(M789)
The time was fast approaching when the queen would find herself unable any
longer to maintain her frequent cry to the council board, "No war, my
lords, no war!" and she began to concert measures to frustrate any attempt
that might be made to attack her crown and realm by the subtle device of
the Pope's emissaries or the more open hostility of Philip.
(M790)
There were two ways in which the Pope and Spain could attack England, the
one by making a descent upon the coast, the other by undermining the
loyalty of the queen's subjects by the aid of missionaries. A descent upon
the English coast was, for the present at least, out of the question, but
it was possible to wound England by fostering insurrection in Ireland.
Accordingly, in 1579, a large force landed at Limerick under the authority
of the Pope. It was, however, overpowered and destroyed by Lord Grey, the
lord deputy.(1618)
Then followed the rebellion under the Earl of Desmond, who six years
before had regained his liberty on a promise to use his influence to
destroy the Catholic religion in Ireland.(1619) Throughout the Desmond
rebellion the Londoners were constantly being called upon to furnish men
and munition of war. The trouble was protracted by the landing of a force
of 800 men from Spain, with the connivance, if not with the authority, of
Philip. When the rebellion was suppressed distress drove many Irish to
England, and the city became their chief refuge.(1620) A special day was
appointed for apprehending "all suche rogishe and begging Ireishe people
as well men weomen as children" as should be found wandering abroad in the
city,(1621) and steps were taken subsequently to convey all Irish beggars
to Bristol with the view of sending them back to their native land.(1622)
(M791)
Whilst appealing to force to accomplish their object in Ireland, the
Catholics resorted to intrigue to gain the same object in England and
Scotland. For some years past there had been a steady flow from the
continent of seminary priests, who worked silently and secretly making
converts to the old religion. Every precaution was taken to prevent their
inculcating their dangerous opinions into the minds of the inhabitants of
the city and drawing them off from their allegiance to the queen and to
the established Church. The aldermen were instructed to make return of
those in their ward who refused to attend church. This was in 1568.(1623)
In 1574 all strangers who had crept into the city under colour of religion
and were found to be of no church were ordered to leave.(1624) In the
following year (9 June, 1575) every stranger was called upon to subscribe
the Articles of religion before he was allowed to take up his residence
within the city, and those who refused to subscribe or to attend church
were to give bond for their appearance before her Majesty's Commissioners
for Ecclesiastical Causes to answer such matters as should be objected
against them.(1625) The aldermen were instructed to make diligent search
in their several wards for such as held conventicles under colour of
religion and inter-meddled with matters of State and civil
governance.(1626) In 1580 a regular Jesuit mission, under two priests,
Campion and Parsons, was despatched to England as part of an organised
Catholic scheme. Campion had at one time been a fellow of St. John's
College, Oxford. Their first step was to remove a difficulty under which
devout Catholics had laboured ever since the issue of the Bull of
excommunication against Elizabeth in 1571. That Bull had reduced them to
the necessity of choosing between disobedience to the Church and treason
to the queen. The new missionaries helped them out of the dilemma by
explaining that the censures of the Church only applied to heretics;
Catholics might feign allegiance and the Church would say nothing.
(M792)
Under these circumstances it can scarcely be wondered at that the
government proceeded to strong measures--A proclamation was issued
requiring English parents to remove their children from foreign
seminaries, and declaring that to harbour Jesuit priests was to harbour
rebels;(1627) whilst parliament imposed fines upon all who refused to
attend the service of the established Church, in addition to the penalties
imposed in 1571 upon those who claimed to absolve subjects from their
allegiance and to receive them into the Church of Rome. In the city a
strict watch was again ordered to be kept on all those who failed to
attend regularly their parish church.(1628) It was further proposed to
appoint special preachers to counteract the baneful influence of the
Jesuit priest, and the Bishop of London was ordered to make a list of the
best preachers and to appoint them districts.(1629)
(M793)
These instructions Bishop Aylmer forwarded to the lord mayor with a
request for a contribution to enable him and his associates, the dean of
St. Paul's and the dean of Windsor, to carry them into effect. The mayor
replied (6 Sept., 1581) that, as for himself, his office was already so
burdensome, both in work and expense, that it would go hard with him if he
was called upon to pay more than any other parishioner in a Church matter.
Both he and his brethren the aldermen were no less desirous than others to
promote the knowledge of true religion and to inculcate obedience to the
queen by lectures in the city, but the commons would have to be consulted
first. He enclosed a list of lectures already established in the several
parishes, and drew attention to the great yearly charge incurred by the
companies and private persons in the city in maintaining students at the
universities to serve the Church in the office of preaching and
reading.(1630) This expense, the mayor said, warranted the City and the
Companies asking to be no further burdened. The writer concluded by
intimating that, however willing the corporation might be to assist in the
good work, its ability to do so had been much diminished by the indiscreet
demeanour of the bishop's own chaplain, Mr. Dyos, who had recently defamed
the citizens in a public sermon at Paul's Cross, "as favorers of userers,
of the familye of love and puritanes," saying "that if the appointing of
preachers were committed to us we wold appointe preachers such as should
defend usirie, the familie of love and puritanisme as they call it." The
City was liable to make mistakes, just as the bishop himself had made a
mistake in appointing so indiscreet a person for his chaplain, but in
other respects they had no cause to reproach themselves in the matter of
appointments. In conclusion they desired his lordship to take order for
the reparation of their good fame.
Hitherto the City had received no direct communications from the Privy
Council on the subject, but three days after the date of the lord mayor's
letter to the Bishop of London the lords of the council made a direct
appeal to the mayor and aldermen suggesting that a collection should be
made among the clergy and other inhabitants of the city in order to
"oppose the supersticion of popery wch by the coming over of divers
Jesuits and seminarie preistes hath ben of late much increased."(1631)
Little appears to have been done in the matter by the civic authorities
until the beginning of the next year, when the first step was taken by the
appointment of a committee (25 Jan., 1582).(1632)
(M794)
Campion meanwhile had been arrested and subjected to cruel torture. He was
eventually executed. Parsons, his companion, escaped to the continent,
where he continued to carry on an intrigue against the life of Elizabeth
in conjunction with Allen, who some years before had established the
famous seminary at Donay for the purpose of keeping up a supply of Jesuit
priests for England.
(M795)
In 1583--soon after Edward Osborne(1633) had been elected to the
mayoralty--a conspiracy, which had long been on foot, for the assassination
of Elizabeth and the invasion of England by a French army was discovered.
Matters began to look serious, and it behoved the queen to dismiss the
Spanish ambassador from England (Jan., 1584) and to see to her forces.
Lord Burghley drew up "a memoryall of dyvers thynges nesessary to be
thought of and to be put in execution for this sommer for ye strength of
ye realme to serve for martiall defence ageynst ether rebellion or
invasion,"(1634) containing suggestions for holding musters and training
soldiers. The navy was got ready for sea.
(M796)
In April (1584) the City received orders to muster 4,000 men and to revive
the military shows on the eve of the Feasts of St. John the Baptist and
St. Peter the Apostle as accustomed to be held in the days of Henry VIII.
These displays had gradually fallen into desuetude; it was now the queen's
policy to renew them.(1635) The citizens showed themselves equal to the
emergency, and "mustered and skirmished" daily at Mile End and St.
George's Field, so that in little more than a month they were in a fit
state of discipline and training to appear in Greenwich Park before the
queen herself, who thanked them graciously for their energy and pains, and
declared that she had no subjects more ready to suppress disloyalty and to
defend her person.(1636)
(M797)
In July news arrived of the assassination of the Prince of Orange (10
July). Englishmen well knew that those who plotted against his life were
plotting also against the life of their queen, and with wonderful
unanimity--Catholics and Protestants alike--they joined in a "Bond of
Association" for the defence of her majesty's person. The terms of the
association were afterwards embodied in a bill and submitted to
parliament, specially summoned for the purpose.(1637)
(M798)
Staggered by the sudden loss of their beloved leader, the Netherlanders
despatched envoys the following year (1585) to England offering to
acknowledge Elizabeth as their sovereign. Upon their arrival in London the
envoys were lodged and hospitably entertained--although not at the City's
expense--in Clothworkers' Hall,(1638) and on the 29th June were received in
audience by the queen at Greenwich. After much hesitation, as was her
wont, she at last consented to take the Netherlands under her protection
and to despatch troops to their assistance, but only on condition that the
States gave security for expenses to be incurred.(1639)
(M799)
On the 9th July the mayor, Sir Thomas Pullison,(1640) issued his precept
to the aldermen for each to make a survey in his ward of all such persons
as were suitable and willing for service in the Low Countries, where it
was intended they should have good allowance.(1641)
(M800)
Every effort was made to save Antwerp, but it was too late. By chaffering
and bargaining with the envoys Elizabeth had lost her opportunity and
Antwerp fell (19 Aug.). She could be resolute at times, but it wanted much
to rouse her into activity. The news of Antwerp's fall administered to her
the necessary incitement to deal "roundly and resolutely" with her new
allies. Fresh forces were despatched to Flanders under the Earl of
Leicester, making in all some 10,000 men that had already been sent
thither, nearly one-fourth of which had been furnished by the city of
London.(1642) The queen grumbled at having to send so many--"I have sent a
fine heap of folk thither, in all ... not under 10,000 soldiers of the
English nation," said she to the envoys in October(1643)--and she kept the
earl so short of money that he had to mortgage his estate.(1644) The City
did what it could and made him a present of L500 in "newe angells," but
the City itself was in pecuniary difficulties and was compelled to borrow
or "take up" money to defend its title to its own lands,(1645) which had
been in constant jeopardy ever since the appointment of the royal
commission to search for "concealed lands" in 1567.(1646)
(M801)
The direct effect of the fall of Antwerp upon the city of London was to
flood its streets more than ever with strangers, and on the 30th October,
1585, the mayor was once more called upon by the lords of the Privy
Council to make a return of the number of strangers within the city, and
more especially of the number of French and Flemish strangers that had
arrived "sithens the beginninge of the presente trobles moved by the house
of Guise in Fraunce and the rendringe of the towne of Andwerpe."(1647) In
April and May of the following year (1586) the year of the disastrous
battle at Zutphen and of the death of the _Chevalier sans peur et sans
reproche_, Sir Philip Sidney--another call was made in the city for
volunteers for service in the Low Countries,(1648) and the civic companies
were ordered to lay in a stock of gunpowder to be ready "uppon eny
ymminent occacioun."(1649)
(M802)
Whilst operations, more or less active, were being carried on in the
Netherlands against Spain, a new Catholic conspiracy against the life of
Elizabeth, with Anthony Babington at its head, was discovered by
Walsingham. The delight of the citizens at the queen's escape drew forth
from her a letter which she desired to be read before the Common Council,
and in which she testified her appreciation of their loyalty. The letter
was introduced to the council by some prefatory remarks made by James
Dalton, a member of the court, in which he expatiated upon the beauties of
the reformed Church as contrasted with the Roman religion.(1650) The
discovery of the plot led to stringent measures being taken against
suspected persons in the city, and returns were ordered to be made setting
forth for each ward: (1) the names of the ablest men for service, (2) the
names of those past service, (3) the names of all who were suspected as to
religion, and (4) the names of all strangers born.(1651)
(M803)
The discovery had also another effect: it brought the head of Mary Stuart
to the block. A commission of peers sitting at Fotheringhay found that the
conspiracy had been "with the privitie of the said Marie pretending tytle
to the crowne of the realme of England," and it only remained for
Elizabeth to sign the warrant for her execution to remove for ever a
dangerous rival. This, however, the queen long hesitated to do, and when
at length prevailed upon she caused public proclamation to be made of the
reasons which induced her to take the extreme course.(1652)
(M804)
To add to the general gloom, England was threatened before the close of
the year (1586) with a famine, caused partly by the inclemency of the
seasons and partly by a "corner" in wheat, which some enterprising
engrossers had managed to bring about.(1653) In November the mayor caused
the city companies to lay in 6,000 or 7,000 quarters of wheat and rye for
the relief of those who had already suffered from the extreme dearth, and
to raise a sum of L2,500 over and above such sums as they had hitherto
disbursed for the provision of corn and grain,(1654) and the Court of
Aldermen (3 Jan., 1587) agreed to erect a new garner at the
Bridgehouse.(1655)
(M805)
After the execution of Mary Stuart, Philip of Spain laid claim to the
crown of England. For years past he was known to have been preparing a
fleet for an invasion of the country. Preparations were now almost
complete, and in 1587 expectation was that the fleet might be seen any day
bearing down upon the English coast. The inhabitants of villages and towns
on the south coast forsook their homes in terror of the invasion and
sought shelter inland.(1656) The evil hour was put off by the prompt
action of Drake, who, with four ships of the royal navy and twenty-four
others supplied by the City and private individuals,(1657) appeared
suddenly off the Spanish coast, and running into Cadiz and Lisbon,
destroyed tons of shipping under the very nose of the Spanish lord high
admiral, and threw into the sea the vast military stores that had been
accumulated there. Having thus accomplished the object for which he set
sail--that of "singeing the king of Spain's beard"--he returned, and the
sailing of the Armada was put off for a year.
