desire of their
hearts in lofty employments. At this time Asalat K., s. Khan Jahan,
was deputed to the assistance of my son (grandson) Dawar-bakhsh in
Gujarat, and I sent Nuru-d-din Quli into the Subah to bring Sharza K.,
Sar-afraz K., and the other leaders of the rebel army who had been
made captive in the land of retribution, chained, to the Court.
On this day it was reported to me that Minu-chihr, s. Shah-nawaz
K., had separated himself from Bi-daulat under the guidance of
good fortune, and had joined the service of my fortunate son Shah
Parwiz. I`tiqad K., governor of Kashmir, was promoted to the mansab
of 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse.
As the huntsmen brought news that in this neighbourhood a tiger had
made its appearance, I felt disposed to hunt it. After entering the
forest three other tigers became visible. Having killed all four,
I returned to the palace. I have such a liking for tiger shooting
that whilst I can get it I do not go after other sport. Sultan
Mas`ud, s. Sultan Mahmud (of Ghaznin) (may the lights of Allah be
his testimony!), was also much inclined to tiger shooting. With
regard to his killing of tigers strange tales have been recorded,
especially in the history of Baihaqi, [623] who has kept a diary of
what he saw with his own eyes. Among these things he writes that one
day he (Mas`ud) went to hunt tigers in the borders of Hindustan, and
was riding an elephant. A very large tiger came out from the wood,
and made for the elephant. He threw a javelin (khisht) and struck
the tiger's chest. The tiger, enraged at the pain, came up on the
elephant's back, and the Amir knelt down and struck him such a blow
with his sword that he cut off both the tiger's fore-feet, and the
tiger fell backwards and died. It happened to me once when I was
prince that I had gone out in the Punjab to hunt tigers. A powerful
tiger appeared out of the wood. I fired at him from the elephant
and the tiger in great fury rose and came on the elephant's back,
and I had not time to put down my gun and seize my sword. Inverting
the gun, I knelt, and with both hands struck him with the stock over
the head and face so that he fell on to the ground and died.
One of the strange things that happened was that one day I was on an
elephant, and was hunting wolves in Aligarh [624] in the Nuh forest. A
wolf appeared, and I struck it with a bullet on its face (mana) near
the lobe of the ear. The bullet penetrated for about a span. From
that bullet it fell and gave up its life. It has often happened in
my presence that powerful (jawanan) men, good shots with the bow,
have shot twenty or thirty arrows at them, and not killed. As it is
not right to write about oneself, I must restrain the tongue of my
pen from saying more.
On the 29th of the month I presented a string of pearls to Jagat Singh,
s. Rana Karan. At this time it was reported to me that Sultan Husain,
Zamindar of Pakli, had died. I gave his mansab and jagir to Shadman,
his eldest son.
On the 7th of the month of Amurdad Ibrahim Husain, a servant of my
fortunate son Shah Parwiz, came from the victorious army, and brought
news of the victory of the chiefs of the everlasting State. The
report of my son laid before me the particulars of the fight, and
the exertions of the brave and distinguished men in it. I performed
the dues of thanksgiving for this favour, which was of God's grace
alone. The details of this are as follows: When the royal troops in
the army of the prince of high degree crossed the pass of Chanda,
[625] and entered the province of Malwa, Bi-daulat, with 20,000 horse,
300 fighting elephants, and a large force of artillery, left Mandu
in order to fight. He dispatched a body of the Bargis (Mahrattas)
of the Deccan with Jadu Ray and Uday Ram, Alash K., and other rebels
to make a raid (qazzaqi) on the royal camp. Mahabat K. made proper
arrangements. He placed the illustrious prince in the ghaul (centre),
and he himself proceeded with the whole army, and in marching and
in halting observed the conditions of caution. The Bargis kept at
a great distance, and did not put forward the foot of bravery. One
day it was Mansur K. Farangi's turn to be with the rear-guard. At the
time of pitching the camp Mahabat K., by way of caution, was standing
with his army drawn up outside the camp, in order that the men might
fence it in at their ease. As Mansur K. had been drinking on the road,
he was coming to the stage drunk with the wine of pride. It happened
an army was seen in the distance, and the wine put the idea into his
head that he must charge. Without telling his brothers or his men,
he mounted and charged, and drove off two or three Bargis, and came to
where Jadu Ray and Uday Ram were standing with two or three thousand
cavalry drawn up. As was their custom, they attacked him from all
sides and surrounded him. He fought as long as there was breath in
his body, and gave up his life on the path of loyalty.
