(M424)
At the death of Henry V the administration of affairs fell into the hands
of his two brothers, John, Duke of Bedford, and Humfrey, Duke of
Gloucester. On the 29th September a writ was issued from Windsor, in the
name of the infant on whom the crown of England had devolved, summoning
four citizens of London to attend a parliament to be held at Westminster
at Martinmas,(801) and two days afterwards another was addressed to the
sheriffs of London, enjoining them to make proclamation for the keeping
the king's peace, and authorising them to arrest and imprison rioters
until the king and his council should determine upon their
punishment.(802) The precise wishes of the late king as to the respective
parts which Bedford and Gloucester were to undertake in the government of
the realm are not clearly known, but it is generally thought that he
intended the former to govern France, whilst the latter was to act as his
vicegerent in England. An attempt to carry out the arrangement was doomed
to failure.
As soon as parliament met (9 Nov.) it took into consideration the
respective claims of the two dukes. Bedford had already (26 Oct.)
despatched a letter from Rouen, addressed to the civic authorities,
setting forth his right to the government of the realm, as elder brother
of the deceased sovereign and as the party most interested in the
succession to the crown. Without mentioning Gloucester by name, he warned
the citizens against executing orders derogatory to himself. He professed
to do this, not from any ambitious designs of his own, but from a wish to
preserve intact the laws, usage and customs of the realm.(803) After some
hesitation, parliament resolved to appoint Bedford protector as soon as he
should return from France, but that during his absence Gloucester should
act for him.(804)
(M425)
On the 8th February of the new year (1423), the sheriffs of London
received orders to make proclamation for all soldiers who were in the
king's pay to assemble at Winchelsea by the 1st day of March, as an
expedition was to set sail from that port for the purpose of defending the
town and castle of Crotoye. The business was pressing and necessitated a
repetition of the order to the sheriffs a fortnight later (22 Feb.).(805)
(M426)
On the 23rd February William Crowmere, the mayor, William Sevenoke,
William Waldene, and John Fray were appointed commissioners to enquire
into cases of treason and felony within the city; and two days later they
found Sir John Mortimer, who was charged with a treasonable design in
favour of the Earl of March, guilty of having broken prison.(806) He was
subsequently convicted of treason both by lords and commons, and sentenced
to death.
(M427)
On the 5th June (1423) the hearts of the citizens were gladdened with the
news that they were likely to be repaid some of the money they had
advanced to the king's grandfather. Orders were given for all persons to
whom Henry IV was indebted at the time of his decease, and who had not yet
received from his executors a moiety of the sums due, to send in their
bills and tallies to Sir John Pelham and John Leventhorp, two of the
king's executors, sitting at the Priory of Saint Mary, Southwark, by the
Monday next after Midsummer-day.(807) We can believe that few orders ever
met with readier response from the inhabitants of the city.
(M428)
At home as well as abroad Gloucester soon made enemies; among them was his
own uncle, the Chancellor, Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester, a wealthy
and ambitious prelate. During Gloucester's absence on the continent,
whither he had gone to recover the estates of his newly-married wife, the
ill-fated Jacqueline of Hainault, Beaufort garrisoned the Tower with
creatures of his own. When Gloucester returned mutual recriminations took
place, and the mayor was ordered (29 Oct., 1425) to prevent Beaufort
entering the city. A riot ensued in which the citizens took the part of
the duke, and the bishop had to take refuge in Southwark. The quarrel was
patched up for awhile until Bedford, who was sent for, should arrive to
act as arbitrator.(808) He arrived in London on the 10th January, 1426.
The citizens, who had more than once been in communication with the
duke(809) during his absence abroad, presented him with a pair of basins,
silver-gilt, containing 1,000 marks. The gift, however, does not appear to
have been so graciously received as it might have been, for a London
alderman records that the donors, for all their liberality, "hadde but
lytylle thanke."(810)
(M429)
The two brothers had not met since the death of Henry V. After prolonged
negotiations, a _modus vivendi_ between the parties was arrived at, and
Gloucester and the bishop were induced to shake hands. Beaufort left
England soon afterwards with the Duke of Bedford, on the plea of making a
pilgrimage, and did not return until September, 1428, by which time he had
been made a cardinal and appointed papal legate in England.
Notwithstanding his legatine authority being unacknowledged by Gloucester
and others, the citizens received him on his return "worthily and
loyally," riding out to meet him and escorting him into London.(811)
(M430)
Gloucester had always been a favourite with the Londoners, until his
conduct to his Flemish wife, whom he left behind on the continent to fight
her own battles as best as she could, and the undisguised attention he
paid to Eleanor Cobham, a lady in his wife's suite, whom he eventually
married, estranged their favour. In August, 1424, the Common Council had
voted the duke a gift of 500 marks; and two years later--viz., in April,
1426--the citizens raised a sum, variously stated to have been L1,000 and
1,000 marks, for the benefit of his duchess.(812) The female portion of
the community were specially incensed against the duke, and a number of
women went the length of presenting themselves before parliament in 1427,
with a letter complaining of his behaviour towards his wife. In March of
the next year (1428) the citizens themselves followed suit, and drew the
attention of parliament, through the mouth of John Symond, their Recorder,
to the wretched straits to which the duchess had been reduced, as
witnessed her own letters. They begged parliament to consider the best
means for recovering for her the lands of Hainault, Holland and Zeeland,
which had always been places of sure refuge for the English merchant, and
the rulers of which had ever been friendly to the king of England. The
citizens finally avowed themselves ready to take upon themselves their
share in any undertaking the lords and commons of the realm might decide
upon.(813)
(M431)
In the meantime matters had not gone well with the English in France. In
July, 1427, the Earl of Salisbury came over to London for
reinforcements.(814) In September of the following year he was able to
inform the City of the success that had attended his recruited army.(815)
He was then within a short distance of Orleans, before which town he
shortly afterwards met his death. Bedford continued the siege, but the
town held out until May, 1429, when it was relieved by the Maid from the
little village of Domremi, and the English army was compelled to retreat.