(M806)
Preparations were in the meanwhile pushed on in the city to meet the
attack whenever it should be made. Ten thousand men were levied and
equipped in a short space of time.(1658) Any inhabitant of the city
assessed in the subsidy-book at L50 in goods, and who, being under fifty
years of age, was called upon to serve, and refused, was forthwith
committed to Newgate.(1659) If any fault was to be found with the city's
force it was the inefficiency of its officers, whom the municipal
authorities always claimed to appoint. The Earl of Leicester, who was in
command of the camp which had been formed at Tilbury, held but a poor
opinion of Londoners as a fighting force.(1660) "For your Londoners,"
wrote the earl to Walsingham,(1661) I see their service will be little,
except they have their own captains, and having them, I look for none at
all by them when we shall meet the enemy." He declares that he knows what
burghers be well enough, even though they be "as brave and well trained"
as the Londoners; they would be useless without good leaders,(1662) and on
this he had always insisted. He warns Walsingham against yielding to the
wishes of "townsmen" at such a critical juncture, for they would look for
the like concession at other times. The Londoners were not peculiar in
their desire to have their own officers, according to the earl's own
showing, for the letter continues:--"You and my lords all know the
imperfection at this time, how few leaders you have, and the gentlemen of
the counties here are likewise very loth to have any placed with them to
command under them, but well pleased to have some expert man with them to
give them advice." Two years later a code of regulations for the
"trayninge of capytaynes" was forwarded by the government to the city, and
there put into execution.(1663)
(M807)
In addition to the land force the City agreed (3 April, 1588) to furnish
and fully equip for war sixteen of the largest and best merchant ships
that could be found in the Thames, and four pinnaces to attend on
them.(1664) A committee was nominated to sit at Clothworkers' Hall and
take the necessary steps for fitting out the vessels, the cost of which
was to be met by an assessment on citizen and stranger alike.(1665)
Nothing was said at the time about victualling the fleet, but we learn
from a later entry in the City's Journal that they were victualled for
three months. On the 16th July the City agreed to supply victuals for
"those twentie shipps lately sett forth" for one month longer, and on the
10th August the Common Council again passed a similar resolution.(1666)
(M808)
At last the blow fell. On Friday, the 19th (o.s.) July, the Armada was
sighted off the Lizard. A strong wind from the south-west was blowing at
the time, and it was thought advisable to let the fleet pass and to follow
it up with the English vessels then lying in Plymouth harbour. On the
following day the two fleets hove in sight of each other. According to the
report made to Walsingham by Richard Tomson--a Londoner serving on board
the _Margaret and John_, one of the ships furnished by the City--the
Spanish fleet numbered at that time 136 sail, ninety of which were large
vessels, whilst the English fleet numbered no more than sixty-seven.(1667)
Notwithstanding the great superiority of the enemy's fleet in numbers and
tonnage, the English admiral, Lord Howard, opened fire the next morning,
but took care not to come to close quarters. "We had some small fight with
them that Sunday afternoon," reported Hawkins to Walsingham.(1668) The
admiral had other reasons for preserving caution. His ships were but
ill-furnished with provisions and with ammunition, and even thus early he
had to beg the Secretary of State to send him "for God's sake some powder
and shot."(1669) The same deficiency of ammunition was experienced the
whole time that the two fleets were opposed to each other, and but for
this the enemy would not have got off so cheaply as it did. Scarcely a day
passed without some cannonading taking place, but never a general
engagement. The English trusted to their superior seamanship and to the
greater activity of their own light vessels compared with the heavier and
more unwieldly Spanish galleons. Again and again they poured broadside
after broadside into the enemy, but always making good their retreat
before the Spanish vessels could turn in pursuit. On Tuesday (23 July),
wrote Hawkins, they had "a sharp and long fight" off Portland, on Thursday
"a hot fraye." And thus the Armada made its way up channel, pestered with
the swarm of English vessels that would never leave it at peace. On the
Saturday following (27 July) it finally dropped anchor in Calais roads,
with the intention of awaiting there the arrival of Alexander Farnese with
his promised aid before making a direct descent upon the English coast.
Farnese did not arrive for the reason that he was blockaded by the Dutch
fleet; but the English received an accession of strength by the arrival of
Lord Henry Seymour with a squadron of sixteen ships, which hitherto had
been lying off Folkestone.(1670)
At this juncture the lord mayor (Sir George Bond), having received
information of the critical state of affairs and that a general engagement
was imminent, issued his precept to the aldermen to summon the pastors and
ministers of each ward, and bid them call their parishioners to church by
toll of bell or otherwise, both in the morning and afternoon of this
eventful Saturday, in order that humble and hearty prayers might be
offered to Almighty God "by preaching and otherwise," as the necessity of
the times required.(1671) Three days before (24 July) he had given orders
for a strict watch and ward to be kept in the city, and for a goodly
supply of leather buckets in case of fire.(1672)
(M809)
After more than one consultation together, the English commanders
determined to resort to stratagem. They sent for a number of useless hulks
from Dover, and having filled them with every kind of combustible, sent
them all aflame on Sunday night into the thick of the enemy. The result
was a panic; cables were cut and frantic attempts made to escape what
seemed imminent and wholesale destruction. The ships fell foul of each
other; some were wrecked and others burnt. When Monday morning dawned only
eighty-six vessels out of 124 that had anchored off Calais thirty-six
hours before could be found, and these for the most part were seen driving
towards the coast of Flanders. The English fleet at once prepared to
follow in pursuit, but attention was for a time drawn off to the action of
the flagship of the squadron of galeasses, a huge vessel which had become
disabled by loss of rudder, and the crew of which were endeavouring by the
aid of oars to bring into Calais harbour. The Lord Admiral Howard at once
bore down upon her in the _Ark_, but the water proved too shallow. The
London ship _Margaret and John_ followed suit and, although of less
tonnage than the _Ark_, got aground. Richard Tomson sent home a graphic
account of the exploit that followed.(1673) Both ships sent out long boats
to capture the rich prize as she lay stuck fast upon the harbour bar.
Tomson himself formed one of the little band of volunteers. The boats were
soon alongside the galeass, its huge sides towering high above them. There
then ensued "a pretty skirmish for half-an-hour," wrote Tomson, "but they
seemed safely ensconced in their ships, while we in our open pinnaces and
far under them had nothing to shroud and cover us." Fortune at last
favoured the attackers. The Spanish commander fell dead on his deck with a
bullet through his head. A panic seized the sailors, most of whom jumped
overboard and tried by swimming and wading to reach the shore. Some
succeeded, but many were drowned; whilst those who remained on board
signified their readiness to capitulate by hoisting a couple of
"handkerchers" on rapiers. The English lost no time in clambering up the
sides of the monster, and at once commenced plundering the vessel and
releasing the galley slaves. They were only waiting for the tide to take
their prize in tow and carry her off when they were warned by the governor
of Calais against making any such attempt. They were free to plunder the
vessel if they liked, but make prize of the vessel itself they must not,
and this order the governor showed himself ready and able to enforce by
opening fire from the fort. Tomson and his fellow volunteers were heartily
disgusted at having after all to surrender their prize, "the verye glory
and staye of the Spanish armye, a thing of very great value and strength."
(M810)
This exploit being ended and the long boats having returned to their
respective ships, the lord admiral started in pursuit of the Spaniards.
Seeing them coming up the Spanish commander immediately prepared for
action. An engagement--described by Hawkins as "a long and great
fight"--took place off Gravelines and lasted six hours. The English pursued
the same tactics as before, and with like success. Without losing a single
ship of their own they succeeded in riddling the best Spanish ships
through and through, and at last the Armada was forced to bear away
towards the open sea. The English followed and made a pretence of keeping
up the attack, but by this time nearly all their ammunition as well as
food had given out.
(M811)
From Tuesday (30 July) until the following Friday (2 Aug.) the pursuit
was, nevertheless, maintained by Howard, Drake and Frobisher. On Sunday (4
Aug.) the strong south-wester which had prevailed rose to a gale, and the
English fleet made its way home with difficulty. It was otherwise with the
Armada. Crippled and forlorn, without pilots and without competent
commander, the great fleet was driven northward past the Hebrides and
eventually returned home in a decimated condition by the west coast of
Ireland.
(M812)
In the meantime the civic authorities took order for receiving the sick
and wounded and administering to their comfort. Two aldermen--Sir Thomas
Pullison and Sir Wolstan Dixie--were deputed (29 July) by their brethren to
ride abroad among the innholders, brewers, bakers and butchers of the city
to see that they did not enhance the price of provisions and that they
well entertained all soldiers who arrived in the city.(1674) The City
agreed, moreover, to re-victual the ships it had furnished and to provide
them with munition and other requisites. A fresh tax was imposed for the
purpose of "marine and land affairs."(1675)
(M813)
It was a long time before any certain news arrived in the city of the
ultimate fate of the Armada. There had been rumours abroad that the
English fleet had been victorious--with so many Londoners serving in the
fleet, it would have been strange indeed if their friends at home had been
kept in absolute ignorance of what was taking place in the channel--and
bonfires had been lighted, but these rumours were often incorrect and
sometimes lead to mischief. The mayor therefore issued his precept to the
aldermen on the 30th July--the day after the engagement off
Gravelines--bidding them see that the inhabitants of their several wards
refrained from crediting any news that might be reported of the vessels at
sea but what they received from the mayor himself. The precaution was
necessary "for the avoyding of some dislike that may come thereof."(1676)
On the 1st August, so critical were the times, the mayor issued a precept
by the queen's orders forbidding householders to quit the city, that they
might the better be ready for the queen's service if required.(1677) On
the 4th the citizens were informed that if they had any friend or servant
detained as prisoner in the Spanish dominion, or bound to the galleys,
whom they wished to set free, they might have Spanish prisoners allotted
to them to assist towards ransom.(1678)
(M814)
The first public notification of the complete destruction of the Armada
was made in a thanksgiving sermon preached by the Dean of St. Paul's on
Tuesday, the 20th August, at Paul's Cross, in the presence of the mayor
and aldermen and the livery companies in their best gowns.(1679) In
November the queen resolved to attend a public thanksgiving service at St.
Paul's in person, Monday, the 18th, being the day that was originally
fixed. Great preparations were made for the occasion. The livery companies
were ordered to take up their appointed stations at eight o'clock in the
morning and to follow in the train of the royal procession until the
"preaching place" was reached. Places were to be kept by a detachment of
the "yeomanry" of each company sent on at six o'clock for that purpose.
The "governors of the hospital" of each company were also to attend, staff
in hand, and repair to the "skaffold" for them appointed. After dinner the
companies were to return immediately to their stations and to wait there
until her majesty returned to Somerset House.(1680) The day was afterwards
changed from Monday, the 18th, to Sunday, the 24th, when the queen came in
great state to St. Paul's. After prayers she took her seat in a closet
built out of the north wall of the church and facing Paul's Cross, where
she heard a sermon preached by the Bishop of Salisbury. That being over
she was entertained at dinner in the bishop's palace, and afterwards
returned to Somerset House.(1681)
(M815)
Whilst the City is justly proud of its own share in the defence of the
kingdom at this great crisis in the nation's history, it has not neglected
to give honour where honour was most due. Of the great naval commanders
the "sea dogs" of that age--the faces of at least two of them were familiar
to the citizens. Both Frobisher and Hawkins owned property in the city,
and in all probability resided there, like their fellow seaman and
explorer, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, who was living in Red Cross Street, in the
parish of St. Giles, Cripplegate, in 1583, the year that he met his death
at sea.(1682) The same parish claims Frobisher, whose remains (excepting
his entrails, which were interred at Plymouth, where he died) lie buried
in St. Giles's Church, and to whom a mural monument was erected by the
vestry in 1888, just three centuries after the defeat of the Armada, to
which he had contributed so much. If Hawkins himself did not reside in the
city, his widow had a mansion house in Mincing Lane.(1683) He, too, had
probably lived there, for although he died and was buried at sea, a
monument was erected to his memory and that of Katherine, his first wife,
in the church of St. Dunstan-in-the-East.(1684) There is one other--a
citizen of London and son of an alderman--whose name has been handed down
as having taken an active part in the defence of the kingdom at this time,
not at sea, but on land. A monument in the recently restored church of St.
Helen, Bishopsgate, tells us that Martin Bond, son of Alderman William
Bond, "was captaine in ye yeare 1588 at ye campe at Tilbury, and after
remained chief captaine of ye trained bands of this citty until his
death." The monument represents him as sitting in a tent guarded by two
sentinels, with a page holding a horse.
(M816)
It was well that the Spaniards suffered defeat at sea, for had they been
able to effect a landing they would have made short work with the
half-trained and dissatisfied soldiers in the camp at Tilbury, and London
would have been at their mercy. Even the presence of Elizabeth herself,
riding on horseback through the camp, as she did on the 8th August, was
but poor compensation to the soldiers for the want of victuals and wages.
Many sold their armour and weapons to pay themselves as soon as the camp
broke up. Citizens of London were warned by royal proclamation (20
Aug.)(1685) against purchasing armour and weapons offered by soldiers, who
were declared to "have most falsly and slanderously given out that they
weare compelled to make sale of them for that they receaved noe pay, which
is most untruely reported." Any armour or weapons bought before
publication of the proclamation was to be delivered up to the mayor with
particulars as to the way the purchase had been effected and compensation
would be allowed.
(M817)
Notwithstanding the extreme parsimony with which Elizabeth had fitted out
both army and navy, the cost of preparations to meet the attack of Spain
had been great, and she was obliged to borrow money. In September (1588)
the City advanced her the sum of L30,000, receiving her bond for repayment
in the following March; and in the following December she borrowed a
further sum of L20,000 to be repaid by the following April. Both sums were
raised among the livery companies.(1686)
(M818)
In March of the following year (1589) parliament granted a liberal supply,
but the grant was accompanied by a request that Elizabeth would no longer
await the assaults of Spain, but carry the war into the enemy's country.
This the queen declared her inability to undertake on the score of
poverty. She promised, however, to give what assistance she could to any
of her subjects who relished such enterprise. Norris and Drake were at
hand, ready and willing to undertake the work on these terms. Already (in
January) the City had been called upon to furnish them with 400 strong and
able men.(1687) At the end of March 1,000 more were required, and each
alderman was instructed to search in his ward for all able and masterless
men and all other persons fit for service that were householders and not
charged with families, and to bring them to the Leadenhall.(1688) With
these and other forces the expedition set sail, but beyond storming Vigo
and committing some damage at Corunna, it accomplished nothing and
returned in July.