During these days Mahabat K. was continually capturing, by messages and
letters, the afflicted hearts of a number of men who out of timidity
and confusion had accompanied Bi-daulat. When men read the lines of
despair on the page of his (Shah Jahan's) condition, letters also came
from that side, asking for agreements (qaul). After Bi-daulat came out
of the fort of Mandu, he in the first instance sent forward a body of
Bargis, and after them he sent Rustam K., Taqi, and Barq-andaz K. with
a body of musketeers. Then he sent Darab K., Bhim, Bairam Beg, and his
other active men. As he could not resolve to give battle in person,
he was continually looking backwards. He crossed the war-elephants
over the Narbadda with the artillery waggons, and went himself
unattended behind Darab and Bhim, turning his face of ruin towards
the battle. On the day when the royal camp was pitched at Kaliyadaha,
Bi-daulat sent his army against the victorious forces, and stationed
himself with Khan-khanan and a few men at the distance of a koss in
the rear. Barq-andaz K., who had made an agreement with Mahabat K.,
was lying in wait. When the armies were ranged opposite to each other,
he got his opportunity, and attacked with a body of musketeers, and
joined the royal army, crying out, "Success to King Jahangir!" When he
reached Mahabat K., the latter took him to wait on my fortunate son
Parwiz, who bestowed royal favours upon him. Previously he bore the
name of Baha'u-d-din, and was a servant of Zain K. After the latter's
death he enlisted among the Turkish gunners. As he was active in the
performance of his duty, and had a band of men with him, considering
him worthy of patronage, I gave him the title of Barq-andaz K. When I
sent Bi-daulat to the Deccan, I put him at the head of the artillery,
and sent him with him. Although in the beginning he placed the scar of
curse on the forehead of his obedience, yet in the end he turned out
well and came at a good time. On the same day Rustam, who was one of
his (Shah Jahan's) chief servants and on whom he had perfect reliance,
when he found that Fortune had turned away from him, made a compact
with Mahabat K. By the guidance of good fortune and reliance on God,
he, with Muhammad Murad Badakhshi and other mansabdars, left the
ill-fated army, and joined that of the illustrious prince. Bi-daulat's
hand and heart were paralyzed on hearing this news, and he suspected
all his own servants, and still more the royal servants he had with
him, of faithlessness and unreliability. During the night he sent for
the men who were in front, and decided on flight, and in bewilderment
crossed the Narbadda. At this time, again, some of his servants took
the opportunity of separating themselves from him, and joined the
service of my fortunate son. Each of them received favours according
to his condition. On the day that he crossed the river Narbadda,
a letter fell into the hand of one of his men, that Mahabat K. had
written in answer to Zahid's K. letter, making him hopeful of the
royal favour, and urging him to come in. This they sent direct to
Bi-daulat, and he, becoming suspicious of Zahid K., imprisoned him
with his three sons. Zahid K. is s. Shaja`at K., who was one of the
Amirs and trusted servants of my revered father. I had patronized this
wretch in consideration of his claims of service and of his position
as a house-born one (khana-zad), and given him the title of Khan and
the rank of 1,500, and had sent him with Bi-daulat for the conquest
of the Deccan. When I summoned the Amirs of that quarter on account
of the business of Qandahar, although a special farman of urgency
was sent to him, the wretch did not come to Court, and gave himself
out as an adherent and devoted servant of Bi-daulat. After the defeat
near Delhi, he turned back. Though [626] he had not a family, he had
not the good fortune to pay his respects, or to cleanse the dust
of shame and the stain of sin from the tablet of his forehead. At
last the True Recompenser caught him on this day, and his property,
to the extent of one lac and Rs. 30,000, was confiscated by Bi-daulat.
When [627] thou hast done evil, think not thyself free of
calamities
For retribution is according to natural law.
Briefly, Bi-daulat having quickly crossed the Narbadda, drew all
the boats over to that side, and having secured the fords with men
that he trusted, he left Bairam Beg, his Bakhshi, with a force of
trustworthy men and a body of the Bargis from the Deccan on the bank
of the river. Taking the artillery-waggons, he himself went towards
the fort of Asir and to Burhanpur. Meanwhile Taqi, his servant,
caught the runner whom Khan-khanan had sent to Mahabat K., and took
him to Bi-daulat. This couplet was written on the margin of the letter:
Hundreds are watching me
Otherwise I'd fly away from trouble.
Bi-daulat sent for him with his sons from his quarters, and showed him
the writing. Although he made excuses, he could give no answer that
could be listened to. In short, he kept him with Darab and his other
sons in surveillance near his own station, and the lot he had himself
drawn--viz., that hundreds were watching him--happened to him. At
this time I gave Ibrahim Husain, the servant of my prosperous son who
had brought the report of the victory, the title of Khush-khabar K.,
with a dress of honour, and an elephant, and sent a gracious farman
to the Prince and Mahabat K. by Khawass K. I also sent with him a
pahunchi [628] (bracelet) of great value to my son (Parwiz) and a
jewelled sword to Mahabat K. As Mahabat K. had done approved service,
I gave him the mansab of 7,000 personal and horse.
Sayyid Salabat K., having come from the Deccan, had the good fortune
to pay his respects, and received special favours. He was one of those
employed in the Deccan. When Bi-daulat, having been defeated near
Delhi, went to the fort of Mandu, he placed his children in independent
territory under the protection of God, and went off by secret routes
to pay his respects (to me). Mirza Hasan, s. Mirza Rustam Safawi,
having obtained leave to proceed to his appointment as faujdar of
Bahraich, was given the mansab of 1,500 personal and 500 horse,
original and increased. Having sent La`l Beg, Superintendent of the
Record Department, to my fortunate son Shah Parwiz, I sent with him a
special dress of honour and a nadiri for him, and a turban for Mahabat
K. Khawass K., who had previously been sent to him and had returned,
waited upon me with good news (of him). Khana-zad K., s. Mahabat K.,
was given the mansab of 5,000 personal and horse.