(M432)
Whilst Bedford was conducting the siege of Orleans, and Jeanne Darc was
meditating how best to relieve the town, the citizens of London were
suffering from a severe dearth. At length the Common Council resolved (22
July, 1429) to send agents abroad for the purpose of transmitting all the
corn they could lay their hands on to England. The assistance of Bedford,
who had by this time been compelled to raise the siege of Orleans, was
invoked.(816)
(M433)
Bedford had recently been joined by Beaufort, who had become more than
ever an object of hatred to Gloucester, and had lost to a certain extent
the goodwill of the nation by the acceptance of a cardinal's hat. He had
set out on the 22nd June (1429), carrying with him a small force which he
was allowed to raise for the avowed object of prosecuting a Hussite
crusade in Bohemia, but which was eventually sent to France.(817) The
question of his position in parliament and the council, now that he was a
cardinal, was decided by the parliament which met on the 22nd September.
(M434)
Members of parliament representing the City of London had hitherto been
allowed a certain amount of cloth and fur trimming at the City's expense,
wherewith to dress themselves and their personal attendants in a manner
suitable to the position they held. Those who had from time to time been
elected members appear to have abused this privilege--where a yard had been
given, they had literally taken an ell--and it was now thought to be high
time to take steps to check the abuse in future. Accordingly it was
ordained by the mayor and aldermen, on the 12th August of this year (and
the ordinance met with the approval of the commoners on the 29th day of
the same month), that for the future no alderman elected to attend
parliament should take out of the chamber or of the commonalty more than
ten yards for gown and cloak, at 15_s._ the yard, and 100_s._ for fur if
the alderman had already served as mayor, otherwise he was to have no more
than five marks. Commoners were to be content with five yards of cloth and
33_s._ 4_d._ for fur. Each alderman, moreover, was to be allowed eight
yards of cloth at 28 pence a yard for two personal attendants, and each
commoner four yards of the same for one attendant, if the parliament was
sitting in London or the neighbourhood, and eight yards for two attendants
if parliament was sitting in some more remote place, "as was formerly
ordained during the mayoralty of John Michell" (1424-5).(818)
(M435)
The condition of France necessitated the early coronation of the young
king, whose right to the French crown had been established by the Treaty
of Troyes. At his accession to the throne of England Henry VI was but a
child of nine months. He was now eight years old. Before he could be
crowned King of France, it was necessary that he should first be crowned
King of England. Proclamation was accordingly made that he would be
crowned on the 6th November following, and that all claims to services
should be forthwith laid before the lord steward.(819) Gregory, to whose
chronicle we have had frequent occasion to refer, writing as an
eye-witness, gives a full account(820) of what took place at the ceremony
of coronation in Westminster Abbey, and of the banquet that followed; but
omits to mention that the citizens put in their usual claim, in accordance
with the above proclamation, to serve the king at the banquet as butler.
That the claim was actually made we learn from other sources.(821) We also
know that William Estfeld, the recently-elected mayor, received the
customary gold cup and ewer used on the occasion, which he afterwards
bequeathed to his grandson.(822)
(M436) (M437)
In April, 1430, the young king left England for France, and remained
abroad for nearly two years. On the 10th November he wrote to the mayor
and citizens, urging them to advance him the sum of 10,000 marks, as that
sum might do him more ease and service at that particular time than double
the amount at another. The letter was dated from Rouen, where the court
afterwards established itself for a considerable time.(823) On Sunday, the
12th December, 1431, he made his entry into Paris with great ceremony, and
was duly crowned.(824)
(M438)
On his return to England early in the following year, he was met by John
Welles, the mayor, the aldermen, the sheriffs, and more than 12,000
citizens of London, who rode out on Thursday, the 20th February, as far as
Blackheath, and was there presented with the following address:--
_"Sovereign lord as welcome be ye to your noble Roialme of
Englond, and in especial to your notable Cite London o■erwise
called your Chambre, as ever was cristen prince to place or
people, and of the good and gracioux achevyng of your Coronne of
Fraunce, we thank hertlich our lord almyghty which of his endles
mercy sende you grace in yoye and prosperite on us and all your
other people long for to regne."_
(M439)
After hearing the address the king rode to Deptford, where he was met by a
procession of 120 rectors and curates of the city, in the richest copes,
and 500 secular chaplains in the whitest of surplices, with whom were a
like number of monks bearing crosses, tapers and incense, and chanting
psalms and antiphons in grateful thanks for his safe return. Thence the
royal cavalcade passed through Southwark to the city, where pageants
appeared at every turn. The fulsome adulation bestowed upon a lad scarcely
ten years of age was enough to turn his young brain. Passing through
Cornhill and Chepe, the procession eventually reached St. Paul's. There
the king dismounted, and being met by the Archbishop of Canterbury and ten
other bishops in their pontifical robes, was led by them to the high
altar. Prayers were said and the sacred relics kissed. The king then
remounted his horse and made his way to his palace of Westminster, the
streets being hung with tapestry and the houses thronged to their roofs
with crowds of onlookers, and was there allowed a brief day's rest. On the
following Saturday a deputation from the city, headed by the mayor and
aldermen, went to the palace and presented Henry with L1,000 of the purest
gold, in a gold casket, with these words:--
"_Most cristen prince the good folk of youre notable Cite of London,
otherwise cleped your Chambre, besechen in her most lowely wise that they
mowe be recomanded un to yo__r__ hynesse, ant ■__t__ can like youre noble
grace to resceyve this litell yefte yoven with as good will and lovyng
hertes as any yefte was yoven to eny erthly prince._"
The king having graciously acknowledged the gift, the deputation returned
to the city.(825)
(M440)
Beaufort, who had returned home in time for the coronation, had again set
out for France with the king, and Gloucester took advantage of their
absence to renew his attack on his rival. Letters of _proemunire_ were
drawn up in anticipation of the cardinal's return, and additional offence
was given by the seizure of the cardinal's plate and jewels at Dover. On
learning of Gloucester's schemes, Beaufort determined to give up a
projected visit to Rome, and to return home in time for the opening of
parliament (12th May, 1432).(826) He desired to learn why he had been thus
"strangely demeened" contrary to his deserts. When parliament met and the
cardinal asked who were his accusers, Gloucester held his tongue, and the
king expressed his confidence in the cardinal's loyalty. In the following
year (1433) Bedford appeared before parliament and announced that he had
come home to defend himself against false accusations. He understood that
the recent losses that had occurred in France were attributed to his
neglect. He desired his accusers, of whom he shrewdly suspected Gloucester
to be one, to stand forth and prove their charges. Again there was
silence, and the duke, like the cardinal, had to rest satisfied with the
king's assurance of loyalty.(827)
(M441)
The finances of the country were at this time (1433) in the most
deplorable condition. It was necessary to exercise the strictest economy.