(M819)
Again the city was threatened with danger and disease from the presence of
disbanded soldiers and sailors, who were apt to carry their freebooting
habits wherever they went, more especially when starvation stared them in
the face. Sir Martin Calthorp did what he could to relieve them, paying
out of his own pocket no less a sum than L100. His conduct was applauded
by the lords of the council, who authorised him to raise a further sum
towards assisting the soldiers to their homes in the country by allowing
them a half-penny a mile.(1689)
(M820)
A royal proclamation was subsequently (20 Aug.) issued promising payment
of any money due to mariners who would make a written application to the
Admiralty. Soldiers were to return to the country where they had been
pressed and apply to the justices or other officers who pressed them, and
who would make a certificate to the lieutenant of the county, when the
soldiers would receive "reasonable contentment."(1690) This, however,
failed entirely to remedy the evil.(1691) Four days before this
proclamation precept had been issued to the aldermen for a good and
substantial double watch to be kept throughout the night of the 16th
August until noon of the next day. There had been a report abroad of a
large meeting of soldiers and sailors to take place as early as five
o'clock on the morning of the 17th in the neighbourhood of Tower
Hill.(1692)
(M821)
The revolution which followed the assassination of the French king by
Jaques Clements about this time (Aug., 1589) brought fresh anxiety to
Elizabeth, who felt bound to support the Protestant Henry of Navarre with
all the means at her command, as an indirect way of carrying on the war
against Spain. Four thousand men were to be despatched for his assistance,
1,000 of whom the City was called upon to supply. As they were to be
picked men the lords of the council ordered double the number, or 2,000
men, to be got ready, in order that expert officers might review them and
select the number required.(1693) The demand was enforced by a letter from
the queen herself, in which she drew attention to the necessity of
assisting one whose preservation was of so much importance to
England.(1694) The city's gates were at once closed by the mayor's orders
to prevent the exodus of "lusty, strong, able and young men" to avoid
service.(1695) Although Henry IV was materially assisted by the arrival of
English troops, their operations were chiefly confined to Normandy.
(M822)
A further contingent of 400 men was shortly afterwards (22 June) demanded
by the queen, 300 of which were to be got ready at once. More care than
usual was to be bestowed on their selection, as they were to be employed
under the Earl of Essex,(1696) with whom the City happened at this time to
be out of favour. What was the precise cause of the City's disgrace does
not appear; we only know that the civic authorities were anxious to
recover the good will of one so near the person of the sovereign, and to
this end made him a "small present," thanking him for his past services,
for the general defence of the realm, and of all Christian estates
professing the Gospel and true religion of Almighty God, and assuring him
that they were not so much presenting him with money, in sending him a
gratuity, as with "the hart of the citie." They begged that if some
private offence had been given to his lordship he would "wrappe it up" in
this public testimony of their hearty good wills.(1697)
(M823)
In the meantime the Common Council had, at the queen's request, agreed (16
June) to fit out six ships of war and one pinnace at a cost of L7,400, to
be levied on the companies. This sum was afterwards raised to
L8,000.(1698) Towards the close of the year (9 Nov.) the lord mayor and
sheriffs were called upon to levy 200 able men to be "pioners." They were
to be chosen out of the city of London and the county of Middlesex, and to
be despatched to Dieppe for service under the Earl of Essex "a service
vearie necessarie and we hope not of any long continuaunce,"(1699) wrote
the queen. In addition to men, the queen wanted money; and the Common
Council agreed (18 Sept.) to lend her L20,000 for three months, afterwards
renewed for six months.(1700)
(M824)
In the meantime Spanish emissaries, disguised as soldiers, mariners,
merchants, gentlemen with comely apparel, and even as "gallantes," decked
out in colours and feathers, had been doing the work of Philip silently
but surely. Some had resorted to the Universities; some to the Inns of
Court; whilst others had insinuated themselves into private families; but
wherever they took up their abode, and in whatsoever capacity, their one
aim and object had been to seduce the queen's subjects from their
allegiance. So successful had been their efforts that Philip meditated
another attack on England in 1592. At length commissioners were appointed
in all parts of the country to search for these "venemous vipers."
Householders were at the same time directed to enquire into the
antecedents of those who lodged with them, and to mark if they attended
Divine Service or not. A register or calendar of particulars respecting
them was to be kept, to be shown on demand.(1701) Here is a description of
one whose arrest was desired in 1596:--"A yonge man of meane and slender
stature aged about xxvjtie wth a high collored face, red nose, a warte
over his left eye, havinge two greate teeth before standinge out very
apparant, he nameth himselffe Edward Harrison borne in Westmerland,
apparelled in a crane collored fustian dublet, rounde hose, after the
frenche facion, an olde paire of yollowe knit neather stockes, he escaped
wthout either cloake, girdle, garters or shoes."(1702)
(M825)
Whilst all exportation of munitions of war, corn and other victual into
Spain or Portugal was strictly forbidden,(1703) the merchants of London,
as well as noblemen and wealthy country gentlemen, were encouraged to deal
blows at the enemy by fitting out privateers for scouring the Spanish
Main.(1704) Many a rich prize was thus brought home, the spoil being
divided by specially appointed commissioners,(1705) whose duty it was,
among other things, to see that the Crown was not defrauded of the custom
due upon the goods thus captured."(1706) The "fleet of the city of London"
was very successful in this kind of work, and a sum of L6,000 fell to its
lot as prize-money in 1591. This sum was ventured again in an expedition
undertaken by Raleigh in the following year,(1707) with the result that
the City netted no less a sum than L12,000, its share of the spoil of a
rich "carraque" that Raleigh had captured.(1708)
(M826)
This lucky windfall befell the citizens at a time when money was sorely
needed for building a pest-house or hospital for sufferers from the
plague, which again visited the city at the close of 1592.(1709) The cost
of such a building was estimated at L6,000. Various schemes were proposed
for raising the money. At one time (July, 1593) it was resolved that the
several livery companies which had taken shares in Raleigh's venture
should contribute twelvepence in the pound of their clear gain towards the
object.(1710) Later on (May, 1594) the companies were called upon to
contribute one-third of their clear gain. Even this proved insufficient,
and had to be supplemented by a "benevolence" in each ward.(1711) Another
year went by, and the hospital was still unfinished.(1712)
(M827)
The strain which the continuation of the war and the threatened renewal of
a Spanish invasion imposed upon the inhabitants of London at large was a
great one, and appears to have affected the mind of a weak and hysterical
woman, Anne Burnell. She gave out that she was a daughter of the king of
Spain, and that the arms of England and Spain were to be seen, like
_stigmata_, upon her back, as was vouched for by her servant Alice Digges.
After medical examination, which proved her statement to be "false and
proceedinge of some lewde and imposterouse pretence," she and her maid
were ordered to be whipt,--"ther backes only beeinge layd bare,"--at the
cart's tail through the city on a market day, "with a note in writinge
uppon the hinder part of there heades shewinge the cawse of there saide
punishmente."(1713)
(M828)
On the 16th July, 1594, the queen informed the citizens by letter of the
king of Spain having made preparations to get possession of the harbour of
Brest, and her determination to oppose him. She had given orders for
certain companies of soldiers to be levied in divers counties, and she
called upon the citizens to furnish her with a contingent of 450 men. They
were to be well trained and supplied with armour and weapons; their "coate
and conduct monye" would be found for them.(1714) The Court of Common
Council met on the following day and agreed to provide the number of
soldiers required.(1715) It had already (15 July) agreed to furnish six
ships and two pinnaces for her majesty's service,(1716) which William
Garraway and other owners of ships contracted to find for the sum of
L5,000.(1717)
(M829)
On Michaelmas-day (1594) John Spencer--"Rich Spencer" as he was called,
from his extraordinary wealth--was elected mayor for the ensuing
year.(1718) His daughter, much against her father's will, married Lord
Compton. To thwart the matrimonial designs of a nobleman was in those days
a perilous task, and Alderman Spencer was committed to the Fleet "for a
contempt" in endeavouring to conceal his daughter. "Our Sir John Spencer,
of London"--writes John Chamberlain(1719) to Dudley Carleton (15 March,
1599)--"was the last weeke committed to the Fleet for a contempt and hiding
away his daughter, who, they say, is contracted to the Lord Compton; but
now he is out again, and by all meanes seekes to hinder the match,
alledging a precontract to Sir Arthur Henningham's sonne. But upon his
beating and misusing her she was sequestred to one Barkers, a proctor, and
from thence to Sir Henry Billingsleyes,(1720) where she yet remaines till
the matter be tried. If the obstinate and self-willed fellow shold persist
in his doggednes (as he protests he will) and geve her nothing, the poore
lord shold have a warme catch."
A few weeks after Spencer's confinement in the Fleet we find him at
variance with his brother aldermen for digging a pit on his estate near
"Canbury," or Canonbury, and thereby drawing off water which should have
gone to supply the poor of St. Bartholomew's Hospital to his own mansion.
A request was sent to him by the mayor and Court of Aldermen to cease the
conveyance of water until further order had been taken therein.(1721) Two
years later his "doggednes" once more got him into trouble, and he was
committed to Wood Street Compter for refusing to pay certain small sums of
money due from him towards furnishing soldiers and armour.(1722) He died
the 30th March, 1609, leaving behind him L80,000.
His daughter, who inherited her father's money, was possessed also of some
of her father's spirit, and Lord Compton appears to have got "a warme
catch" indeed to judge from a letter she addressed to him soon after her
father's death. After reminding her "sweete life" of the care she had ever
taken of his estate and of her excellent behaviour, she begs him to allow
her L1,600 per annum, to be paid quarterly, besides L600 a year for
charitable works. She will have three horses for her own saddle "that none
shall dare to lend or borrow; none lend but I, none borrow but you." She
will have so many gentlemen and so many gentlewomen to wait upon her at
home, whilst riding, hunting, hawking or travelling. When on the road she
will have laundresses "sent away with the carriages to see all safe," and
chambermaids sent before with the grooms that the chambers may be ready,
sweet and clean. Seeing that her requests are so reasonable she expects
her husband to find her children in apparel and schooling, and all her
servants in wages. She concludes by declaring her will to have her houses
handsomely furnished, not omitting "silver warming pans," warns her
husband against lending money to the lord chamberlain, and prays him to
increase her allowance and double her attendance on his becoming an
earl.(1723)
(M830)
Spencer was succeeded in the mayoralty by Sir Stephen Slaney, and the
latter's year of office proved a busy one. Spain was meditating another
descent on England "with a greate navy of shippes by sea and huge powers
of men by lande," and the City was expected to furnish sixteen ships and
10,000 men for land service. The naval demand was extravagant, and after
some remonstrance was reduced to one for twelve ships and two pinnaces,
with a complement of 1,200 men.(1724) The City made an attempt to get a
reduction made also in the land force, but with what success is not clear.
This was in December, 1595. The money was found by imposing a tax of 2_s._
8_d._ in the pound for goods and 4_s._ in the pound for lands on every
inhabitant of the city,(1725) and by advances made by the livery
companies.(1726) On the 8th January (1596) the queen addressed a very
gracious letter of thanks to the City for the promptitude displayed in
furnishing the ships.(1727) Instead of waiting for Spain to attack,
Elizabeth carried the war into the enemy's country, and Cadiz was captured
six months later by Essex and Howard. This exploit, in which the city of
London took its share, has been described(1728) as the most brilliant that
had ever been achieved by English arms between Agincourt and Blenheim, and
it was celebrated in London with bonfires and general rejoicing.(1729) As
soon as the Common Council heard of the arrival of the fleet from its
successful voyage it despatched commissioners to see after the City's
share of prize money.(1730)
(M831)
In the meantime (April, 1596) the queen's tortuous and parsimonious policy
had led to Calais falling into the hands of Spain. She had called upon the
Londoners to furnish 1,000 soldiers to assist in raising the siege, but it
is a question whether they ever got beyond Dover.(1731) Roused for the
time to a more energetic line of action, she determined to prevent, if
possible, the sister town of Boulogne falling into the hands of Spain, and
she called upon the city of London to supply 405 men towards the force to
be despatched in the autumn for its defence.(1732)
(M832)
The necessity of recruiting the garrison of the cautionary town of
Flushing, from which troops had recently been withdrawn for service on the
high seas, compelled the queen to apply again to the City (July, 1596) for
a contingent of 200 men.(1733)
(M833)
This constant drain on the resources of the city at length called forth a
remonstrance. The city was being threatened with famine at the close of
the year (1596), when another demand arrived for ten ships to be fitted
out for the public service. The matter was referred to a committee, and a
reply was drawn up, which was practically a refusal to obey the commands
of the council.(1734)
(M834)
It set forth the utter inability of the citizens, however willing they
might be, to supply more ships. They had already expended on sea service
alone, and irrespective of their disbursements in 1588, no less a sum than
100,000 marks within the last few years; so that the lords of the council
would see that the citizens had not been wanting in good will and
affection towards] that service. The same good will still remained, but
there was lacking the like ability, owing partly to former charges by sea
and land, but more especially to the great scarcity of victual which had
continued in the city for the past three years, and had compelled many who
had formerly been well off to reduce their expenditure, whilst others had
been obliged to relinquish their trades and break up their households. As
a proof of the poverty existing in the city their lordships were reminded
that when wheat was offered at a very moderate rate many were too poor to
purchase any. The wealthier sort would therefore have to be called upon to
subscribe towards the maintenance of the poorer class, and so be rendered
less able to contribute to other demands. The letter proceeded to draw
their lordships' attention to what after all was the reason which weighed
most with the citizens for refusing to contribute any more to the naval
service. "Besides theis defectes" wrote the mayor and corporation "we may
not conceale the great discontentment and utter discouragement of the
common people wthin this citie touchinge their adventure in the late viage
to the towne at _Cales_ [Cadiz] wch albeit it was perfourmed wth soe great
honor and happy successe as that the enemye was greatly weakned, the army
enritched and such store of treasure and other comodities (besides that
wch was thear embeazelled) brought safe home as was sufficient to defraye
the charges of the whole voyage, yet forasmuch as neither their principall
nor any parte thereof was restored unto them contrarie to the meaninge of
the contract set downe in writinge under the signatures of two noble
persons in her highnes name, they are made hereby utterly unfitt and
indisposed for the like service to be done hereafter."(1735) The Cadiz
adventure--they went on to say--had cost the City L1,900, a great part of
which sum was still not collected, whilst the City's Chamber was already
in debt to the extent of L14,000 and utterly unable to afford relief. The
writers, in conclusion, expressed themselves ready to contribute towards
the defence of the whole realm in like proportion as others of her
majesty's subjects, and with this arrangement they felt sure her majesty
would be well content.