At this time I enjoyed myself for a day with hunting nilgaw. Whilst
I was hunting I saw a snake the length of which was 2 1/2 yards,
and its girth equal to three cubits (dast). He had swallowed half
a hare, and was in the act of swallowing the other half. When the
huntsmen picked him up and brought him to me, the hare fell out of
his mouth. I ordered them to put it into its mouth again, but they
could not do it, however much they exerted themselves; but by using
great violence the corner of his mouth was torn to pieces. After this
I ordered them to open its belly. Thereupon another entire hare came
out. They call this kind of snake chital [629] in Hindustan, and it
grows so large that it swallows a hog-deer (kotah-pacha) entire; but
it is not poisonous, and does not bite. One day during the same hunt
I shot a female nilgaw, and two fully formed young ones were found
inside. As I heard that the flesh of nilgaw fawns was delicate and
delicious, I ordered the royal cooks to prepare a du-piyaza [630]
(a kind of rich fricassee). Certainly it was not without flavour.
On the 15th of the Divine month of Shahriwar Rustam K., Muhammad Murad,
and several other servants of Bi-daulat, who under the guidance of
good luck had separated themselves from him and entered the service
of my fortunate son Shah Parwiz, according to orders came to Court,
and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. Having promoted Rustam
K. to the mansab of 5,000 personal and 4,000 horse, and Muhammad Murad
to that of 1,000 personal and 500 horse, I made them hopeful of daily
increasing favours. Rustam K. by extraction is a Badakhshi. His name
was Yusuf Beg. He is connected with Muhammad-quli of Isfahan, who was
agent for and prime minister of Mirza Sulaiman (of Badakhshan). He was
first of all in the service of the Court, and passed his days mostly
in the Subahs. He was included among the smaller mansabdars. Having
been deprived of his jagir for some reason, he came to Bi-daulat, and
entered his service. He had a perfect knowledge of tiger-hunting. He
also did good service with him, especially in the affair of the
Rana. Bi-daulat selected him out of all his servants, and made him an
Amir. As I bestowed much favour on him (Shah Jahan), at his request
I gave him the title of Khan, with a standard and drums. For some
time he conducted as his agent the government of Gujarat, and did not
manage badly. Muhammad Murad is the son of Maqsud Mir-ab (butler),
who was one of the old servants of Mirza Sulaiman and Mirza Shah-rukh.
On this day Sayyid Bahwa came from Gujarat, and waited on
me. Nuru-d-din Quli brought in chains to the Court forty-one of the
rebels, who had been taken prisoners at Ahmadabad. Sharza K. and Qabil
Beg, who were ring-leaders of the seditious, I executed by throwing
them under the feet of warlike (mast) elephants. On the 20th of the
same month, corresponding with the 18th of the month of Zi-qa`da,
a daughter was given by the grace of God to my son Shahriyar by the
granddaughter [631] of I`timadu-d-daula. I hope that her advent [632]
will be propitious and blessed to this State. On the 22nd of the month
the feast of my solar weighment took place, and the 55th year of the
age of this suppliant began auspiciously and happily. According to
annual custom, I had myself weighed against gold and other valuables,
and gave them to deserving people. Among these I gave Rs. 2,000 to
Shaikh Ahmad [633] of Sihrind. On the 1st of the Divine month of
Mihr Mir Jumla was promoted to the mansab of 3,000 personal and
300 horse. Muqim, the Bakhshi of Gujarat, was given the title of
Kifayat K. As the innocence of Sar-faraz K. [634] was established to
my satisfaction, I took him out of prison, and allowed him to pay his
respects. At the request of my son Shahriyar, I went to his house. He
had prepared a grand entertainment, and presented suitable offerings,
and gave dresses of honour to most of the servants.
At this time a report came from my fortunate son Shah Parwiz that
Bi-daulat had crossed the river of Burhanpur (the Tapti), and was
wandering in the desert of error. The particulars are that when
he crossed the Narbadda and drew all the boats to that side, and
fortified the banks of the river and the ferries with cannon and
muskets, he left Bairam Beg on the bank with a large number of the
rebels, and withdrew towards Asir and Burhanpur. The Khan-khanan and
Darab he took with him under surveillance.
And now, for the sake of enlivening my narrative, a few words must
be said about Asir. The said fort, in its great height and strength,
is not in want of my praise. Before Bi-daulat went to the Deccan it
was in the charge of Khwaja Nasru-llah, s. Khwaja Fathu-llah, who
was one of the household slaves and ancient servants. Afterwards,
at the request of Bi-daulat, it was handed over to Mir Husamu-d-din,
s. Mir Jamalu-d-din Husain. [635] As the daughter of Nur Jahan Begam's
maternal uncle (tagha'i) was married [636] to him, when Bi-daulat,
having been defeated in the neighbourhood of Delhi, turned his rein
towards Malwa and Mandu, Nur Jahan Begam wrote to him and strictly
urged him, saying: "Beware, a thousand times beware, not to allow
Bi-daulat and his men to come near the fort, but strengthen the
towers and gates, and do your duty, and do not act in such a manner
that the stain of a curse and ingratitude for favours should fall on
the honour or the forehead of a Sayyid." In truth, he strengthened
it well, and the arrangements of the fort were not of such a sort
that Bi-daulat's bird of thought could fly up to its border, or the
conquest of it be quickly accomplished. In brief, when Bi-daulat sent
one of his attendants, of the name of Sharifa, to the above-mentioned,
he (Sharifa) seduced him by means of promises and threats, and it
was settled (between Shah Jahan and Sharifa) that when Husamu-d-din
should come down to take the letter and dress of honour which had
been sent, he should not be allowed to go up again. That wretch,
immediately Sharifa arrived, put away on the shelf of forgetfulness
what he owed on account of his bringing up and the favours conferred
on him, and without opposition or effort handed over the fort to
Sharifa, and with his wife [637] and child went to Bi-daulat, who
made him accursed of the Faith and in the world by bestowing on him
the mansab of 4,000 personal, and a standard and drums, and the title
of Murtaza K.--a disgraceful name to all eternity.