Bedford was the first to set an example of self-denial by offering to
discharge the duties of counsellor at a reduced salary. Gloucester
followed his brother's example. The archbishops, the cardinal, and the
bishops of Lincoln and Ely agreed to render their services without
payment. Parliament showed its good will by voting a fifteenth and tenth,
but out of the sum thus realised L4,000 was to be applied to the relief of
poor towns. The amount of relief which fell to the share of the poorer
wards of the City of London was L76 15_s._ 6-1/4_d._, which was
apportioned among eighteen wards. The largest sum allotted was L20, which
went to Cordwainer Street Ward, whilst Lime Street Ward received the
magnificent relief afforded by the odd farthing.(828) The mayor, sheriffs
and aldermen were called upon to attend in person before the chancellor,
in April, 1434, to make oath that they would duly observe a certain
article (_quendam articulum_) which the late parliament had agreed to, but
what this article was does not appear in the City's archives.(829)
(M442)
Bedford was prevailed upon to remain in England and undertake the office
of chief counsellor, but differences again arising between him and
Gloucester, which the personal interference of the young king could with
difficulty calm, he again set sail for France (June, 1434). His career was
fast drawing to an end. Burgundy was intending to desert him as he knew
full well, and the knowledge accelerated his end. His death took place at
Rouen on the 14th September of the following year (1435).(830)
(M443)
With his death England's supremacy in France began to decline, and Henry
VI was to lose in that country all or nearly all that had been gained by
his doughty predecessor. The defection of Burgundy was followed by the
loss of Paris. The chief event of 1436 was the raising of the siege of
Calais, which had been invested by the Duke of Burgundy. On the 27th June
the mayor and aldermen of Calais, being anxious to get help from the
government at home, and finding that according to precedent they could
only do so through the mediation of the City of London, addressed a letter
to the mayor and aldermen of London imploring them, as the head of "the
principal of all the cities of the realm of England," to move the king to
send the requisite aid.(831)
In answer to this appeal Henry Frowyk, the mayor, consulted the livery
companies, and by their advice sent a contingent to the relief of the
town.(832) The king, too, had been very urgent that the City should raise
a force to oppose "the man who stiled himself Duke of Burgundy and Count
of Flanders," whilst he took pains to conciliate such Flemings as were
living in the city and were ready to take an oath of allegiance.(833)
Gloucester had been appointed captain of Calais for a term of nine years,
but before he set sail for its relief the siege had been raised by Edmund
Beaufort, Count of Mortain.(834)
(M444)
An attempt was made in 1439 to bring about a peace, but it failed, and a
new tax--a tax upon aliens--had to be imposed for the purpose of raising
money in addition to the usual supplies. Every alien householder was
called upon to pay sixteen pence, and every alien who was not a
householder sixpence, towards the expenses of the country.(835)
(M445)
The streets of the city have witnessed few sadder sights than the penance
inflicted on Eleanor Cobham, at one time the mistress, and afterwards--on
the dissolution of his marriage with Jacqueline--the wife of Gloucester.
The new duchess was aware that in the event of the king's death her
husband was next in succession to the throne, and was inclined to
anticipate matters. It was a superstitious age, and the duchess invoked
the aid of witchcraft to accomplish her wishes. In 1441 her operations,
innocent as they were in themselves, however bad their intent, were
discovered, and she was condemned to do public penance followed by
imprisonment for life. For three days the wretched lady was made to walk
the streets, taper in hand and bare-foot (it was November), in the sight
of all the citizens, who were forbidden to show her any respect, but, at
the same time, were ordered not to molest her.(836) The latter they were
little likely to do. Nay! on each day as she landed at the Temple, at the
Swan or at Oueenhithe, the mayor and sheriffs went forth to attend her,
accompanied by members of the livery companies.(837) Yet, not a finger did
her husband raise in her defence! He either could not or would not save
her.