What was the effect of this reply does not appear; but in one respect the
queen was more than a match for the citizens. They had pleaded scarcity of
provisions and poverty as an excuse for not carrying out her recent
orders. Very good; let the livery companies, whose duty it was to find men
and money when required, practise a little self-restraint in the coming
summer (1597). Let them, she said, forbear giving feasts in their halls
and elsewhere, and bestow half the money thus saved on the poor; and the
order of the Court of Aldermen went forth accordingly.(1736)
(M835)
For some years past it had always been feared lest Spain should again
endeavour to strike at England through Ireland. A rising in Ulster under
Hugh O'Neill, known in England as the Earl of Tyrone, in 1594 was followed
by an appeal to Spain for help in 1595. Philip acceded to the request and
another Armada was got ready; but the fleet had scarcely put to sea before
it suffered a similar fate to the Armada of 1588 and was shattered by a
storm (Dec., 1596). The Tyrone rebellion necessitated further calls on the
City for men and money. In May, 1597, it was asked to furnish 500 men,
such as Sir Samuel Bagnall might approve of.(1737) In the following
year--when Bagnall met with a crushing defeat on the Blackwater--it was
called upon to supply a further contingent of 300 men and to lend the
queen a sum of L20,000.(1738) In 1599 Elizabeth sent her favourite Essex
to conquer Ireland in good earnest, to prevent the country falling into
the hands of Spain. She at the same time called upon the City for more
soldiers, and borrowed another sum of L60,000 on mortgage.(1739)
(M836)
In the meantime a report again got abroad that a Spanish fleet was
assembling at Brest for a descent on England. On the 25th July, 1598, the
lords of the council wrote to the mayor calling upon him to see that some
twelve or sixteen vessels were provided with ordnance and powder for the
defence of the Thames, and the court of Common Council at once took the
necessary steps for fitting out the ships as well as for mustering a force
of 3,000 men, afterwards raised to 6,000.(1740) The city's forces and the
charge of the river were confided to the Earl of Cumberland. Sir Thomas
Gerrard had at first been appointed colonel of the Londoners, "but for an
old grudge since the last parliament they wold none of him."(1741) It was
proposed to throw a bridge of boats across the Thames near Gravesend,
after the fashion of Parma's famous bridge erected across the Scheldt in
1585, and the court of Common Council (4 Aug.) gave orders for collecting
"hoyes, barges, lighters, boardes, cordes" and other material necessary
for the purpose.(1742) This project was, however, abandoned in favour of
sinking hulks in the channel of the river if occasion should arise. Watch
was ordered to be strictly kept in the city night and day, lanterns to be
hung out at night and the streets blocked with chains.(1743) It had been
rumoured that the Spanish fleet had been descried off the Isle of Wight,
and although the rumour proved false it caused no little alarm in the city
and gave rise to these precautions.(1744) After a few days the supposed
danger passed away. The fleet, which had been rapidly got together, and
included twelve ships and thirty hoys furnished by the city for the
defence of the river, put to sea nevertheless, whilst the land forces were
gradually disbanded.(1745)
(M837)
The administration of Essex in Ireland was a signal failure, and he made
matters worse by quitting his post without leave and forcing his presence
upon the queen. He had hoped to recover her good grace by his unexpected
appearance. Elizabeth was not to be thus cajoled. She ordered him into
custody, deprived him of his offices, and, what was of more importance to
him, refused to renew his patent of a monopoly of sweet wines. Although
the earl soon regained his liberty he could not forget his disgrace, and
his overweening vanity drove him to concert measures against the
government. In 1601 he rode at the head of a few followers into the city,
expecting the citizens to rise in his favour. The mayor had, however, been
forewarned, and 1,000 men were held in readiness in each ward fully armed
for the safeguard of the city.(1746) The earl and his band proceeded to
the house of Thomas Smith, in Fenchurch Street, one of the sheriffs, who
had represented himself, or been represented by others, as able and
willing to further the earl's cause. That the sheriff was thought by his
fellow citizens to have been implicated in Essex's mad attempt is seen
from the fact that within a week he was deprived, not only of his
sheriffwick, but also of his aldermanry,(1747) but to what extent he had
compromised himself it is difficult to determine. Finding the citizens
averse to a rising and his passage stopped by pikemen under the command of
Sir John Gilbert and Sir Robert Cross, who respectively had charge of
Ludgate and Newgate,(1748) and who refused to surrender them except to the
sheriff in person as the queen's representative, the earl and his company
hastened to the riverside and returned to Essex House by water. He was
subsequently arrested and committed to the Tower, together with two of his
accomplices, the Earls of Rutland and Southampton. Another of his
followers, the Earl of Bedford, was committed for a while to the custody
of Leonard Holiday, a city alderman.(1749) The queen, who had shown no
more agitation at the news of the attempt to raise the city than "of a
fray in Fleet Street,"(1750) took an early opportunity of thanking the
citizens and her subjects generally for the loyalty they had
displayed.(1751)
A sum of L200 was distributed by the civic authorities among the officers
engaged in the city's defence, but the two knights at Ludgate and Newgate
refused to accept any gratuity.(1752) For a week or more strict guard was
kept at the city's gates, whilst bodies of troops fully armed were kept in
readiness at the Royal Exchange and Saint Paul's Churchyard in case of
disturbance.(1753) Essex was brought to trial on a charge of treason,
convicted and executed (25 Feb.). Sheriff Smith was made to undergo a
severe cross-examination, but appears to have got off with his life.(1754)
(M838)
Lord Mountjoy, who had succeeded Essex in Ireland, set to work
systematically to bring the country into complete submission. The conquest
was not effected without considerable aid from the city of London. From
1600 to 1602 the citizens were being constantly called upon to supply
fresh forces for Ireland.(1755) A Spanish force which at length came to
Tyrone's assistance in 1601, and established itself at Kinsale, was
compelled to surrender. The work of the sword was supplemented by famine;
until at last Tyrone himself was carried in triumph to Dublin, and the
conquest of Ireland was complete.
(M839)
Mountjoy's work could not be carried on without money, and Elizabeth had
been compelled in 1601 to summon a parliament to obtain supplies. Hitherto
the Puritans, who began in the early part of the reign to gain a hold in
the House of Commons, and had gradually increased in strength, had been
content, in the presence of a common danger, to refrain from offering any
systematic opposition to Elizabeth's government. But now that the defeat
of the Armada, the death of Philip II and the firm establishment of Henry
IV on the throne of France had removed all danger from abroad, they began
to change front. As soon as the House met the Commons chose Croke (or
Crooke), the City's Recorder, their Speaker, an honour which the City
acknowledged by ordering (3 Nov.) a gift of forty marks to be made to
him.(1756) When the question of supplies came before the House they were
readily granted, but a bill was introduced to abolish patents of
monopolies, which the queen had been in the habit of lavishly bestowing
upon her favourites by virtue of her prerogative, and by which the price
of nearly every commodity had been grievously enhanced. It was in vain
that the minority in the House found fault with the Speaker for allowing
the queen's prerogative to be called in question. The majority had the
nation at its back; and finding this to be the case Elizabeth, who knew
when to give way, yielded with grace. When a deputation of the Commons
waited upon her and expressed the gratitude of the House at her
concession, she replied in words full of kindness and dignity, thanking
the Commons for having pointed out her error, and calling God to witness
that she had never cherished anything but what tended to her people's
good, "Though you have had," she assured them, "and may have, many princes
more mighty and wise sitting in this seat, yet you never had, or ever
shall have, any that will be more careful and loving."
(M840)
These were the last words addressed by the queen to her people, and their
truth was borne out by her conduct throughout her long reign. Under her
the country had become united and prosperous. By the citizens of London
she was especially beloved, for they always found in her a supporter of
trade and commerce. If the Hanseatic towns behaved unfairly to the
merchant adventurers Elizabeth promptly retaliated upon the merchants of
the Steelyard. She had threatened to close the Steelyard altogether in
1578, when English merchants were ordered to quit Hamburg, and twenty
years later (1598), when fresh difficulties had arisen, the threat was
carried out.(1757)
The queen rarely left London to make one of her many gorgeous progresses
from country house to country house or returned home without some notice
being sent to the city to allow of its inhabitants taking "the comfort of
behoulding her royall persone."(1758) Her love of personal admiration and
of handsome men continued to the last. As late as November, 1602, she
commanded the mayor and aldermen and a number of the "best and most grave"
citizens to attend her from Chelsea to Westminster, and the mayor, knowing
her weakness, ordered the livery companies to choose the "most grave and
comlie" members to join the procession.(1759) In the early morning of the
24th March, 1603, she died at Richmond, to the sincere regret of the
citizens no less than of the nation at large.
END OF VOL. I.
FOOTNOTES
M1 The greatness of London. How far due to its geographical position.
1 Strype remarks of Thames water that it "did sooner become fine and
clear than the New River water, and was ever a clearer
water."--Strype, Stow's Survey, ed. 1720, bk. i, p. 25. Another
writer speaks of "that most delicate and serviceable ryver of
Thames."--Howes's Chron., p. 938.
2 During Edgar's reign (958-975), the foreign trade of the City had
increased to such a degree, and notably with a body of German
merchants from the Eastern shores of the Baltic, called
"Easterlings" (subsequently known as the Hanse Merchants of the
Steel-yard), that his son and successor Ethelred drew up a code of
laws for the purpose of regulating it.
3 "Et ipsa (_i.e._ Lundonia) multorum emporium populorum terra marique
venientium."--Hist. Eccl., lib. ii, cap. iii.
M2 The tenure of the City of London compared with other boroughs.
4 Stubbs, Const. Hist., i, 409.
M3 The powers of an over-lord.
5 See ordinances made by the Earl (32 Eliz.).--Hunter's Hallamshire
(1819), p. 119.
6 Luttrell, Diary, i, p. 314.
M4 London under the Roman Empire.
7 "At Suetonius mira constantia medios inter hostes Londinium
perrexit, cognomento quidem coloniae non insigne, sed copia
negotiatorum et commeatuum maxime celebre."--Tacitus, Ann., xiv, 33.
M5 Roman highways.
8 For the direction of the various routes, see Elton's Origins of
Engl. Hist., p. 344 note.
M6 London bridge and the city wall.
M7 The departure of the Roman legions, and its consequences.
9 Stubbs, Const. Hist., i., 60.
10 The church of St. Peter-upon-Cornhill claims a Roman origin, but its
claim is unsubstantiated by any proof.
M8 Appeal to Rome for aid against the Picts and Scots. A. D. 446.
11 This appeal took the following form:--"The groans of the Britons to
Aetius, for the third time Consul [_i.e._ A.D. 446]. The savages
drive us to the sea, and the sea casts us back upon the savages; so
arise two kinds of death, and we are either drowned or
slaughtered."--Elton, Origins of Engl. Hist., p. 360.
M9 Meeting with refusal, the Britons call in the Saxons.
12 "Postea vero explorata insulae fertilitate et indigenarum inertia,
rupto foedere, in ipsos, a quibus fuerant invitati arma
verterunt."--Newburgh, Hist. Rerum Anglic. (Rolls Series No. 82).
Prooemium. p. 13.
M10 The battle of the "Creegan Ford." A.D. 457.
13 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 12.
M11 London, the metropolis of the East Saxons.
M12 Mellitus, the first Bishop of London, A.D. 604.
14 "In qua videlicet gente tune temporis Sabertus, nepos Ethelberti ex
sorore Ricula, regnabat quamvis sub potestate positus ejusdem
Ethelberti, qui omnibus, ut supra dictum est, usque ad terminum
Humbrae fluminis, Anglorum gentibus imperabat."--Bede, Lib. ii, c.
iii.
15 "Quorum [_i.e._, Orientalium Saxonum] metropolis Lundonia civitas
est."--Bede, Lib. ii, c. iii. So, again, another writer describes
London at the time it was devastated by the Danes in 851 as "Sita in
aquilonari ripa Tamesis fluminis in confinio East-Saexum et
Middel-Saexum, sed tamen ad East-Saexum illa civitas cum veritate
pertinet."--Flor. Wigorn., (ed. by Thorpe, for Engl. Hist. Soc.), i,
72.
16 Kemble. Saxons in England, ii, 556.
M13 St. Paul's Cathedral founded by Ethelbert.
17 "Mellitum vero Lundonienses episcopum recipere noluerunt, idolatris
magis pontificibus servire gaudentes. Bede, Lib. ii, cap. vi.--_Cf._
Flor. Wigorn., i, 13.
18 "Ecclesiam ... beati Petri quae sita est in loco terribili qui ab
incolis Thorneye nunenpatur ... quae olim ... beati AEthelberti
hortatu ... a Sabertho praedivite quodam sub-regulo Lundoniae, nepote
videlicet ipsius regis, constructa est."--Kemble, Cod. Dipl., 555.
M14 The rival Cities of London and Winchester.
19 Roger de Hoveden (Rolls Series No. 51), i, 8, 16, 18.
20 Norton, Commentaries on the City of London, 3rd ed., p. 53, &c.
21 Thorpe, 114. The Troy weight was kept in the Husting of London and
known as the Husting-weight.--Strype, Stow's Survey (1720), Bk. v.,
369.
M15 London in the hands of the Danes.
22 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 55.
23 "And in the same year [_i.e._ 851] came three hundred and fifty
ships to the mouth of the Thames, and landed, and took Canterbury
and London by storm."--_Id._ ii, 56.
M16 The Treaty of Wedmore, A.D. 878.
24 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 64, 65.
M17 The Danes expelled from London.
25 The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle--the existence of which in its present form
has been attributed to Alfred's encouragement of literature--seems to
convey this meaning, although it is not quite clear on the point.