In short, when that one of reversed fortune reached the foot of
the fort of Asir, he took with him Khan-khanan, Darab, and all his
evil-minded offspring up to the fort, and remaining there for three
or four days, and having set his mind at ease about provisions, etc.,
handed it over to one Gopal Das, a Rajput, who had formerly been an
attendant of Sar-buland Ray, and entered his service when he went to
the Deccan. He left the women and his superfluous baggage, and took
with him his three wives with their children and some maid-servants. At
first he proposed to imprison Khan-khanan and Darab in the fort, but
at last changed his mind, and bringing them down with him, hastened
to Burhanpur. At this time La`natu-llah, after suffering disgrace
and contempt, came from Surat and joined him. In great perplexity,
Bi-daulat employed Sar-buland Ray, the son of Ray Bhoj Hara, who is
one of the brave Rajput servants, and who is fed from the royal table
(?), as his mediator, and by letters and messages made proposals
of peace. Mahabat K. said that until Khan-khanan came, peace was
impossible. His (Mahabat's) sole purpose was by these means to separate
from him that head of deceivers who was the ring-leader of trouble
and sedition. Being helpless, Bi-daulat brought him (Khan-khanan)
out of prison, and satisfied himself by taking an oath from him on the
Qoran. In order to please him and strengthen his promises and oath, he
took him inside the female apartment and made a confidant [638] of him,
and brought his own wife and son to him, and made use of all kinds of
entreaty and lamentation. The gist of his (Shah Jahan's) remarks was:
"My times are hard, and my position difficult; I make myself over to
you, and make you the guardian of my honour. You must act so that
I no longer undergo contempt and confusion." The Khan-khanan, with
a view to bring about peace, parted from Bi-daulat and proceeded
to the royal army. It was settled that he should remain on the
other side of the river, and arrange matters relating to peace in
writing. According to fate, before Khan-khanan arrived on the bank of
the river, some of the brave warriors and victorious youths one night
found an opportunity and crossed over at a place where the rebels were
careless. On hearing this news the pillars of their courage trembled,
and Bairam Beg could not keep firm the foot of error and ignorance,
or engage in driving them back. Whilst he was in this agitation
[639] many crossed the river, and on the same night the rebels of
evil fortune were separated from each other like the Banatu-n-na`ash,
[640] and took to flight. By the unfailing good fortune (of Jahangir)
the Khan-khanan fell into perplexity (lit. fell into the shash-dar
[641] position), and could neither go nor stay where he was. At this
time again letters arrived from my prosperous son mingling threats
with promises. The Khan-khanan, finding only despair and ruin in
the page of Bi-daulat's affairs, hastened, through the mediation
of Mahabat K., to wait upon my fortunate son. Bi-daulat, on hearing
of the departure of Khan-khanan and the crossing of the Narbadda by
the victorious army and the flight of Bairam Beg, lost courage, and,
notwithstanding a flood in the river and the violence of the rain,
crossed the Tapti in a state of wretchedness, and went off towards
the Deccan. In this confusion many of the royal servants and his own
attendants willingly or unwillingly separated, and did not accompany
him. As the native country of Jado Ray and Uday Ram and Atash K. was
on the route, they thought it better for themselves to keep with him
for some stages, but Jado Ray did not come into his camp, and followed
him at the distance of one stage. He took possession of such property
as the men in this confusion and fear for their lives abandoned. On
the day he (Shah Jahan) started from the other side of the river
(the Tapti) he sent a message by one of his immediate attendants of
the name of Zu-l-faqar K. Turkman, summoning Sar-buland K. Afghan,
with the message that it seemed to him contrary to courage and the
due performance of his engagements that he had as yet not crossed the
river. "Fidelity was the glory of men; the faithlessness of no one
has touched me (Shah Jahan) so much as yours." He (Sar-buland) was
standing on horseback on the river-bank when Zu-l-faqar [642] K. came
and delivered the message. Sar-buland did not give a precise answer,
and was undecided as to whether to stay or go. In his perplexity and by
way of objection he told Zu-l-faqar to let go his bridle. Zu-l-faqar
drew his sword, and struck at his waist. At this crisis an Afghan
interposed a short spear which the people of India call a barchha,
and the blow of the sword caught the shaft, and the point of the sword
did not reach Sar-buland's waist. After swords were drawn, the Afghans
attacked Zu-l-faqar and cut him in pieces. The son of Sultan Muhammad,
the treasurer, who was Bi-daulat's page, for friendship's sake had come
(with Zu-l-faqar) without Bi-daulat's permission, and was also killed.
Briefly, when the news of his leaving Burhanpur and of the victorious
army's approaching that city reached me, I sent Khawass K. on the
wings of haste to my loyal son, and strongly impressed upon him that
he must not relax his efforts, but must determine either to take him
alive or to drive him out of the imperial territory. It was said that
if things went badly with him on this side, it was probable that he
would throw himself by the road of Qutbu-l-mulk's country into the
provinces of Orissa and Bengal. This, too, was in accordance with
military plans. So out of caution, which is becoming to a ruler,
I appointed Mirza Rustam to be governor of Allahabad and dismissed
him with orders that if such circumstances should so occur (as Shah
Jahan's going to Bengal), he should rectify matters.