(M446)
By charter, dated the 26th day of October, 1444, the king confirmed the
mayor, recorder and certain aldermen as justices of the peace, and, among
other things, granted to the corporation the soil of the Thames within the
City's liberties.(838) This grant was not made without some little
opposition from the inhabitants of the neighbouring county of Surrey.(839)
(M447)
The king was now under the influence of William de la Pole, Earl of
Suffolk, by whose intervention a truce with France had been concluded on
the 28th May of this year (1444), to last until the 1st April, 1446. In
order to strengthen the truce, a marriage was arranged between Henry and
Margaret of Anjou. The princess came over to England early in the
following year, and was married on the 22nd April (1445). The match was
not altogether a popular one; nevertheless, when Margaret passed through
the city on her way to be crowned at Westminster, she was received "in the
most goodly wise, with alle the citezines on horseback ridyng ayenst hir
to the Blackheth in blew gownes and rede hodes."(840)
(M448)
The truce was renewed, and Suffolk increased in popularity. After the
deaths of Gloucester and Cardinal Beaufort, within a few weeks of each
other, in 1447, he became the king's chief adviser, and continued to be so
until the loss of the French provinces three years later (1450) raised so
much opposition against him that the king was compelled to order his
banishment. This was not thought a sufficient punishment by his enemies,
and he was taken on the high seas and brutally murdered (2 May). After his
death an attack was made on his supporters. Again the men of Kent rose in
revolt; this time under the leadership of an Irish adventurer--Jack
Cade--who called himself Mortimer, and gave out that he was an illegitimate
son of the late Earl of March. They mustered on Blackheath 30,000 strong
(1 June), and then awaited the king's return from Leicester, where
parliament had been sitting. Henry on his arrival sent to learn the reason
of the gathering, and in reply received a long list of grievances which
the rebels intended to amend.(841) Notwithstanding the boldness of this
answer, the king had only to make proclamation that all his true and liege
subjects should "a-voyde the fylde," for the whole force to disperse in
the course of one night. The danger, indeed, seemed to be over. A week
later, however, the royal force met a number of the rebels near Sevenoaks,
by whom it was put to rout. Encouraged by this success, the rebels
returned and took up their quarters in Southwark. The unhappy king had by
this time retired to Kenilworth, notwithstanding the offer made by the
citizens of London to stand by him.(842)
(M449)
The city authorities had, in the meantime, taken steps to put the city
into a state of defence. A Common Council met on the 8th June, when it
decided that an efficient guard should be placed night and day upon all
gates, wharves and lanes leading to the Thames. An enclosure recently
erected at "le Crane" on the riverside belonging to John Trevillian, was
ordered to be abated. Balistic machines (_fundibula_) of all kinds were to
be collected on the wharves, whilst the sale of weapons or armour or their
removal out of the city was restricted. Lastly, it was agreed to represent
to the king the advisability of limiting the number of his nobles coming
into the city, owing to the scarcity of provisions.(843) On the 26th June
the Common Council again met, and it was then decided to send two mounted
men to reconnoitre Cade's position, and to learn, if possible, his
movements.(844) Three days later (29 June) orders were given for four men
to be selected from each ward to assist the aldermen in preserving the
peace. Anyone refusing to do his duty in keeping watch was to be sent to
prison. In spite of all precautions, Cade and his followers succeeded in
gaining a footing in the city (3 July), their first action being to sack
the house of Philip Malpas.(845) Cade himself encouraged rather than
restrained the excesses of his men. "Now is Mortimer lord of the City," he
cried as he struck with his sword the old Roman mile-stone known as London
stone.(846) It is clear that the rebels had friends in the city, otherwise
they would never have effected an entrance so easily--"They had othyr men
with hem as welle of London as of there owne party."(847) The matter was
made the subject of investigation by the Common Council. Evidence was
given by Thomas Geffrey, a barber, to the effect that on Friday, the 3rd
July, the keys of the bridge had been given up, but by whom he knew not.
William Reynold also deposed that Richard Philip, a grocer, had told him
that unless the wardens of the bridge opened the gates, the Kentish
captain threatened to set fire to the bridge and the city, and that
thereupon Thomas Godfrey, a "sporyour," clad in russet, brought the keys
and opened the gates.(848)
(M450)
On Saturday, the 4th of July, the rebels, who had retired for the night,
returned to the city. Robert Horne, alderman of Bridge Ward, who had
rendered himself especially obnoxious to the rebels, was made prisoner and
sent to Newgate. Sir James Fiennes, the Lord Say, was brought from the
Tower to the Guildhall, where the rebels were holding mock trials on those
who were unfortunate enough to fall into their hands, and, after a hasty
examination, was conveyed to the Standard in Chepe and there executed. His
head, together with those of two others who had that day suffered a
similar fate, was set up on London Bridge.
(M451)
By the next evening (Sunday) the citizens had managed to recover their
presence of mind, and sallied out at ten o'clock at night, under the
leadership of Lord Scales and another, across the bridge. Before they had
arrived on the Southwark side of the river they were met by the rebels,
and a severe fight took place between the parties on the bridge itself,
lasting until eight o'clock the next morning. At last the rebels were
defeated, and the city freed from their presence. Offers of pardon were
made and accepted, and the rebels dispersed. Cade, however, continued to
plunder and ravage the country, until a price having been put upon his
head, he was apprehended by the Sheriff of Kent,(849) and died the same
night from injuries received at his capture. His head was subsequently set
up on London Bridge.
(M452)
The king had now been married some years, and no heir had appeared. Great
uncertainty prevailed as to the right of succession to the throne, and
gave rise to much rivalry and mutual mistrust between Richard, Duke of
York, who now for the first time becomes a conspicuous figure on the
stage, and Edmund Beaufort, recently created Duke of Somerset. Both of
them could claim to be the king's nearest kinsmen, both of them being
descendants of Edward III, the one tracing his descent, on his father's
side, through Edmund Langley, and on his mother's side, through Lionel,
Duke of Clarence, whilst the other was the surviving representative of
John of Gaunt.