Henry of Huntingdon (Rolls Series No. 44, pp. 148-149) ascribes the
recovery of London by Alfred to the year 886. The late Professor
Freeman (Norman Conquest, i., 56) does the same, and compares the
status of London at the time with that of a German free city, which
it more nearly resembled, than an integral portion of a kingdom.
M18 Alfred "restores" London, 886-887.
26 Freeman, Norman Conquest, i, 279.
27 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii., 67. _Cf._ "Lundoniam civitatem honorifice
restauravit et habitabilem fecit quam etiam. AEtheredo Merciorum
comitti servandam commendavit."--Flor. Wigorn., i, 101.
28 Stubbs, Const. Hist., i, 405.
M19 An attack of the Danes in the absence of Alfred gallantly repelled
by the Citizens, A.D. 894.
29 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 71.
M20 Successful strategy of Alfred against the Danes, A.D. 896.
30 According to Henry of Huntingdon (Rolls Series No. 74. p. 150)
Alfred diverted the waters of the Lea that his enemy's ships were
stranded.
31 -_Id._, ii. 71. _Cf._ "Quarum navium Lundonienses quasdam Lundoniam
vehunt, quasdam vero penitus confringunt."--Flor. Wigorn., i, 115.
M21 The London "frith-gild" under Athelstan, 925-940.
32 Judicia Civitatis Lundoniae, Thorpe, 97, 103.
M22 First mention of a Guildhall in London.
33 This is the earliest mention of a guildhall in London; and the
ale-making which took place at the meeting of the officers of the
frith-guild, accounts in all probability for Giraldus Cambrensis
(Vita Galfridi, Rolls Series No. 21 iii., c. 8.) having described
the Guildhall of London as "Aula publica quae a potorum conventu
nomen accepit."
M23 The "frith-guild," something more than a mere friendly society.
34 "Notwithstanding the butt-filling and feasting, this appears to have
been a purely religious and social guild, and, although it may have
subsequently become a power in the city, so far, it is only of
importance as the first evidence of combination among the
inhabitants of London for anything like corporate action."--Loftie,
Hist. of London, i, 68.
35 Laws of Athelstan.--Thorpe, 93.
36 Judicia Civitatis Lundoniae.--Thorpe, 100.
37 Gross, The Gild Merchant, i, 178-179.
M24 Encouragement given to London merchants.
38 Wilkins, Leges Anglo-Sax., p. 59.
39 "And if a merchant thrived so that he fared thrice over the wide sea
by his own means [cnaepte, craft] then was he thenceforth of
thane-right worthy." (Thorpe, 81.) The word cnaepte is similarly
translated in Wilkins's Leges Anglo-Saxonicae; (ed. 1721, p. 71.)
_per facultates suas_; but there seems no reason why it should not
be taken to mean literally a craft or vessel. The passage occurs in
a list of "People's Rank" which "formerly" prevailed, and is
probably of Athelstan's time, even if it did not form part of the
Judicia Civitatis Lundoniae.--Wilkins, _op. cit._ p. 70 note.
M25 Return of the Danes _temp._ Ethelred the Unready, 991-994.
40 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 105.
M26 The first payment of Danegelt, 991.
M27 The massacre of Danes 13th Nov., 1002.
41 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, p. 114.
42 -_Id._ ii, p. 115.
M28 The murder of Abp. Alphage, 1012.
43 -_Id._ ii. pp. 117, 118. Annal. Monast., Waverley (Rolls Series No.
36), ii, p. 173.
M29 Sweyn again attacks London, A.D. 1013.
44 The towns of Leicester, Lincoln, Nottingham, Stamford, and Derby,
which for many years were occupied by the Danes, were so called.
45 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, pp. 118, 119.
M30 London submits.
46 -_Id._ ii, p. 119. Henry of Huntingdon (Rolls Series No 74), p. 180.
M31 Election of Cnut, 1014.
47 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, p. 120.
48 -_Id._ ii, p. 120. _Cf._ "Ad haec principes se non amplius Danicum
regem admissuros in Angliam unanimiter spoponderunt."--Flor. Wigorn.,
i, p. 169.
M32 Ethelred returns to London.
49 The Heimskringla or Chronicle of the kings of Norway, translated
from the Icelandic of Snorro Sturleson, ii. pp. 8-11.
M33 Drives Cnut out of England.
50 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 120.
M34 Return of Cnut, A.D. 1015.
51 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 121.
52 -_Id._ ii., 122.
53 Malmesbury, Gesta Regum (Rolls Series, No. 90), i, 215.
M35 The laws of Ethelred regulating foreign trade.
54 Freeman, Norman Conquest, i, 308.
55 Thorpe, Ancient Laws and Institutes, 127, 128.
56 In course of time the natives of Denmark acquired the privilege of
sojourning all the year round in London--a privilege accorded to few,
if any other, foreigners. They enjoyed moreover the benefits of the
'the law of the city of London' (_la lei de la citie de Loundres_)
in other words, the right of resorting to fair or market in any
place throughout England.--Liber Cust. pt. i, p. 63.
57 Freeman, Norman Conquest, i, 418.
M36 Election of Edmund Ironside by the Londoners, 1016.
58 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 122.
M37 Cnut's attempts on London frustrated.
59 "At oppidanis magnanimiter pugnantibus repulsa."--Malmesbury, i, 216.
60 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 123.
M38 Victory of the Danes at Assandun, 1016.
61 -_Id._ ii, 121, 123. Henry of Huntingdon relates that Eadric caused
a panic on the field of battle by crying out that Edmund had been
killed. "Flet Engle, flet Engle, ded is Edmund."
M39 Agreement between Edmund and Cnut for partition of the kingdom.
62 Freeman, Norman Conquest, i, 437.
M40 Cnut king of all England, 1016-1035.
M41 Election of Cnut's Successors. 1183.
M42 The lithsmen of London attend gemot at Oxford.
63 Freeman, Norman Conquest, i, 538.
64 "The 'lithsmen' (ship-owners) of London, who with others raised
Harold to the throne, were doubtless such 'burg-thegns.'"--Gross, The
Gild Merchant, i, 186. _Cf._ Lingard, i, 318. Norton Commentaries,
pp. 23-24.
65 Green, Conquest of England, p. 462. Loftie, Hist. of London, i, 73.
"The Londoners who attended must have gone by way of the river in
their 'liths.'"--Historic Towns, London (Loftie), p. 197.
66 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 129.
M43 Londoners desire for peace above all things.
M44 Revival of Danegelt, A.D., 1040.
67 At the death of Harold, Harthacnut was invited to accept the crown
by an embassy from England, of which the Bishop of London was a
member. He accepted the offer and crossed over from the continent
with a fleet of sixty ships, manned by Danish soldiers, and his
first act was to demand eight marks for each rower; an imposition
that was borne with difficulty. Anglo-Sax. Chron. ii, 132.
M45 London the recognised capital, _temp._ Edward, Confessor.
68 Anglo-Sax Chron., ii, 132.
69 Freeman, Norman Conquest, 2nd ed., ii. 5. But according to Kemble
(Saxons in England, ii, 259 note), Edward's election took place at a
hastily convened meeting at Gillingham.
70 "London, que caput est regni et legum. semper curia domini
regis."--Laws of Edward Confessor, Thorpe, p. 197 note.
M46 Gemots held in London.
71 For a list of gemots held in London from A.D. 790, see Kemble's
Saxons in England, ii, 241-261.
M47 London declares for Godwine, 1052.
72 Malmesbury, i, 242-244. Freeman, ii, 148-332.
73 Freeman, ii, 324.
74 Sed omnis civitas duci obviam et auxilio processit et praesidio
acclamantque illi omnes una voce prospere in adventu suo. "Life of
Edward Conf." (Rolls Series No. 3.), p. 406.
75 "Interim quosdam per internuntios, quosdam per se cives
Lundonienses, quos variis pollicitationibus prius illexerat,
convenit, et ut omnes fere quae volebat omnino vellent,
effecit."--Flor. Wigorn., i., 209.
M48 The dedication of Westminster Abbey, A.D. 1065.
M49 Death of Edward the Confessor.
M50 The landing of William, and Battle of Senlac, 1066.
76 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 165-167.
77 "Aldredus autem Eboracensis archiepiscopus et iidem Comites cum
civibus Lundoniensibus et butsecarlis, clitonem Eadgarum, Eadmundi
Ferrei Lateris nepotem, in regem levare volueren, et cum eo se
pugnam inituros promisere; sed dum ad pugnam descendere multi se
paravere, comites suum auxilium ab eis retraxere, et cum suo
exercitu domum redierunt."--Flor. Wigorn., i, 228.
M51 William's March to London.
78 Such is the description of William's march, as given by Malmesbury
(ii, 307). Another chronicler describes his march as one of
slaughter and devastation.--Flor. Wigorn., i, 228.
M52 Sets fire to Southwark in hopes of terrifying the citizens.
M53 Negotiations between William and the City.
M54 London submits to the Conqueror.
79 The bishop was certainly Norman, and so probably was the port-reeve.
80 Anglo-Sax. Chron. ii, 168-169.
M55 His charter to the citizens of London.
81 This charter is preserved in the Town Clerk's Office at the
Guildhall. A fac-simile of it and of another charter of William,
granting lands to Deorman, forms a frontispiece to this volume. The
late Professor Freeman (Norman Conquest, second edition, revised
1876, iv, 29) wrote of this venerable parchment as bearing William's
mark--"the cross traced by the Conqueror's own hand"--but this appears
to be a mistake. The same authority, writing of the transcript of
the charter made by the late Mr. Riley and printed by him in his
edition of the _Liber Custumarum_ (Rolls Series, pt. ii, p. 504),
remarks that, "one or two words here look a little suspicious"; and
justly so, for the transcript is far from being literally accurate.
82 -_Cf._ "_Ego volo quod vos sitis omni lege illa digni qua fuistis
Edwardi diebus Regis._" These words appear in the xivth century
Latin version of William's Charter, preserved at the Guildhall.
83 Liber Albus (Rolls Series i, 26).
M56 The office of port-reeve.
84 Opinions differ as to the derivation of the term port. Some, like
Kemble, refer it to the Lat. _portus_, in the sense of an enclosed
place for sale or purchase, a market. ("Portus est conclusus locus,
quo importantur merces et inde exportantur. Est et statio conclusa
et munita."--Thorpe, i, 158). Others, like Dr. Stubbs (Const. Hist.,
i, 404 n.), connect it with Lat. _porta_, not in its restricted
signification of a gate, but as implying a market place, markets
being often held at a city's gates. The Latin terms _porta_ and
_portus_ were in fact so closely allied, that they both alike
signified a market place or a gate. Thus, in the will of Edmund
Harengeye, enrolled in the Court of Husting, London, we find the
following: "Ac eciam lego et volo quod illa tenementa cum magno
portu vocato le Brodegate ... vendantur per executores meos."--Hust.
Roll, 114 (76).
85 Norton, Commentaries on the City of London, 3rd ed., pp. 258-259.
M57 The foreign element already existing in the City.
M58 Its increase after the Conquest.
M59 The charter makes no new grant.
86 "London and her election of Stephen," a paper read before the
Archaeol. Inst. in 1866, by the late Mr. Green (p. 267).
87 Freeman, Norman Conquest, v, p. 55.
88 There appears to be no doubt that the charter preserved at the
Guildhall had a seal, but not a fragment remains.
M60 William's other charter granting the sheriffwick of London.
89 "Et dicunt quod prefatus dominus conquestor ante fundacionem
ecclesie predicte et confeccionem carte sue de qua superius fit
mencio auctoritate parliament sui et per duas cartes suas quas dicti
maior et Cives hic proferunt scilicet per unam earam dimissit tunc
civibus London' totam dictam civitatem et vice-comitatum London' cum
omnibus appendiciis rebus et consuetudinibus eis qualitercumque
pertinentibus.... Et per alteram concessit et auctoritate supradicta
confirmavit eisdem civibus et successoribus suis quod haberent
predicta ac omnes alias libertates et liberas consuetudines suas
illesas quas habuerunt tempore dicti Sancti Regis Edwardi
progenitoris sui."--Letter Book K, fo. 120 b.
M61 The strong government of William.
90 "Tantaque pax suis regnavit temporibus, quod puella virguncula auro
onusta, indempnis et intacta Angliam potuit peragrare."--Mat. Paris,
Hist. Angl. (Rolls Series No. 44), i, 29.
M62 "Doomsday" Book completed.
M63 Death of William the Conqueror, and accession of his son, 1087.
91 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, p. 187. Flor. Wigorn., ii, p. 19.
92 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, p. 187. Flor. Wigorn., ii, p. 19.
M64 St. Paul's destroyed by fire, 1087.
93 Stow's Survey (Thoms's ed.), p. 121.
94 Malmesbury. ii, 375.
M65 The Tower strengthened and the bridge repaired, 1097.
95 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 189.
96 -_Id._, ii, 202.
M66 Election of Henry I by the Witan at Winchester, 1100.
97 "Those of the council who were nigh at hand."--Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii,
204.
M67 Their choice confirmed by the City of London.
98 Mat. Paris, Hist. Angl. (Rolls Series No. 44) i, 176.
M68 Henry's charter to the City of London.
99 See Round's Geoffrey de Mandeville (p. 366), where the writer
conjectures the date of the charter to have been between 1130 and
1135, and brings evidence in favour of it having been purchased by
the payment of a large sum of money.
M69 The main features of the charter.
100 Set out under fifteen heads in the City's _Liber Albus_. (Rolls
Series) i, 128-129.
M70 The grant of Middlesex to ferm, and choice of sheriff.
101 Stubbs, Const. Hist., i, 404, 405. Round, Geoffrey de Mandeville. p.
356.
102 The sum of 100 marks of silver recorded (Pipe Roll, 31 Hen. I) as
having been paid for the shrievalty in 1130, appears to have been
more of the nature of a fine than a _firma_.
103 "Whereas from time immemorial there have been and of right ought to
be two sheriffs of this city, which said two sheriffs during all the
time aforesaid have constituted and of right ought to constitute one
sheriff of the county of Middlesex...."--Preamble to Act of Common
Council, 7th April, 1748, _re_ Nomination and election of Sheriffs.