At this time my son (farzand) Khan Jahan came from Multan, and had
the good fortune to pay his respects. By way of nazar he presented
1,000 muhrs and a ruby of the value of Rs. 100,000, a pearl, and
other jewels. I gave an elephant to Rustam K. On the 9th of the
Divine month of Aban Khawass K. brought a report from the prince and
Mahabat K. to the effect that when my son (Parwiz) reached Burhanpur,
though many of his men had remained behind in consequence of the heavy
rains, he, according to orders, without delay had crossed the river
(Tapti), and gone in pursuit of Bi-daulat. Bi-daulat, on hearing
this terrible news, was marching on. On account of the heaviness
of the rain and the excessive quantity of mud and constant marching
his beasts of burden had become exhausted. If any baggage was left
behind no inquiries were made, and he (Shah Jahan) and his children
and dependents thought themselves lucky to save their lives and did
not trouble about their goods. The army of good fortune having come
down the pass of Bhangar, hastened after him as far as the pargana of
Ankot, [643] about forty koss from Burhanpur. Bi-daulat in this state
reached the fort of Mahur, and when he knew that Jado Ray and Uday Ram
and the other Dakhanis would not go with him any farther, he did not
disgrace them, but let them go. Leaving the heavy elephants with the
goods and chattels with Uday Ram in the fort, he himself started for
Qutbu-l-mulk's territory. When his departure from the royal territory
was ascertained, my fortunate son, with the approval of Mahabat K. and
other loyalists, turned rein from that pargana. On the first of the
Divine month of Aban he entered Burhanpur. Raja Sarang Deo was sent
to my son with a gracious farman.
Qasim K. was raised to the mansab of 4,000 personal and 2,000
horse. Mirak Mu`in, Bakhshi of Kabul, at the request of Mahabat K., was
honoured with the title of Khan. Alf K. Qiyam-khani, having come from
the Subah of Patna, paid his respects, and was appointed to the charge
of the fort of Kangra. I presented him with a standard. On the 1st of
the Divine month of Azar Baqi K. came from Junagarh and waited on me.
As I was at ease with regard to the affair of Bi-daulat, and the heat
of Hindustan did not agree with my constitution, on the 2nd of the
month, corresponding with the 1st of Safar [644] my camp started from
Ajmir for a tour and to hunt in the pleasant regions of Kashmir. Before
this I had appointed the chief of the state Asaf K. Subahdar of Bengal,
and gave him leave. As I had taken a great liking to his society,
and he was distinguished above all the other servants for ability and
good disposition and tact, and is moreover unequalled in all kinds of
propriety, and I regretted separation from him, I had broken through
that purpose, and had sent for him to wait upon me. He came on this
day, and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. Jagat Singh,
s. Rana Karan, took leave on his return to his native country,
and was given a dress of honour and a jewelled dagger. Raja Sarang
Deo brought a report from my fortunate son Shah Parwiz and Mahabat
K. Madaru-s-saltana, and kissed the threshold. It was written that
their minds were at ease with regard to the affair of Bi-daulat,
and that the rulers of the Deccan, willingly or unwillingly, were
performing the dues of obedience and submission. His Majesty (Jahangir)
might make his mind at ease about that quarter and enjoy himself in
hunting and travelling in whatever place in the royal dominions he
might approve of and which was good for his health. On the 20th of
the month Mirza Wali, having come from Sironj, waited on me. Hakim
Mumina was raised to the mansab of 1,000. Asalat K., s. Khan Jahan,
according to order, came from Gujarat, and had the good fortune to
pay his respects.
At this time a report came from `Aqidat K., Bakhshi of the Deccan,
containing the news of Raja Girdhar's having been killed. The
particulars of this event are that one of the brothers of Sayyid
Kabir Barha, who was an attendant of my fortunate son Shah Parwiz,
gave his sword to brighten and put on the wheel (to sharpen) to a
cutler who had a shop close to the house of Raja Girdhar. The next day,
when he came to fetch his sword, a conversation took place as to the
charge for the work, and the people of the Sayyid struck the cutler
some blows with a stick. The Raja's people in supporting him used
their whips on them. By chance two or three young Sayyids of Barha
had lodgings in that neighbourhood, and hearing of this disturbance,
went to the assistance of the aforesaid Sayyid. The fire of strife
was lighted, and a fight took place between the Sayyids and Rajputs,
ending in an encounter with arrows and swords. Sayyid Kabir, becoming
aware of this, came to assist with thirty or forty horsemen, and at
this time Raja Girdhar, with a body of Rajputs and his caste people,
according to the custom of the Hindus, were sitting barebodied and
eating their food. Becoming aware of the coming of Sayyid Kabir and
the violence of the Sayyids, he brought his men inside the house
and firmly closed the door. The Sayyids, setting fire to the door,
forced their way inside and the fight went to such a length that Raja
Girdhar and twenty-six of his servants were killed and forty others
wounded. Four of the Sayyids were also killed. After Raja Girdhar was
killed, Sayyid Kabir took the horses out of his stable to his own house
and returned. The Rajput officers, when informed of the slaying of Raja
Girdhar, came on horseback in great numbers from their houses, and all
the Barha Sayyids came to the aid of Sayyid Kabir. They assembled in
the plain outside the citadel, and the fire of trouble and calamity
increased, and it nearly came to a great disturbance. Mahabat K.,
being informed of it, immediately mounted and went there, and bringing
the Sayyids into the citadel, and soothing the Rajputs in a manner
suitable to the occasion, took some of their chief men with him and
went to the house of Khan `Alam, which was near there. He soothed
them down in a proper way, and promised and became security for an
inquiry into the matter. When this news reached the prince he also
went to the quarters of the Khan `Alam, and soothed them with words
appropriate to the state of affairs, and sent the Rajputs to their
own houses. Next day Mahabat K. went to the house of Raja Girdhar,
condoled and sympathized with his sons, and having contrived to get
hold of Sayyid Kabir put him into confinement. As the Rajputs would
not be consoled without his being put to death, after a few days he
executed him.