(M453)
The king's incapacity to govern without a strong minister at his back, as
evinced by his conduct during the recent outbreak, induced both of these
nobles to throw up their appointments, the one in Ireland and the other in
France, and to hasten home. The Duke of York was the first to reach
England, and, in spite of measures which had been taken to intercept him,
made his way to London. He was anxious in the first place to clear himself
of suspicion of having been implicated in Cade's rebellion,(850) and to
this end sought and obtained an interview with the king. Having satisfied
Henry on this point, he next proceeded to demand the reform of certain
abuses in the government. A short session of parliament, which met on the
6th November, opened with an altercation between the rival dukes. On the
1st December Somerset was placed under arrest; and on the following day
his lodgings at the Black Friars were broken into and pillaged. An example
was made of one of the men convicted of being concerned in the breaking
into the Black Friars, and he was beheaded at the Standard in Chepe. The
Duke of York made a personal visit to the city, and caused proclamation to
be made of the heavy pains and penalties which should follow any attempt
at robbery. As a further demonstration against lawlessness, the king
himself rode through the city a few days later, accompanied by his lords
in full panoply, the route being kept by a line of armed citizens on
either side of the way. Alderman Gregory, whose chronicle affords us a
vivid picture of contemporary events, and who was called upon to serve the
office of mayor of the city the following year, confesses that the
procession on this occasion would have been a gay and glorious sight, "if
hit hadde ben in Fraunce, but not in Ingelonde," for it boded little
good.(851)
The Duke of Somerset did not long remain in prison, for immediately after
Christmas he was appointed captain of Calais. In 1451 the disasters which
followed the English arms in France, when Calais was again threatened,
were made an occasion for another attempt by York to crush his rival. He
openly avowed his determination to proceed against Somerset, and, joined
by the Earl of Devonshire and Lord Cobham, marched to London (Jan., 1452).
Henry at once prepared to march against his cousin. The duke had hoped
that through the influence of his party within the city, the gates would
have been flung open on his approach. In this he was disappointed. The
majority of the citizens were still loyal to Henry, and by his orders
entrance was denied the duke, who thereupon withdrew to Dartford, whilst
the king's forces encamped at Blackheath.
(M454)
For a time civil war was avoided, the king promising that Somerset should
be again committed to custody until he should answer such charges as York
should bring against him. The king, however, failed to keep his word.
Somerset was allowed to remain in power, and York was only allowed his
liberty after he had consented to swear public allegiance to the king in
St. Paul's Church. Any stronger measures taken against him would probably
have provoked disturbance in the city.(852)
(M455)
Henry's mind had never been strong, and in the following year (1453) it
entirely gave way. In October the queen bore him a son, after eight years
of married life, but though the infant was brought to his father, Henry
gave no signs of recognising his presence. The illness of the king, and
the birth of an heir to the crown, were events which materially affected
the fortunes of the Duke of York. In November the civic authorities
prepared for emergencies; every citizen was to provide himself with
armour, but he was strictly enjoined to be guarded in his conversation,
and not to provoke tumult by showing favour to this or that lord. Even a
proposal that the mayor and aldermen should pay a visit of respect to the
Duke of York was rejected as impolitic at the present juncture.(853)
(M456)
Notwithstanding liberal grants made by parliament for the defence of
Calais, that town was still in danger. On the 29th November, 1453, a
letter was read before the Common Council of the City, emanating from the
Lord Welles and the Lord Ryvers, asking for assistance towards putting
Calais into a state of defence. Further consideration of the matter was
adjourned until the following 4th December. By the 7th day of the same
month the Council had consulted the commons, who had declared that owing
to their numerous burdens and expenses they could contribute nothing to
that end.(854) This did not prevent a further application being made early
in 1454, for contributions towards the defence of Calais if that town were
besieged.(855) Again the commons were consulted, and again they pleaded
the excessive burdens they were already called upon to bear, and the
losses they had sustained by seizure of their ships and merchandise by the
Duke of Burgundy, rendering them unable for the present to undertake any
further charges unless steps were taken for the recovery of their
goods.(856) An answer to this effect was accordingly delivered by the
Common Sergeant on behalf of the citizens, who declared themselves willing
at the same time to bear their share with the rest of the realm.(857) An
appeal made in August of the same year (1454), for the sum of L1,200 for
the same purpose, met with similar failure.(858)
The plea of poverty was no idle one, if we may judge from the fact that
when, in November of this year, an assessment of half a fifteenth was made
on the city wards, eleven out of twenty-five wards were in default.(859)
Between the years 1431 and 1451 the citizens had advanced large sums of
money to the king, of which more than L3,000 remained in the latter year
due to the city.(860)
(M457)
A crisis, in the meanwhile, was fast approaching. The birth of an heir to
the throne urged the Duke of York to take prompt action. Although the
majority of the nobles were opposed to him, he had on his side the
powerful family of the Nevills, having married Cicely Nevill, sister of
Richard Nevill, Earl of Salisbury, the head of the family, and father of
the still more powerful Earl of Warwick. Towards the end of January (1454)
the Duke of York, the Earls of Salisbury and Warwick, and others of the
duke's supporters, entered the city, each followed by a large force of
retainers fully armed. With them came also York's eldest son, the Earl of
March, afterwards King Edward IV.(861)
The Common Council were anxious lest the presence of these nobles in the
city should lead to a disturbance. A strict neutrality was ordered to be
observed both by the mayor and aldermen, as well as by the inhabitants of
the city at large. The _waytes_, or watchmen, were ordered to perambulate
the streets every night with their minstrels to keep the citizens in good
humour (_pro recreacione hominum_), and prevent robbery. Nevertheless,
there is evidence to show that disturbances did occasionally arise between
the inhabitants and those in the suite of the nobles.(862)
(M458)
The king's continued illness necessitated sooner or later the appointment
of a regent. For a brief space there seemed a possibility of the regency
being claimed by the queen. The City, in the meanwhile, paid court to both
parties, the mayor and aldermen one day paying a solemn visit to the
queen, attired in their gowns of scarlet, and a few days later paying a
similar compliment to the Duke of York.(863) At length the duke was
nominated protector (3 April). Some correspondence ensued between the
City, the Duke of York, the queen, and the Earl of Salisbury, on what
subject we know not,(864) but on the 13th May the mayor and aldermen
waited upon the duke to thank him for his favour and goodwill.(865)
(M459)
So long as the king remained an imbecile York was supreme, his rival,
Somerset, having been committed to prison at his instigation in December,
1453. Henry, however, soon recovered from his illness, although his
convalescence proved of equally short duration, and York's protectorate
came to an end. With Henry's restoration came the release of Somerset, and
York determined to try conclusions with his rival in the field. At the
first battle of St. Albans, fought on the 22nd May, 1455, victory declared
for York and Somerset was killed. After the battle York accompanied the
king to London and lodged him in the bishop's palace in St. Paul's
churchyard. The excitement caused Henry a relapse, and York was for the
second time named protector; but in the spring of 1456 he had again to
retire upon the king's recovery.