Journal 59, fo. 130b.
104 Round, Geoffrey de Mandeville, p. 357. Mr. Round's statements (_op.
cit._, Appendix P), that "this one _firma_ ... represents one
_corpus comitatus_, namely Middlesex, inclusive of London," and that
"from this conclusion there is no escape," are more capable of
refutation than he is willing to allow.
M71 The citizens' right to elect their own Justiciar.
105 "It is probable that whilst the Sheriff in his character of Sheriff
was competent to direct the customary business of the Court, it was
in that of _justitia_ that he transacted business under the King's
writ."--Stubbs, Const. History, i, 389, note.
106 "Post hoc praedictus Justitiarius ... accessit ad Gildhalle
Londoniarum, et ibi tenuit placita de die in diem ... et
incontinenti ... ilia terminavit nullo juris ordine observato contra
leges civitatis et etiam contra leges et consuetudines cujuslibet
liberi hominis de regno Anglie. Quod vero cives semper
calumpniaverunt, dicentes quod nullus debet placitare in civitate de
transgressionibus ibidem factis nisi vicecomites Londoniarium."--Lib.
de Ant. (Camd. Soc.), p. 40.
107 Round. Geoffrey de Mandeville. pp. 107-113, 373, and Appendix K.
M72 London and the election of Stephen, 1135
108 Mat. Paris (Hist. Angl. i, 251), ascribes the incessant turmoil of
the latter part of the reign to the vengeance of the deity for this
breach of faith.
109 "Id quoque sui esse juris, suique specialiter privilegii, ut si rex
ipsorum quoquo moclo obiret, alius suo provisu in regno
substituendus e vestigio succederet."--Gesta Stephani (Rolls Series
No. 82), iii, 5-6.
110 "With the solemn independent election of a king, the great part
which London was to play in England's history had definitely
begun."--Green, London and her Election of Stephen.
M73 Coronation of Stephen, December, 1135.
M74 A great Council held in London, April, 1136.
111 Gesta Stephani (Rolls Series No. 82). iii. 17.
112 Round, Geoffrey de Mandeville, p. 18.
M75 Arrival of the Empress Matilda in England. 1139.
M76 Attempted negotiations between Stephen and Matilda, May, 1140.
113 "Eodem anno in Pentecoste resedit rex Londoniae in Turri, episcopo
tantum modo Sagiensi praesente: ceteri vel fastidierunt vel timuerunt
venire. Aliquanto post, mediante legato, colloquium indictum est
inter imperatricem et regem. si forte Deo inspirante pax reformari
posset."--Malmesbury, Hist. Nov. (Rolls Series No. 90.), ii, 564.
M77 Matilda formally acknowledged "Lady of England," 1141.
114 "Juravit et affidavit imperatrix episcopo quod omnia majora negotia
in Anglia praecipueque donationes episcopatuum et abbatiarum ejus
nutum spectarent, si eam ipse cum sancta ecclesia in dominam
reciperet et perpetuam ei fidelitatem teneret.... Nec dubitavit
episcopus imperatricem in dominam Angliae recipere, et ei cum
quibusdam suis affidare, quod, quamdiu ipsa pactem non infringeret
ipse quoque fidem ei custodiret."--_Id.,_ ii, 573.
M78 A synod at Winchester, 7th April, 1141.
115 "Ventilata est hesterno die causa secreto coram majori parte cleri
Angliae ad cujus jus potissimum spectat principem eligere, simulque
ordinare."--_Id._, ii, 576.
M79 The Londoners summoned to attend the synod.
M80 They arrive and request the king's release, 9th April, 1141.
116 "Missos se a communione quam vocant Londoniarum."--Malmesbury, (Hist.
Nov.), ii, 576. Exception may be taken to translating _communio_ as
'commune'; but even if the municipal organization represented by the
French term _commune_ did not at this period exist in the City of
London in all its fulness, the "communal idea" appears to have been
there.--Stubbs, Const. Hist., i. 407.
117 "Omnes barones qui in eorum coramunionem jamdudum recepti
fuerant."--Malmesbury, _Ibid._
M81 Their request backed up by a letter from the Queen.
M82 The Londoners after much hesitation receive the Empress into their
city, June, 1141.
118 "Proficiscitur inde cum exultatione magna et gaudio, et in
monasterio Sancti Albani cum processionali suscipitur honore et
jubilo. Adeunt eam ibi cives multi ex Lundonia, tractatur ibi sermo
multimodus de reddenda civitate."--Contin. Flor. Wigorn. (Thorpe),
ii, 131.
119 "Erecta est autem in superbiam intolerabilem, quia suis incerta
belli prosperavissent."--Hen. of Huntingdon (Rolls Series No. 74), p.
275.
120 "Infinitae copiae pecuniam, non simplici cum mansuetudine sed cum ore
imperioso ab eis exegit."--Gesta Stephani (Rolls Series No. 82), iii,
75.
121 "Interpellata est a civibus, ut leges eis regis Edwardi observari
liceret, quia optimae erant, non patris sui Henrici quia graves
erant. Verum illa non bono usa consilio, prae nimia austeritate non
acquievit eis, unde et motus magnus factus in urbe; et facta
conjuratione adversus eam quam cum honore susceperunt. cum dedecore
apprehendere statuerunt."--Contin. Flor. Wigorn. (Thorpe), ii, 132.
M83 The Empress forced to leave the city.
122 Malmesbury (Hist. Nov.), ii, 577-578. "Sed tandem a Londoniensibus
expulsa est in die Sancti Johannis Baptiste proximo sequenti"--Lib.
de Ant. (Camd. Soc), p. 197.
123 "Anno praedicto [_i.e._ 7 Stephen, A.D. 1141], statim in illa estate,
obsessa est Turris Lundoniarum a Londoniensibus, quam Willielmus
[_sic_] de Magnaville tenebat et firmaverat."--Lib. de Ant. (Camd.
Soc.), p. 197. From this it would appear that the father still held
the office of constable. A charter of the empress, however, which
Mr. Horace Round prints in his book on Geoffrey de Mandeville (pp.
88, _seq._) points to the son as being constable at the time.
M84 Geoffrey de Mandeville, Earl of Essex, and Constable of the Tower,
won over by the Empress.
124 Round, Geoffrey de Mandeville, pp. 88-95.
M85 Forsakes the Empress for the Queen.
125 It is not to be supposed that the earl consented to assist the queen
without meeting with some return for his services, more especially
as the queen was prepared to go all lengths to obtain her husband's
liberty. See Round's Geoffrey de Mandeville, p. 119.
M86 Capture of Winchester, and release of Stephen, Sept., 1141.
126 "Gaufrido de Mandevilla, qui jam iterum auxilio eorum cesserat,
antea enim post captionem regis imperatrici fidelitatem juraverat,
et Londoniensibus maxime annitentibus, nihilque omnino quod possent
praetermittentibus quo imperatricem contristarent."--Malmesbury (Hist.
Nov.), ii, 580.
127 "Magnae ex Lundoniis copiae."--Newburgh, Hist. Rerum. Angl. (Rolls
Series No. 82.), i, 42. "Cumque invicta Londoniensium
caterva."--Gesta Stephani (Rolls Series No. 82), iii, 80. The
Londoners sacked Winchester mercilessly. "Londonienses, cum maxima
militum regalium parte, modis horrendis Wintoniensem civitatem
expilavere."--Gesta Stephani, iii, 84.
M87 His second charter to Mandeville.
128 The precedent thus set by Stephen, of submitting to the ceremony of
a second coronation after a period of captivity, was afterwards
followed by Richard I, on his return from captivity abroad.
129 This is the date assigned to the charter by Mr. Horace Round,
(Geoffrey de Mandeville, pp. 138-144). _Cf._ Appendix to 31st Report
of Deputy Keeper of the Public Records, p. 3.
M88 London holds the balance between the rival powers.
130 The date assigned by Mr. Round to this charter is between Christmas,
1141, and the end of June, 1142.
131 "Et convenciono eidem Gaufredo Comiti Essex quod dominus meus Comes
Andegavie vel ego vel filii nostri nullam pacem aut concordiam cum
Burgensibus Lund[oniae] faciemus, nisi concessu et assensu prae-dicti
Comitis Gaufredi quia inimici eius sunt mortales."--Round's Geoffrey
de Mandeville, p. 168.
132 Newburgh, Hist. Rerum Angl. (Rolls Series No. 82), i. 48. Henry of
Huntingdon (Rolls Series No. 74), p. 278.
M89 Arrest of the earl, his freebooting life and death, September, 1143.
M90 Arrival of Henry of Anjou in England, 1153
M91 Peace concluded between Stephen and Henry at Winchester, November,
1153.
M92 Henry conducted to London.
133 Sometimes called the Treaty of Wallingford.
134 The general joy is depicted in glowing colours by Henry of
Huntingdon, (p. 289.) _Cf._ Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii., 235.
M93 Fitz-Stephen's description of London.
135 Fitz-Stephen's Stephanides, Stow's Survey (Thoms's ed.), p. 208.
M94 Thomas of London.
136 Freeman, Norman Conquest, v., 325.
137 A cartulary of the Mercers' Company contains a copy of a grant from
Thomas Fitz-Theobald to the hospital of St. Thomas of Acon of "all
that land, with the appurtenances, which was formerly of Gilbert
Becket, father of the Blessed Thomas the Martyr, Archbishop of
Canterbury, where the said Blessed Thomas the Martyr was born
(_duxit originem_), to build a church (_basilicam_) in honour of
Almighty God and the Blessed Virgin Mary, and of the same most
glorious martyr."--Watney, Account of the Hospital of St. Thomas of
Acon (privately printed 1892), pp. 9, 237.
138 Liber Albus (Rolls Series), i, pp. 26, 27.
M95 Charter of Henry II to the City of London.
139 This charter (with fragment of seal) is preserved at the Guildhall.
It bears no date, but appears to have been granted between 1154 and
1161.
M96 The Inquest of sheriffs, 1170.
140 Contin. Flor. Wigorn., ii, 138.
M97 The revolt of the barons, 1174.
M98 Disturbances in the city, 1174-1177.
141 "De filiis et parentibus nobilium civitatis" and again "filii et
nepotes quorundam nobilium civium Londoniarum."--Benedict of
Peterborough (Rolls Series No. 49), ii, 155.
142 By a strange anomaly, a man who underwent ordeal by water was only
adjudged innocent if he sank to the bottom and was drowned. Hence
the old man's caution!
M99 The last days of Henry II. 1177-1189.
M100 Accession of Richard I, and administration of Longchamp, 1189-1190.
143 Roger de Hoveden (Rolls Series No. 51), iii, 28. According to
Richard of Devizes (Rolls Series No. 82, iii, 387), Longchamp
obtained the chancellorship by bribery.
144 Benedict (Rolls Series No. 49). ii, 106.
145 -_Id._ ii, 143.
M101 Longchamp opposed by Prince John, 1191.
M102 Arrival of Longchamp in London; the citizens divided, 7th October,
1191.
146 -_Id._ ii, 158.
147 Preface to Roger de Hoveden, iii, p. lxxvii. Girald. Cambr. Vita
Galfridi (Rolls Series No. 21). iv, 397.
148 Richard of Devizes, iii, 414. Benedict, ii, 213.
M103 John admitted into the city.
149 Ralph de Diceto (Rolls Series No. 68), ii, 99. Girald. Cambr. (Vita
Galfridi). iv, 397-398. Roger de Hoveden, iii. 140.
M104 A meeting of barons and citizens in St. Paul's, 8 Oct., 1191.
M105 Longchamp deposed and John recognised as head of the kingdom.
150 Richard of Devizes. (Rolls Series No. 82), iii. 415. Benedict, 213.
Girald. Cambr. (Vita Galfridi), iv, 405.
M106 John grants or confirms to the citizens their commune.
151 "Johannes comes frater regis et archiepiscopus Rothomagensis, et
omnes episcopi, comites et barones regni qui aderant, concesserunt
civibus Lundoniarum communam suam, et juraverunt quod ipsi eam et
dignitates civitatis Lundoniarum custodirent illibatas, quandiu regi
placuerit. Et cives Lundoniarum et epispcopi et comites et barones
juraverunt fidelitates regi Ricardo, et Johanni comiti de Meretone
fratri ejus salva fidelitate, et quod illum in dominum suum et regem
reciperent, si rex sine prole decesserit."--Benedict of Peterborough
(Rolls Series No. 49), ii, 214. _Cf._ Roger de Hovedene (Rolls
Series No. 51), iii, 141; Walter de Coventry (Rolls Series No. 58),
ii, 5-6.
M107 Change of name from port-reeve to mayor.
152 -_Supra_ p. 49.
153 "In crastino vero convocatis in unum civibus, communione, vel ut
Latine minus vulgariter magis loquamur, communa seu communia eis
concessa et communiter jurata."--Vita Galfridi, iv, 405.
154 Const. Hist., i, 407.
155 Referring to the year 1191, he writes, "we have the date of the
foundation of the commune."--_Id._, i, 629.
156 "Concessa est ipsa die et instituta communia Londoniensium, in quam
universi regni magnates et ipsi etiam ipsius provinciae episcopi
jurare coguntur. Nunc primum in indulta sibi conjuratione regno
regem deesse cognovit Londonia quam nec rex ipse Ricardus, nec
praedecessor et pater ejus Henricus, pro mille millibus marcarum
argenti fieri permisisset. Quanta quippe mala ex conjuratione
proveniant ex ipsa poterit diffinitione perpendi, quae talis
est--communia tumor plebis, timor regni, tepor sacerdotii."--Chron.
Stephen, Hen. II, Ric. I (Rolls Series No. 82), iii, 416.
M108 Change of name from port-reeve to mayor.
157 "It is impossible to avoid a suspicion," writes Bishop Stubbs, "that
the disappearance of the port-reeve and other changes in the
municipal government, signify a civic revolution, the history of
which is lost."--Const. Hist., i, 406n.
M109 When did the change take place?