On the 23rd I appointed Muhammad Murad faujdar of Ajmir, and sent him
off. On this road I continually enjoyed myself in sporting. One day,
while hunting, a tuyghun (albino) partridge, which till now I had never
seen, came to my sight, and I caught it with a hawk. By chance the
hawk that caught it was also a tuyghun. I ascertained by trial that
the flesh of the black partridge was better than that of the white,
and that the flesh of the large quail (budana), which the people of
India call ghaghar, [645] is better than that of the quail, which
is a fighter. I compared the flesh of a fat kid with that of a lamb;
the flesh of the fat kid is more delicious. By way of test I ordered
them both to be cooked in the same way, so that I might discern the
matter accurately. On this account I have recorded it.
On the 10th of the month of Dai, in the neighbourhood of the pargana
of Rahimabad, [646] the huntsmen brought in news of a tiger. I
ordered Iradat K. and Fida'i K. to take with them some of the guards
(ahl-i-yatish) and surround the wood, and mounting (an elephant)
I followed them and went towards the hunt. From the number of trees
and thickness of the jungle it could not be well seen. Driving the
elephant forward, the tiger's flank came into view, and with one
wound from my gun he fell and gave up his life. Of all the tigers
I have shot from the time when I was a prince until now I never
saw a tiger like this for size and majesty and the symmetry of its
limbs. I ordered the artists to take its portrait according to its
real form and body. He weighed 8 1/2 Jahangiri maunds; his length,
from the top of his head to the end of his tail, was 3 1/2 cubits
[647] and 2 tassu (1/24 of a yard).
On the 16th it was reported that Mumtaz [648] K., the governor of Agra,
had died. At first he was in the service of Bahadur K., the brother
of Khan Zaman. After they were killed he entered the service of my
revered father. When I placed my foot in the world of existence that
revered person favoured me with making him the Nazir (Superintendent)
of my establishment. For a period of fifty-six years he served me
sincerely and zealously and in a manner to please me, and at no time
did a speck of dust from him settle on the fringe of my heart. What is
due to him for the excellence of his service is more than a clerk could
write. May God Almighty overwhelm him in the ocean of His forgiveness!
Having conferred on Muqarrab K., who is one of the old officials,
[649] the government and administration of Agra, I gave him his
leave. In the neighbourhood of Fathpur, Mukarram K. and his brother
`Abdu-s-Salam had the good fortune to pay their respects. On the 22nd
the entertainment for my lunar weighment took place in the town of
Mathura, and the fifty-seventh year of my age began auspiciously and
happily. At Mathura I went on by boat seeing what was to be seen,
and hunting. On the way the huntsmen reported that a tigress with
three cubs had appeared. Disembarking from the boat I engaged in
the pleasure of sport. As the cubs were small I ordered them to be
taken by hand, and killed the mother with my gun. At this time it was
reported to me that the villagers [650] and cultivators on the other
side of the river Jumna had not given up stealing and highway robbery,
and, passing their time in the shelter of thick jungles and difficult
strong places in stubbornness and fearlessness, would not pay their
rents to the jagirdars. I gave an order to Khan Jahan to take a force
of mansabdars with him and give them exemplary punishment, and having
slaughtered, imprisoned, and plundered them, raze to the ground their
strongholds and forts, and tear up from the root their thorn-brakes of
mischief and disturbance. The next day the force crossed the river and
made a hot attack on them. As they had no time for escape by flight
they planted firmly the foot of folly, and showed fight. Many of
them were slaughtered: their women and children were taken prisoners,
and much booty fell into the hands of the victorious army.
On 1st Bahman, having promoted Rustam K. to the faujdarship of the
Sarkar of Qanauj, I sent him there.
On the 2nd `Abdu-llah, s. Hakim Nuru-d-din, of Teheran, was ordered
to be capitally punished in my presence. The explanation of this brief
announcement is as follows: When the ruler of Persia, on suspicion of
his having money and other property, tortured his father, the aforesaid
fled from Persia, and with a hundred miseries and adversities threw
himself into Hindustan, and by the patronage of I`timadu-d-daula was
enrolled among the servants of the Court. By the aid of good fortune,
having in a short time become well known, he was included among those
who were in immediate attendance, and obtained a mansab of 500 and
a fertile jagir, but as his capacity was small (lit., his digestion
was narrow) he could not stand such great good fortune, and assumed
ingratitude and unthankfulness and constantly defiled his tongue with
abuse [651] of his lord and master. At this time it was continually
reported to me that as my kindness to him and observance of what
was due to him increased, that ungrateful one blamed and abused me
the more. When I considered the favours I had bestowed upon him, I
could not believe these stories about him, but at last I heard from
impartial and disinterested persons the disrespectful language which
he had used with respect to me in assemblies and companies. The charge
was thus confirmed, and accordingly I summoned him to my presence
and had him executed. [652]
"A red [653] tongue gives the green head to the winds." As the
huntsmen reported that there was a tigress in this neighbourhood, by
the mischief caused by which the inhabitants were oppressed, I ordered
Fida'i K. to take elephants with him and surround it. Mounting myself,
I followed him into the forest. It soon came to view, and with one
shot from my gun its affairs were finished. One day I was enjoying
myself with sport, and caught a black partridge with a hawk. I ordered
them to open its crop in my presence. A mouse it had swallowed whole
came out of its crop, and which was not yet digested. I was greatly
astonished that the pipe of its gullet, small as it was, should
swallow a whole mouse and how it had done so. Without exaggeration,
if anyone had told me the tale I should not have believed it. As I
saw this myself I have recorded it on account of its strangeness. On
the 6th of the month Delhi became the abode of good fortune.