(M460)
Just when the country was settling down to enjoy a period of comparative
quiet, there occurred (May, 1456) in the city one of those sudden
outbreaks against the "merchant stranger" residing within the city's walls
which too often appear in the annals of London. On this occasion the young
mercers of the city rose against the Lombards; why or wherefore we are not
told. We only know that these foreigners received such bad treatment that
they meditated leaving the city in a body and setting up business
elsewhere. The fault was not altogether with the citizens, it appears; for
two Lombards were ordered to be hanged.(866)
The king, who was at the time at Coventry--whither the queen had caused him
to be removed, owing to her suspicion that the Londoners were in favour of
the Yorkist party--sent for alderman Cantelowe,(867) a mercer, and promptly
committed him to Dudley Castle for safe keeping, as having been implicated
in the attack on the houses of the Italian merchants.
This outbreak was followed by another "hurlynge" between the mercers of
the city and those Lombards who had consented to remain in the city on the
understanding that they should be allowed to ply their business without
molestation until the council or parliament should determine otherwise. In
consequence of this second outbreak no less than 28 mercers were arrested
and committed to Windsor Castle.(868)
(M461)
On the 3rd September, 1456, the king wrote from Lichfield to the Mayor,
reminding him of the dangers which had recently threatened the city--"the
king's chamber"--the government whereof ought to serve as an example to the
rest of the kingdom, and enjoining him that thenceforth he should allow no
one to enter the city but such as came peaceably, and with moderate
retinue, according to his estate and degree, and should take precautions
against gatherings of evil disposed persons which might lead to a breach
of the peace.(869)
(M462)
Notwithstanding the precautions taken to protect the coast, the French
made a descent in 1457, and plundered Sandwich and Fowey, capturing over
30 ships, great and small, and doing much damage. The citizens of London,
to whom the protection of their commerce in the "narrow sea," as the
channel was then frequently called, was everything, thereupon took counsel
among themselves, and made a proposal to the king and to Bishop Waynflete,
the chancellor, to find 2,000 men and provisions for certain ships then
lying in the Thames, at their own expense, to join an expedition to punish
the enemy for their boldness. The king thanked them for their patriotic
spirit and gave orders for a naval force to join the city contingent from
Hull.(870)
(M463)
In 1458 Henry tried his hand at effecting a reconciliation between the two
rival sections of the nobility, and to this end ordered a great council to
meet in St. Paul's on the 27th January. Warwick left his post at Calais,
and came over to London to attend the meeting; but he did not arrive until
more than a month after the appointed day, and when he came it was with a
body of 600 men at his back, "all apparyled in reed jakkettes, with whyte
ragged stavis."(871) He took up his quarters within the city, where he
found the Duke of York and the Earl of Salisbury. The young Duke of
Somerset and other lords, who, like him, had lost their fathers at the
battle of St. Albans, were refused an entrance to the city for fear of a
breach of the peace, and had to find accommodation outside the city's
walls.(872) During the conference the mayor patrolled the streets by day,
whilst at night a force of 3,000 men was kept in readiness to assist the
aldermen in preserving the king's peace.(873) The times were critical, but
at length all ended well. A grand pacification took place in March, and
was solemnized by an imposing procession to St. Paul's, in which York led
the queen by the hand. The reconciliation thus effected was more apparent
than real, and neither party relaxed their efforts to prepare for renewed
hostility.
(M464) (M465) (M466)
In August the civic companies were warned against furnishing the
confederate lords with any war material, but were to keep their arms and
harness at the disposal of the king alone.(874) It wanted very little to
kindle the smouldering embers of dissatisfaction into a flame, and this
little was soon forthcoming. In November(875) a riot occurred at
Westminster, in which the Earl of Warwick was implicated. A yeoman in his
suite picked a quarrel with one of the king's servants and wounded him.
Thereupon others of the king's household, finding their fellow-servant
wounded and his enemy escaped, way-laid the earl and his attendants as
they left the council to take barge on the river. By dint of hard hitting,
the earl managed to embark and to make his way to the city. But the affray
was not without bloodshed, and Warwick found it convenient to withdraw
soon afterwards to his post at Calais, which thenceforth became the
head-quarters of the disaffected lords.
(M467)
In the following April (1459) another affray broke out. This time it was
between inhabitants of the city and certain members of the Inns of Court,
and the riot was so dangerous as to result in loss of life. The king
hearing of this sent for William Tayllour, the alderman of the ward, and
kept him in confinement at Windsor until the election of the new mayor,
William Hewlyn, in October, by whose intercession he regained his
freedom.(876)
(M468)
By this time the country was again divided into two hostile camps. A
crisis came in September, when the Earl of Salisbury, the king's most
inveterate enemy, marched upon Ludlow with a large force. Lord Audley,
sent by the queen to arrest him, was defeated by the earl at Blore Heath
(23 Sept., 1459). Later on, however, the earl and the Yorkist army were
themselves compelled to seek security. The Duke of York took refuge in
Ireland, and the Earl of Warwick, who had crossed from France to join his
father, returned to Calais, taking the Earl of Salisbury with him.