158 Merewether and Stephens, Hist. of Boroughs (1835), i, 384. No
authority, however, is given for this statement.
159 The entire MS. was published in Latin by the Camden Society in 1846;
and a translation of the original portion of the work was afterwards
made by the late Mr. H. T. Riley, under the title "Chronicles of the
Mayors and Sheriffs of London, A.D. 1188 to A.D. 1274."
160 "The correct date of the accession of Richard has never been
ascertained. No records appear to be extant to fix the commencement
of the reign of any king before the accession of John."--Nicholas,
Chronology of Hist., p. 285.
161 Fos. 45, 63 and 63b.
M110 Arnald Fitz-Thedmar, the compiler of the _Liber de Antiquis_.
162 Or simply Thedmar.
163 It is thus that Riley reads the word which to me appears to be
capable of being read "Grennigge."
164 Calendar of Wills. Court of Husting, London, part. I., p. 22. From
another Will, that of Margery, relict of Walter de Wynton, and one
of Fitz-Thedmar's sisters--she is described as daughter of "Thedmar,
the Teutonic"--it appears that other sisters of Fitz-Thedmar married
into the well-known city families of Eswy and Gisors.--_Id._, part i,
p. 31.
165 "Ibi etiam dispositium est, penes quem pecunia collata debeat
residere: scilicet sub custodia Huberti Walteri Cantuariensis
electi, et domini Ricardi Lundoniensis episcopi, et Willelmi comitis
de Arundel et Hamelini comitis de Warenna et majoris
Lundoniarum."--Roger de Hoveden (Rolls Series No. 51), iii, 212.
M111 The title of Mayor, first mentioned in a Royal Charter of 1202.
166 Preserved at the Guildhall.
M112 Richard's return from captivity, March, 1194.
167 Ralph de Diceto (Rolls Series No. 68), ii, p. 114.
168 "Denique ad ingressum principis ita ornata est facies amplissimae
civitatis ut Alemanni nobiles qui cum ipso venerant et redemptione
regia exinanitam bonis Angliam credebant opum magnitudine
obstupescerent."--William of Newburgh (Rolls Series No. 82), i, p.
406.
M113 Is crowned for the second time.
M114 The custom of the Mayor assisting the Chief Butler at coronation
banquets.
169 "Cives vero Lundonienses servierunt de pincernaria, et cives
Wintonienses de coquina."--Roger de Hoveden (Rolls Series No. 51),
iii, 12.
170 Brit. Mus., Harl. MS. 3,504, fo. 248.
M115 Heavy taxation.
171 "Si invenissem emptorem Londoniam vendidissem."--Richard of Devizes
(Rolls Series No. 82), iii, 388.
M116 The rising in the city under Longbeard. 1196.
172 "Frequentius enim solito . . imponebantur eis auxilia non modica et
divites, propriis parcentes marsupiis volebant ut pauperes solverent
universa."--Roger de Hoveden (Rolls Series No. 51), iv. 5. "Ad omne
edictum regium divites, propriis fortunis parcentes, pauperibus per
potentiam omne onus imponerent."--Newburgh, (Rolls Series No. 82),
ii. 466.
173 Newburgh, ii., 466.
174 Mat. Paris, ii, 57. A similar character is given him by Roger de
Hoveden. Dr. S. R. Gardiner describes him as an alderman of the
city, and as advocating the cause of the poor artisan against the
exactions of the wealthier traders.--Students' History of England, i,
169.
175 "Pauperum et veritatis ac pietatis adversarii."--Mat. Paris, ii. 57.
176 Newburgh, ii, 470.
177 "And for the time," adds Dr. Gardiner, "the rich tradesmen had their
way against the poorer artisans."--Students' History of England, i,
170.
M117 Richard's so-called second charter ordering the removal of wears in
the Thames, 14 July, 1197.
M118 First mention of a deliberative municipal body in the city, 1200.
178 Chronicles of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 2.
M119 The council held at St. Paul's, 25th Aug., 1213.
179 Freeman, Norman Conquest, v, 709.
180 Mat. Paris, ii, 143. Roger of Wendover (Rolls Series No. 84), ii,
83-87.
181 -_Id._ ii, 146.
M120 Meeting of the barons at Bury St. Edmunds, 1214.
182 -_Id._ ii, 153.
183 Ann. of Bermondsey (Rolls Series No. 36), in, 453.
M121 Open hostility between John and the barons, 1215.
184 Mat. Paris, ii, 154-156.
M122 Robert Fitz-Walter, castellain of London.
185 As to the services and franchises of Fitz-Walter, both in time of
peace and war, see Lib. Cust., (Rolls Series), part i, pp. 147-151.
186 Introd. to Lib. Cust, p. lxxvii.
M123 Duties of the castellain of the City in time of war.
187 The sword of St. Paul, emblematic possibly of his martyrdom, still
remains in the City's coat of arms. It has often been mistaken for
the dagger with which Sir William Walworth is said to have killed
Wat Tyler.
M124 Feud between Fitz-Walter and King John.
188 The story is told in Mr. Riley's Introduction to the Liber
Custamarum (p. lxxix), on the authority of the Chronicle of Dunmow.
189 He is said to have made a similar attempt upon the wife of Eustace
de Vesci, a leading baron.--(Blackstone, Introd. to Magna Carta, pp.
289, 290).
M125 The Barons admitted into the City, May, 1215.
190 Mat. Paris, ii, 156. A different complexion, however, is put on this
event by another chronicler. According to Walter de Coventry (Rolls
Series, No. 58, ii, 220) the barons made their way into the City by
stealth, scaling the walls at a time when most of the inhabitants
were engaged in divine service, and having once gained a footing
opened all the City gates one after another.
191 By charter, date 8th May, 1215, preserved at the Guildhall.
192 Mat. Paris, ii, 159, 161, 164, 186.
193 Roger of Wendover (Rolls Series No. 84), ii, 117.
M126 The city and Magna Carta, 15th June, 1215.
194 Stubbs, Select Charters, p. 298.
195 "Moram autem faciebant barones in civitate Londoniae per annum et
amplius cum civibus confoederati, permittentes se nullam pacem
facturos cum rege nisi assensu utriusque partis."--Annals of Waverley
(Rolls Series No. 36), ii, 283.
M127 Open war between John and the barons.
196 Mat. Paris, ii, 161, 165.
M128 London under an interdict.
197 Contin. Flor. Wigorn. ii, 167, 171. Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs,
p. 3.
M129 The arrival of the Dauphin, May, 1216.
M130 Death of John, 19th October, 1216.
198 Mat. Paris, ii, p. 179.
199 Confession of the Vicomte de Melun.--Mat. Paris, ii, 187.
M131 The barons desert Louis.
200 Mat. Paris, ii, 200.
201 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 4.
M132 Defeat of Louis at Lincoln, 20th May, 1217.
M133 Fitz-Walter and Muntfichet made prisoners.
202 Strype, Stow's Survey, 1720, Bk. i, p. 62. They had settled in
Holborn soon after their arrival in 1220.
203 Mat. Paris, ii, 385.
M134 London invested by the Earl Marshal.
204 -_Id._, ii, 218, 220.
M135 Treaty of Lambeth, 11th Sept., 1217.
205 Liber de Ant. fol. 38. According to this authority (fol. 38b), the
peace was ratified 23rd September, at Merton.
206 Mat. Paris, ii, 222.
207 Often spoken of as the Treaty of Lambeth (Rymer's Foedera, i, 148.)
M136 Departure of Louis after borrowing a sum of money from the citizens.
208 The sum mentioned by Matthew Paris (ii. 224) is L5,000 sterling, but
according to a marginal note in the Liber de Ant. (fol. 39) it would
appear to have been only L1,000, which, according to the compiler of
that record, Louis repaid the Londoners as soon as he arrived home,
out of pure generosity (_mera liberalitate sua_). On the other hand,
Matthew Paris (ii, 292) under the year 1227, narrates that Henry
extorted from the citizens of London 5,000 marks of silver, on the
ground that that was the sum paid by the Londoners to Louis on his
departure, to the king's prejudice.
209 Walter of Coventry. (Rolls Series No. 58), ii, 239.
M137 Attempt by Constantine Fitz-Athulf or Olaf, to raise a cry in favour
of Louis, 1222.
210 Mat. Paris, ii, 251, 252.
211 Roger of Wendover, (Rolls Series No. 84), ii, 265, 267.
212 Probably Saint Giles in the Fields, a hospital founded by Matilda,
wife of Henry I.
213 "Cives autem Londonienses, qui eundem H[ubertum] propter suspendium
Constantini oderant, laetati sunt de tribulalionibus suis, et ilico
conquesti sunt de eo, quod concivem suum injuste suspendit, et
absque judicio."--Mat. Paris, ii, 345.
214 -_Id._, ii, 346, 347. Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 6, 7.
M138 The foreign element in the country.
215 "Dicebabur enim ... quod alienigenae qui plus regni perturbationem
desiderabant quam pacem, praefatum comitem Cestriae ad domini sui
regis infestationem et regni inquietationem inducere
conarentur."--Walter of Coventry, ii, 251.
216 Mat. Paris, ii, 382, 384, iii, 90.
217 Freeman, Norman Conquest, v, 469, 470. "Et quia communitas nostra
sigillum non habet, praesentes literas signo communitatis civitatis
Londoniarum vestrae sanctitati mittimus consignatas."--Mat. Paris,
iii, 17.
M139 The city's struggle against encroachment by the king.
218 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 7, 8.
M140 The city "taken into the king's hand" on the most frivolous
pretences.
219 French Chronicle (Camden Soc., No. 28), ed. by Aungier (Riley's
translation), pp. 241-244.
220 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 11.
221 -_Id._, pp. 13, 14, 16.
222 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 16, 17, 61. Mat. Paris, iii., 62,
80-81.
M141 Money extorted from the Jews as well as the citizens for payment of
the king's tradesmen.
223 Mat. Paris, ii, 323.
224 "Quia dominus rex obligabatur de debitis non minimis erga mercatores
de vino, de cera, de pannis ultramarinis, a civibus pecuniam multam
extorsit et Judaeis, nec tamen inde mercatores plenam pacationem
receperunt."--Mat. Paris, ii, 496.
225 "Cives tanien videntes aliud sibi non expedire, omnia benigne
remiserunt."--Mat. Paris, iii, 72.
226 -_Id._, iii, 43.
M142 The coronation of king and queen, 1236.
227 Ann. of Worcester (Rolls Series No. 36), iv., 407.
228 "Unde, ne exorta contentione laetitia nuptialis nubilaretur, salvo
cujuslibet jure, multa ad horam perpessa sunt, quae in tempore
opportuno fuerant determinanda."--Mat. Paris, Hist. Angl., ed. 1684,
P. 355. _Cf._ City Records, Liber Ordinationum, fo. 193 b. Brit.
Mus. Cotton MS. Vespasian, C. xiv. fos. 113-114.
M143 The king's custom of formally taking leave of his citizens before
going abroad.
229 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 9, 20, 45, 53.
230 -_Id._, p. 21.
M144 The Mad Parliament, 11th June, 1258.
231 An early instance of this parliament being so designated is found in
the _Liber de Antiquis_ of the City's Records (fol. 75b.) where the
words _insane parliamentum_ occur.
232 This agreement between the king and barons is termed a "Charter" by
Fitz-Thedmar, who says it bore the seals of the king and of many
barons.--Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 41.
M145 The Citizens throw in their lot with the Barons.
M146 Hugh Bigod the baron's justiciar in the city, 1258.
233 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 43.
M147 The king takes leave of the citizens. November, 1259.
234 -_Id._, pp. 33-39.
235 -_Id._, pp. 45, 46.
M148 The king's return from abroad, April, 1260.
236 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 47.
237 -_Id._, p. 52.
238 The Bull was confirmed by Alexander's successor Pope Urban IV. and
the later Bull was read at Paul's Cross, by the king's orders in the
following year (1262), _Id._, p. 53.
M149 The king summoned to observe the Provisions of Oxford. 1263.
239 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 56.
240 -_Id._, p. 57.
M150 Arrangements made between the king, the barons, and the city, July,
1263.
241 -_Id._, p. 58.
M151 Organization of the Craft Guilds under Fitz-Thomas the Mayor. 1262.
242 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 59. "A similar uprising of the
middle class of citizens was taking place about this period in other
towns. They are spoken of by chroniclers of the same stamp as
Fitz-Thedmar as ribald men who proclaimed themselves 'bachelors,'
and banded themselves together to the prejudice of the chief men of
the towns (_majores urbium et burgorum_)"--Chron. of Thomas Wykes
(Rolls Series No. 36), iv, 138.
243 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 59-60.
M152 The movement favoured by the barons.
244 -_Id._, p. 60.
M153 The queen insulted by the citizens, 13th July, 1263.
245 Ann. of Dunstaple (Rolls Series No. 36). iii. 222-223. Chron. of
Thos. Wykes (_Ibid_) iv, 136. Rishanger (Rolls Series No. 28, ii,
18), places this event after the Mise of Amiens (23rd Jan., 1264).
246 Annales Londonienses.--Chron. Edward I and II (Rolls Series No. 76)
i, 60.
247 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 62.
M154 The Mise of Amiens. 23rd Jan., 1264
248 -_Id._, pp. 64, 65.
M155 League between the citizens of London and the barons.
249 Ann. of Dunstaple. iii, 230, 231.
M156 The Battle of Lewes, 14th May, 1264.
250 The number of Londoners who accompanied Leicester to Lewes is not
given. Thomas Wykes mentions it to have been very large, for the
reason that the number of fools is said to be infinite! "Quo
comperto comes Leycestriae glorians in virtute sua, congregata
baronum multitudine copiosa, Londoniensium innumerabili agmine
circumcinctus, quia legitur stultorum infinitus est numerus."--(Rolls
Series No. 36), iv, 148.
251 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 66; Ann. of Dunstaple, iii, 232;
Thos. Wykes, iv, 149, 150; Rishanger (Rolls Series No. 28), 27.
M157 The Mise of Lewes.
252 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 67.