As Jagat Singh, s. Raja Baso, at the instigation of Bi-daulat, had
gone out into the hills in the north of the Panjab, which is his
hereditary abode, and raised a disturbance there, I appointed Sadiq
K. to punish him, as has been related in the preceding pages. At this
time Madho Singh, his younger brother, was promoted to the title of
Raja, and given a horse and robe of honour. An order was given for
him to go to Sadiq K. and attack the rebels with him.
Next day I marched from the outskirts of the city, and alighted at
Salimgarh. As the house of Raja Kishan Das was on the road, and he had
made great efforts and entreated me to do so, I at his request threw
the shadow of prosperity on his dwelling, and gratified the desire
of that old servant. A few of his offerings were accepted in order to
dignify him. Marching on the 20th from Salimgarh, I appointed Sayyid
Bahwa Bukhari to the governorship of Delhi, which is his ordinary
residence. In fact, he had already done this service well, and I had
given him high rank.
At this time `Ali Muhammad, s. `Ali Ray, [654] ruler of Tibet, by his
father's order came to Court, and had the good fortune to pay his
respects. It was clear that `Ali Ray had a great affection for and
attachment to this son, and held him dearer than his other children. He
wished to make him his successor, and he was consequently envied by
his brothers, and disputes arose between them. Abdal, s. `Ali Ray,
who was the eldest of his children, through this jealousy sought
the patronage of the Khan of Kashghar and made him his protector,
so that when `Ali Ray, who was very old and decrepit, should die,
he might, under the protection of the Wali of Kashghar, become ruler
of Tibet. `Ali Ray, suspecting that the brothers might attack `Ali
Muhammad, and a disturbance might arise in his country, sent him to
Court, his desire being that he might be attached to this Court,
and his affairs might prosper by service to and kindness shown by
the Court.
On the 1st of the Ilahi month of Isfandarmuz I pitched in the pargana
of Umbala. Lashkari, s. Imam-wirdi, who had run away from Bi-daulat,
and joined the service of my auspicious son Shah Parwiz, having come
on this date to Court, kissed the threshold. A report came from my
son and Mahabat K. It contained the recommendation and the offer of
service of `Adil K., with a letter which he had sent to Mahabat,
in which were set forth his submissiveness and loyalty. Lashkari
was sent back to Parwiz with a dress of honour, a nadiri with pearl
buttons for the prince, and a dress of honour for Khan `Alam and
Mahabat K. At the request of my son I wrote a gracious farman to
`Adil K. showing great favour to him, and sent him a robe of honour
with a special nadiri. I gave an order that if they thought fit they
should send the above-mentioned [655] to `Adil K.
On the 5th I alighted at the garden of Sihrind. On the bank of the
Beas Sadiq K., Mukhtar K., Isfandiyar, Raja Rup Chand of Gwalior, and
other Amirs who had been appointed to support him, having succeeded in
restoring order in the northern hill-country, had the good fortune to
kiss the threshold. The facts, briefly, are that Jagat Singh, at the
instigation of Bi-daulat, had taken to the hills above-mentioned, and
engaged in stirring up sedition and strife. As the field was clear
(i.e., there was no one to oppose him) he passed over difficult
mountains and defiles, and by attacking and plundering peasantry
and the weak, heaped misfortune on them until Sadiq K. arrived. He
brought the Zamindars under control by means of fears and hopes,
and made the overthrow of that wretched creature the object of his
exertions. Jagat Singh strengthened the fort of Mau, and was protected
by it. Whenever he found an opportunity he left that fortress and
fought with the royal servants. At last his provisions were exhausted,
and he came to despair of assistance from the other Zamindars. The
elevation of his younger brother became a source of disturbance and
anxiety to him. Helplessly he then sought for patronage, and begged
the protection of Nur Jahan Begam, expressing shame and contrition,
and sought a refuge in her mediation. In order to please and satisfy
her, the pen of pardon was drawn through the record of his faults.
On this day reports came in from the officials in the Deccan that
Bi-daulat, with La`natu-llah, Darab, and other wretched (with broken
wing and feathers) creatures in miserable condition, with blackened
faces, had gone from the borders of Qutbu-l-mulk's territory towards
Orissa and Bengal. In this journey great loss fell on him and his
companions, many of whom, when a chance offered, with bare heads
and feet, and having washed their hands of life (desperate), took to
flight. Out of these one day Mirza Muhammad, s. Afzal K., his Diwan,
with his mother and his family, ran away during the march, and when
the news reached Bi-daulat, he sent Ja`far and Khan-quli Uzbeg and
some others of his confidential men in pursuit of him, that, if they
could take him alive, well and good, or otherwise they should cut
off his head and bring it into his presence. They with all speed
proceeded and caught him up on the road. Becoming aware of this,
he sent his mother and family into the jungles and hid them there,
and himself with a body of young men whom he relied on as companions,
planted manfully the foot of courage and stood with their bows. In
front of them there was a canal and a swamp (chihla). Sayyid Ja`far
K. wished to approach near him and take him with him by deceiving him,
but however much he tried to persuade him by threatening and holding
out hopes, it had no effect, and he answered him with life-taking
arrows. He made a good fight of it, and sent Khan-quli and some others
of Bi-daulat's men to hell. Sayyid Ja`far also was wounded. Finally
Mirza Muhammad received severe wounds and gambled away the cash of
his life. But as long as he had breath he deprived many thereof. After
he was killed, they cut off his head and took it to Bi-daulat.