(M469)
On the 9th October the king issued his writ for a parliament to be held at
Coventry on the 20th November. The usual writ was sent to the City of
London, but the names of the aldermen and commoners elected to represent
the citizens do not appear in the City's records.(877) The business of the
session was the attainder of the Duke of York and his followers, and
judgment was passed upon the duke, the Nevills, father and son, the young
Earls of March and Rutland, and others. Two days after the date of this
writ, the Common Council decided to send a deputation to wait upon the
king and assure him of the City's allegiance and of the steps taken for
its safe custody.(878)
(M470)
The citizens had previously (Oct., 1459) displayed their willingness to
assist the king by a gift of 1,000 marks.(879) This gift must have been
the more welcome, inasmuch as Henry's debts had been rapidly on the
increase, whilst his creditors remained unpaid. The queen, on the other
hand, into whose hands the government of the kingdom had been drawn, was
"gaderyng riches innumerable." The imposition of taxes, talliages and
fifteenths, whilst harassing the king's subjects, seemed to make him not a
whit the richer, the issues and profits being frittered away. They would
have forgiven him had he maintained a household in regal style or spent
their money on maintaining the country's honour in the field. As matters
were, Henry, by misgovernment, was rapidly losing the hearts of his
people, and "theyre blessyng was turned in to cursyng."(880)
(M471) (M472) (M473)
On the 14th January, 1460, the king issued a commission to the mayor,
aldermen and sheriffs for collecting men-at-arms and archers to resist the
_late_ Duke of York and the _late_ Earls of March, Warwick, Salisbury and
Rutland.(881) Similar commissions were addressed to every township,(882)
and did much harm to the royal cause, now tottering to its fall, as being
unconstitutional. They formed the subject of one of the set of articles of
complaint drawn up by the Earls of March, Warwick and Salisbury, and
addressed by them, on behalf of themselves and the Duke of York, to the
archbishop and the commons of England.(883) Such commissions the lords
declared to be an imposition which, if continued, would be "the heaviest
charge and worst example that ever grew in England." The city authorities
appear to have rested their opposition to the king's commission, not so
much on the grounds that they were unwilling to raise a force for his
assistance, as that a demand for military aid in such a form might
derogate from the city's franchise and liberties. A deputation, consisting
of two aldermen, Thomas Urswyk, the Recorder, and one of the
under-sheriffs, was sent to Northampton to wait upon the king and council
and to explain the views of the citizens in that respect. The interview
was of a satisfactory character; and the deputation returned bearing a
gracious letter from the king declaring that the City's franchise and
liberties should in no way be prejudiced by the commission.(884)
(M474)
The citizens deemed it time to look to their own safety, and place their
city into a better posture of defence. The master and wardens of the
livery companies were exhorted (14 Feb., 1460), on account of the
disturbed state of the kingdom, to raise contributions towards the
purchase of accoutrements for the safeguard of the city.(885) The king
himself was shortly coming into the city, and measures were taken (28
Feb.) for placing a proper guard over the several gates.(886) On the 11th
May the masters and wardens were summoned, on behalf of the king, to
appear before the mayor and aldermen at the Guildhall, to hear a royal
proclamation read touching the preservation of the king's peace.(887)
(M475)
The Yorkist Earls of Salisbury, Warwick and March, encouraged by the
reports of the state of affairs in England, at length made up their minds
to return and strike a blow for the recovery of their estates, which had
become forfeited to the king. They set sail from Calais (26 June), and
landing at Sandwich made their way without opposition through Kent to
London.
(M476)
On the 27th June, by which time news of their arrival must have reached
the city, a Common Council was held, when the commoners who were present
solemnly promised to stand by the mayor and aldermen in safe-guarding the
city, and resist with all their might the rebels against the lord the king
who were about to enter the city contrary to the king's orders. The civic
companies somewhat tardily gave their adhesion to the royal cause, and
agreed to defend the city. The gates were ordered to be manned, and no one
was to be allowed to enter without first saying who and what he was.
Strict enquiry was to be made as to the character of strangers residing
within each of their wards.(888) On the following day the Common Council
met again and gave orders that the drawbridge of London Bridge should be
always kept down, so that victuallers and others might have ready access
to the City, but the gateway on the drawbridge was to be kept closed,
whilst _le wikett_ was to be constantly open. A strict watch was to be
kept on the new tower(889) above the bridge by men-at-arms stationed
there, who should also be ready to let down _le port Colyce_ when occasion
required.(890)
(M477)
A deputation, moreover, was appointed to set out to meet the Earls of
March and Warwick on their way to Northampton, for the purpose of inducing
them, if possible, to turn aside and not approach the city. The members
were instructed to inform the lords of the king's commands to the citizens
to hold the city for him, and to oppose the lords' entry under heavy
penalty. This instruction to the deputation was given, we are told, with
the approval of the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of Norwich, Ely
and Exeter, and of the Prior of St. John's, Clerkenwell. The mayor,
aldermen and commonalty agreed to stand by any terms which the deputation
might be compelled to make. They had not taken this step without first
consulting the Lords Scales and Hungerford, and Sir Edmund Hampden, who
held the Tower of London for King Henry. The bridge gate was ordered to be
closed between nine and ten o'clock on the night of the 28th, and to
remain closed till the morning. Even the portcullis was to be kept down if
necessary, whilst the mayor and sheriffs, with a certain number of armed
men, patrolled the city, and the aldermen kept watch in their several
wards.(891) Notwithstanding the next day being Sunday, the critical state
of affairs necessitated a meeting of the Common Council. It was then
agreed that if any messenger should arrive from Warwick, no communication
should be held with him. Special watches were appointed for the bridge and
for Billingsgate by night and day, and so anxious were the authorities to
avail themselves of the service of every abled citizen on that Sunday,
that no one was allowed to attend Divine Service at St. Paul's.(892)
(M478)
Up to this point the citizens had shown themselves loyal to Henry. They
now began to waver. Early in the morning of the 30th June the mayor and