253 -_Id._, p. 74.
M158 Meeting of Simon de Montfort's Parliament, 20th Jan., 1265.
254 Fitz-Thedmar gives the number of representatives of each city and
borough as four: "De qualitet civitate et burgo iiii
homines."--Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 75.
255 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 77. This anecdote is inserted in
the margin of Fitz-Thedmar's chronicle, the writer expressing his
horror at the "wondrous and unheard of" conduct of "this most
wretched mayor."
M159 Jealousy between the Earls of Leicester and Gloucester.
256 The story is told by Thos. Wykes. (Rolls Series No. 36), iv, 163.
M160 The Battle of Evesham, 4th August, 1265.
257 Lib. de. Ant. fo. 94b.
258 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 119. Circumstantially as the
chronicler relates the story, he appears only to have inserted it as
an after-thought. Mr. Loftie (Hist, of London, i, 151), suggests
that possibly the news of Fitz-Thomas' death might have been the
occasion of its insertion.
M161 The city taken into the king's hands from 1265 to 1270.
259 Aungier, Fr. Chron. (Riley's Transl.), p. 235.
M162 Threat of the king to subdue the city by force.
260 "His lordship the king had summoned to Wyndleshores all the earls,
barons, [and] knights, as many as he could, with horses and arms,
intending to lay siege to the City of London [and] calling the
citizens his foes."--Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 81.
261 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 82.
M163 Fitz-Thomas and others summoned to Windsor.
262 At one time the parish of All Hallows Barking is spoken of as being
in the County of Middlesex, at another as being within the
City--Hust. Roll. 274, (10), (12).
M164 The fate of Fitz-Thomas unknown.
263 In narrating this, Fitz-Thedmar again discloses his aristocratic
proclivities by remarking, "Such base exclamations did the fools of
the vulgar classes give utterance to" on this occasion, viz., the
election of William Fitz-Richard as Sheriff of Middlesex and Warden
of London.--Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 90, 91.
M165 The city taken into the king's hand, 1265.
264 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 83, 85.
M166 London Bridge bestowed on the queen.
265 "Regina etiam rogavit pro Londoniensibus de quibus rex plures
recepit ad pacem suam."--Ann. of Winchester (Rolls Series, No. 36),
ii, 103.
266 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 146, 147.
M167 The Earl of Gloucester master of the city, April, 1267.
267 Ann. of Dunstaple. (Rolls Series, No. 36), iii, 245.
268 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 95. The citizens appear to have
been divided, as indeed they often were, on the question of
admitting the Earl.
269 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 95, 97.
270 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 96.
M168 Terms arranged between Gloucester and the king, 16th June, 1267.
271 -_Id._, pp. 97, 100.
M169 Charter of Henry III, 26th March, 1268.
272 Dated "Est Ratford," 16th June, 1267. Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs,
pp. 98-100.
273 Dated 26th March, 1268. The original is preserved at the Guildhall
(Box No. 3). A copy of it, inserted in the Lib. de Ant. (fo. 108b),
has the following heading:--"Carta domini regis quam fecit civibus
Lond', _sub spe inveniendi ab eo meliorem gratiam_," the words in
italics being added by a later hand.
M170 The city recovers its rights to elect mayor and sheriffs, 1270.
274 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 113. Ann. of Waverley (Rolls
Series No. 36), ii, 375.
275 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 129.
M171 The sheriff's ferm increased to L400.
276 Lib. de Ant., fo. 120.
M172 Election of John Adrian, Mayor, 1270.
277 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 129-130.
M173 Election of Hervy, 1272, disputed.
278 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 153.
M174 Appeal made by both parties to the king's council.
M175 The king's illness and death, 16th November, 1272.
279 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 154, 159.
M176 Fitz-Thedmar's prejudice against Hervy.
280 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 164.
281 The series of Husting Rolls for Pleas of Land, preserved at the
Guildhall, commence in the mayoralty of Hervy's successor.
282 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 205-208.
M177 Hervy's so-called "charter" to the guilds.
283 What Fitz-Thedmar means when he says (Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs,
p. 171), that "only one part of the seal of the Commonalty of
London" was appended to Hervy's so-called "charter" is hard to
determine. The common seal of the city was at this period in the
custody of the mayor for the time being. Under Edward II, it was for
the first time entrusted to two aldermen and two commoners for safe
keeping.--City Records, Letter Book D, fo. 145b. _Cf._ Ordinances of
Edward II, A.D. 1319.
284 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 169-171.
M178 Dispute between Hervy and the Mayor, 1274.
M179 Charges against Hervy for acts done during his mayoralty.
M180 Is discharged from his aldermanry.
285 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 173-5.
M181 The after-results of the policy of Hervy and Fitz-Thomas.
286 "Et quod nullus alienigena in libertatem civitatis praedictae
admittatur nisi in Hustengo ... et si non sint de certo mestero,
tune in libertatem civitatis ejusdem non admittentur sine assensu
communitatis civitatis illius."--Lib. Custumarum (Rolls Series), pt.
1, pp. 269-270.
287 "The establishment of the corporate character of the city under a
mayor marks the victory of the communal principle over the more
ancient shire organisation, which seems to have displaced early in
the century the complicated system of guild and franchise. It also
marks the triumph of the mercantile over the aristocratic
element."--Stubbs, Const. Hist., i, 630, 631.
288 "The guilds continued to elect until 1384, when the right of
election was again transferred to the wards." City Records, Letter
Book H, fos. 46b, 173.
M182 Arrival of Edward I, in London, 18th August, 1274.
289 Chron. Edward I and II. (Rolls Series No. 76), i, 84. Chron. of T.
Wykes (Rolls Series No. 36) iv, p. 259.
290 Dated from "Caples in the land of Labour" (_Caples in terra
laboris_) or Capua, 19th January, 1273. This letter was publicly
read in the Guildhall on the 25th March following.--Chron. of Mayors
and Sheriffs, p. 163.
M183 Edward's hereditary right to the crown clearly acknowledged.
291 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 161.
M184 Four citizens to be sent to confer with Edward at Paris, 3rd April,
1274.
292 -_Id._, p. 172.
M185 The object of the conference.
293 -_.Id_, pp. 132, 140-2.
294 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 143-4.
M186 Interruption of trade between England and Flanders.
295 -_Id._, pp. 145, 146.
296 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 147, 148.
297 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 149, 150.
M187 Writ for the expulsion of all Flemings, 8th Sept., 1273.
298 -_Id._, p. 165.
M188 Negotiations opened with Edward at Paris for peace with Flanders.
M189 Particulars of the four citizens sent to confer with the king at
Paris.
299 -A.D. 1279. "Eodem anno escambia et novae monetae extiterunt levata
apud turrim Londoniensem; et Gregorius de Roqesle major monetae per
totam Angliam."--Chron. Edw. I and II. (Rolls Series No. 76. i.
88).--Aungier Fr. Chron. (Transl.) p. 239.
300 The name of John Horn with the addition. "Flemyng" occurs in the
14th cent.--Hust. Roll. 64 (67), 81 (74).
M190 Peace concluded between England and Flanders, July, 1274.
301 For one month after the Feast of St. Botolph the Abbot [17 June],
the Court of Husting in London was closed, owing to the absence of
citizens attending the fair. The right of appointing their own
officers to settle disputes arising at the fair was granted to the
citizens of London at the close of the Barons' War.--Chron. of Mayors
and Sheriffs, p. 176.
302 Peace was signed before the end of July.--Rymer's Foedera, (ed. 1816),
vol. i. pt. 2, p. 513.
M191 Strong Government of the city under Edward I.
303 A series of MS. books extending from A.D. 1275 to 1688, deriving
their title from the letters of the alphabet with which they are
distinguished, A, B, C, &c, AA, BB, CC, &c. We are further aided by
chronicles of the reigns of Edward I and II, edited by Bishop Stubbs
for the Master of the Rolls. A portion of these chronicles the
editor has fitly called "Annales Londonienses." There is even reason
for believing them to have been written by Andrew Horn, citizen and
fishmonger, as well as eminent jurist of his day. He died soon after
the accession of Edward III. and by his will, dated 9th Oct., 1328,
(Cal. of Wills, Court of Husting, i, 344) bequeathed to the city
many valuable legal and other treatises, only one of which (known to
this day as "Liber Horn,") is preserved among the archives of the
Corporation.
M192 The necessity for an immediate supply of money.
304 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 239.
305 Stubbs, Select Charters, p. 447.
306 Chron. Edward I and II, (Rolls Series). Introd. vol. i, p. xxxiii.
M193 The so-called Parliament at Shrewsbury. 1283.
307 -_Id._, i, 92.
308 Contin. Flor. Wigorn., ii, 229. 230. Tho. Wykes (Ann. Monast. Rolls
Series No. 36), iv, 294. Ann. of Worcester (_Ibid_), iv, 486. Walter
de Heminburgh (Eng. Hist. Soc.), ii, 13.
M194 Ralph Crepyn and Laurence Duket.
309 They were, in the language of Stow, "hanged by the purse." (Survey,
Thoms' ed., p. 96). _Cf._ "He was hanged by the nek and nought by
the purs." (Chaucer, Cook's Tale. l. 885). The story is recorded in
Aungier's French Chron. (Riley's translation), p. 240; and in Chron.
Edward I and II (Rolls Series i, 92-93).
M195 Legislative enactments of 1285.
310 Stubbs, Select Charters, pp. 472-474.
311 Letter Book C, fo. 52. Riley's Memorials, p. 21.
M196 The justiciars at the Tower, 1285
M197 The customary procedure when the citizens waited on the justices at
the Tower.
312 Rolls Series, i, 51-60. _Cf._ Lib. Ordinationum, fos. 154b, _seq._
M198 The city declared to be taken into the king's hand.
313 The circumstances of Rokesley's visit to the justices at the Tower
are set out in the city's "Liber Albus" (i, 16), from a MS. of
Andrew Horn, no longer preserved at the Guildhall. The story also
appears in Chron. Edward I and II (Rolls Series No. 76), i, 94.
M199 For thirteen years the city governed by a _custos_ instead of a
mayor.
314 In 1293 the king appointed Elias Russell and Henry le Bole his
"improvers" (_appropriatores_) in the city:--Chron. Edward I and II,
(Rolls Series No. 76, i, 102). Their duties were practically
identical with those of sheriffs, and Bishop Stubbs places a
marginal note over against the appointment,--"Sheriffs appointed by
the king." Walter Hervy is recorded as having removed certain stones
near Bucklersbury when he was "improver" of the city (Letter Book A,
fo. 84. Riley's Memorials, p. 25). This was probably done in 1268,
when the city was in the king's hand, and Hervy and William de
Durham were appointed bailiffs "without election by the
citizens."--Chron. Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 112, 113.
M200 Both the king and the city in straits for money, 1289-1290.
315 Letter Book A, fo. 132b.
316 -_Id._, fo. 110.
317 Chron. Edward I and II, i, 98.
M201 The king's difficulties increased by the expulsion of the Jews,
1290.
318 Letter Book A, fo. 95. Riley's Memorials, p. 26.
319 "From the very day of his accession, Edward was financially in the
hands of the Lombard bankers; hence arose, no doubt, the difficulty
which he had in managing the City of London; hence came also the
financial mischief which followed the banishment of the Jews; and
hence an accumulation of popular discontent, which showed itself in
the king's lifetime by opposition to his mercantile policy, and,
after his death, supplied one of the most efficient means for the
overthrow of his son."--Chron. Edward I and II. Introd. vol. i, pp.
c, ci.
M202 Edward's domestic troubles of 1290.
M203 Seizure of treasure in monastries and churches, 1294.
320 Writ to the Sheriff of Middlesex, dated 2nd Jan., 1293. Letter Book
B, fo. 25. Contin. Flor. Wigorn., ii, 266.
321 Ann. of Dunstaple (Rolls Series No. 36), iii, 390. The chronicler
acquits the king of complicity in this sacrilege.
322 Contin. Flor. Wigorn., ii, 274.
M204 The city furnishes ships and men for the defence of the coast 1295,
1296.
323 Letter Book C. fo. 20.
324 -_Id._, fos. 21b, 22. (Riley's Memorials, pp. 31-33). Liber Custum.,
i, 72-76.
M205 The subjection of Scotland, 1296.
325 Chron. of Walter de Hemingburgh (Eng. Hist. Soc.), ii. 108, 109.
M206 The parliament of Bury St. Edmund's, 3rd Nov., 1296.
326 Letter Book C, fo. 22b.
327 By the bull _Clericis Laicos_, Boniface VIII had recently forbidden
the clergy to pay taxes to any layman.--Chron. of Walter de
Hemingburgh (Eng. Hist. Soc.), ii, 113-116.
328 Stubbs, Const. Hist., ii, 130, 131, 134.
M207 Edward's altercation with Roger Bigod, Feb., 1297.
329 Chron. of Walter de Hemingburgh, ii, 121.
M208 The "Confirmatio Cartarum," Oct. 1297.
330 -_Id._, ii, 126, 127.
331 -_Id._, ii, 149, 151.
M209 The mayoralty restored to the city, 11th April, 1298.
332 Letter Book B, fo. xxxvii (101b).
333 Preserved among the City Archives (Box 26). _Cf._ Letter Book C, fo.
xxiv, b.
334 Letter Book B, fo. 93.
M210 Suppression of the Scottish rising under Wallace, 1298, 1304.
335 Letter Book C, fo. 24. (Riley's Memorials, 37).
336 Strictly speaking, a talliage could only be charged on the king's
demesnes, and these did not include the City of London.
337 Chron. Edward I and II (Rolls Series), i, 132.
M211 Wallace brought to London, 22 Aug., 1305.
338 Aungier, Fr. Chron. (Riley's Transl.), 247. Chron. Edward I and II
(Rolls Series), i, 139.
M212 Knighthood conferred on John le Blound, the mayor, and others, May
1306.
339 Chron. Edward I and II (Rolls Series), i, 146. Hemingburgh ii, 248.
340 Aungier, Fr. Chron. (Riley's Transl.), 247 n.