When Bi-daulat was defeated near Delhi and went to Mandu, he sent Afzal
K. to get assistance and support from `Adil K. and others, forwarding
with him an armlet (bazu-band) for `Adil K., and a horse, an elephant,
and a jewelled sword for `Ambar. He first went to `Ambar. After
delivering his message he produced what Bi-daulat had sent for him,
but `Ambar would not accept them, saying he was the servant of `Adil
K., who was at present the head of those in power in the Deccan: he
should go first to him and explain what he desired. If he agreed, his
slave would ally himself to and obey him, and in that case he would
take whatever was sent, otherwise not. Afzal K. went to `Adil K.,
who received him very badly, and for a long time kept him outside the
city and did not look into his affair, but put all kinds of slights
upon him, but secretly asked for what Bi-daulat had sent for him and
`Ambar, and took possession of it. The aforesaid (Afzal K.) was there
when he heard the news of the killing of his son and the ruin of his
family, and so fell upon evil days. In short, Bi-daulat, in spite
of all his (original) good fortune and happy auspices, undertook
a long and distant journey, and came to the port of Machhli Patan
(Masulipatam), which belongs to Qutbu-l-mulk. Before reaching this
place, he sent some of his men to Qutbu-l-mulk, and besought him
for all sorts of assistance and companionship. Qutbu-l-mulk sent him
a small amount of cash and goods for his support, and wrote to the
warden of his frontier to conduct him in safety out of his territory,
and encourage the grain-sellers and Zamindars to send grain and all
other necessaries to his camp.
On the 27th of the month a strange event took place. Returning from
the hunting-place, I had come back to the camp at night. By chance I
crossed a stream of water, the bed of which was very rocky and the
water running violently. One of the servants of the sharbat-khana
(wine-cellar) was conveying a huntsman's relish. He had a gold tray,
which contained a salver and five cups. There were covers to the cups,
and the whole was in a cotton bag. When he was crossing, his foot
slipped and the tray fell out of his hand. As the water was deep and
running rapidly, however much they searched and beat their hands and
feet (exerted themselves), no trace of it could be found. Next day
the state of the case was reported to me, and I ordered a number of
boatmen and huntsmen to go to the place and make a careful search,
and it perhaps might appear. By chance, in the place where it had
fallen it was found, and more strange still, it had not been turned
upside down, and not a drop of water had got into the cups. This
affair is similar to what happened when Hadi was seated on the throne
of the Khalifate. A ruby ring had been inherited by Harun from his
father. Hadi sent a slave to Harun and asked for it. It happened that
at that time Harun was seated on the bank of the Tigris. The slave gave
the message, and Harun, enraged, said: "I have allowed thee [656] to
have the Khalifate, and thou dost not allow me one ring." In his rage
he threw the ring into the Tigris. After some months by the decree
of fate Hadi died, and the turn of the Khalifate came to Harun. He
ordered divers to look for the ring in the place where he had thrown
it. By the chances of destiny, and the aid of good fortune, at the
first dive the ring was found, and brought and given into Harun's hand!
At this time one day on the hunting ground the chief huntsman
Imam-wirdi brought before me a partridge that had a spur on one leg
and not on the other. As the way to distinguish the female lies in
the spur, by way of testing me he asked whether this was a male or a
female. I said at once "A female." When they opened it an egg appeared
inside (pishina) its belly. The people who were in attendance asked
with surprise by what sign I had discovered this: I said that the head
and beak of the female are shorter than the male's. By investigation
and often seeing (the birds) I had acquired this dexterity. [657]
It is a strange thing that the windpipe in all animals (haiwanat),
which the Turks call halq, [658] is single from the top of the throat
to the crop (china-dan), while in the case of the bustard (jarz)
it is different. In the bustard it is for four finger-breadths from
the top of the throat single and then it divides into two branches
and in this form reaches the crop. Also at the place where it divides
into two branches there is a stoppage (sar-band) and a knot (girih)
is felt by the hand. In the kulang (crane) it is still stranger. In
it the windpipe passes in a serpentine manner between the bones of
the breast to the rump and then turns back from there and joins the
throat. The jarz or charz (bustard) is of two kinds: one is a mottled
black and the other bur (a kind of dun colour). I now [659] discovered
that there are not two kinds, but that which is a mottled black is
the male, and that which is dun-coloured is the female. The proof of
it is this, that in the piebald there are testicles and in the dun
one there are eggs; this has been repeatedly found on examination.
I have a great liking for fish, and all kinds of good fish are brought
for me; the best fish in Hindustan is the rohu, and after that the
barin. [660] Both have scales, and in appearance and shape are like
each other. Everyone cannot at once distinguish between them. The
difference in their flesh also is very small, but the connoisseur
discovers that the flesh of the rohu is rather more agreeable of
the two.