aldermen appear to have changed their minds. The earls had sent them a
letter and they resolved to receive it. The contents of this letter are
not recorded. On the following day (1 July) another communication from the
earls was received. Here again we are left in the dark as to its
purport--the City's journals at this period being very imperfect,--we only
know that they declined to accede to the request to keep at a distance
from London, for the very next day (2 July) they were admitted into the
city.(893)
(M479)
The city was thus lost to the king; but the Tower still held out, and no
amount of eloquence on the part of certain doctors of divinity, whom the
Common Council had appointed to try and arrange matters so as to avoid
bloodshed, would induce Lord Scales and his companions to surrender it,
although the garrison was hard pressed for victuals.(894) Nothing was left
but to starve them out, and this the Earl of Salisbury proceeded to do,
with the aid of the citizens and the boatmen on the river, by whom the
Tower was strictly invested by land and water. The Common Council appear
to have felt some qualms of conscience in joining in this proceeding, for
they caused it to be recorded--as if by way of excuse for their action--that
"there seemed to be no other way of preserving the city."(895) A
resolution, moreover, that each alderman should subscribe the sum of L5
towards raising a force to intercept victuals on their way to the Tower
was rescinded.(896)
(M480) (M481)
By the 10th July matters had become so serious with the beleaguered
garrison, that a letter was sent to the Common Council, signed by the Earl
of Kendal, Lord Scales, Lord Hungerford, Lord Lovell and Sir Edmund
Hampden, asking why war was thus being made upon them. To this the Council
replied that the lords had brought it upon themselves by firing on the
citizens in the first instance, and taking provisions from them without
payment.(897) At last the garrison could hold out no longer, and the Tower
was surrendered (19th July). Lord Scales endeavoured to take sanctuary at
Westminster, but was seized by river boatmen and barbarously
murdered.(898)
(M482)
Meanwhile the Duke of York had managed to raise a sum of money in the
city;(899) the battle of Northampton had been won and lost (10th July),
and Henry had been brought a prisoner to London (16th July). On the same
day that the king arrived in London, the mayor, aldermen and commonalty of
the City entered into an agreement, under the Common Seal, to abide by any
arrangement made between the Earl of Salisbury and the beleaguered lords
in the Tower for the surrender of that stronghold.(900)
(M483)
On the 21st July the king, or the Earl of Warwick, in his name, attempted
to restore quiet in the city by promising that those who had offended
against the king's highness and the common weal of the realm, and had been
committed to the Tower, should forthwith receive ample justice. In the
meantime all conventicles, assemblies or congregations in breach of the
peace were strictly forbidden, and every man was exhorted to repair to his
own house, and wait upon his lord or master in whose service he might
happen to be.(901)
(M484) (M485) (M486)
In October the Duke of York attended parliament and boldly asserted his
right to the throne. After hearing arguments for and against his claim,
parliament arrived at a compromise by which the reversion of the crown was
settled on the duke, and to this the king himself was forced to give his
assent.(902) It was otherwise with the proud and defiant Queen Margaret.
She was determined to acquiesce in no such arrangement. Whilst she was
collecting a force in the north, wherewith to strike one blow for the
crown of which her son appeared likely to be robbed, the mayor and
aldermen held an extraordinary meeting of the wardens of the livery
companies. The king wished to be assured of the temper of the citizens.
Would they as a body support him and his council, protect his royal
person, and defend the city against those who were raising disturbances in
divers parts of the realm? To each and all of these questions the wardens
are recorded as having given satisfactory replies, and it was then and
there agreed that each alderman should make enquiry as to the number of
strangers residing in his ward, and the reasons for their being in the
city. Watch was to be kept by night in every ward, a lantern hung outside
every dwelling-house, and the city's gates were to be closed every night
and guarded by men-at-arms.(903) Although these measures were avowedly
taken on behalf of King Henry, they were, in reality, so many precautions
for securing the government in the hands of his rival the Duke of York.
(M487)
The struggle which hitherto had been between two unequal sections of the
nobility, each avowing its loyalty to the king, now became a struggle
between the two rival Houses of Lancaster and York. Richard, Duke of York,
did not live to enjoy the crown, his right to the reversion of which had
recently been acknowledged by parliament. Just as the year was drawing to
a close he met his death at Wakefield in the first clash with the House of
Lancaster, and his head in mockery was set up on one of the city's gates
from which he derived his ducal title.
"Off with his head, and set it on York's gates;
So York may overlook the town of York."
(M488)
When Henry was once restored to liberty and to his queen, after the second
battle of St. Albans (17 Feb., 1461), York's son, Edward, Earl of March,
who became by his father's death heir to the crown, was immediately
proclaimed traitor in the city.(904) The queen wished for victuals to be
sent from the city to her forces at St. Albans, but the carts were seized
before they left the city by a mob which refused to let them go in spite
of the mayor's entreaties and threats. Margaret's army consisted for the
most part of rude northern followers who threatened to sack the city if
once allowed within its walls, and the majority of the inhabitants were
unwilling to supply the queen with provisions until she had removed her
half-disciplined force to a distance from London. With a civilized army at
her back it might have been possible for Margaret to have gained a footing
in the city.(905) As matters stood, she deemed it best to accede to the
request thus made to her, and to draw off her army.
(M489)
It was a fatal mistake, for it gave time for Edward and Warwick to join
forces and march on London. The civic authorities, finding how hopeless it
was to place further dependence upon Henry, and desiring above all things
a stronger government than they could look for under the king, now
surrendered the city to his opponents. They had not forsaken the king--he
had forsaken them. They would no more of him.
"He that had Londyn for sake,
Wolde no more to hem take."(906)
(M490)
On the 1st March the chancellor called a general assembly of the citizens
at Clerkenwell, and explained to them the title by which Edward, Duke of
York, laid claim to the crown.(907) His title was thereupon acknowledged
with universal applause, and on the 4th he proceeded to Westminster
Palace, accompanied by many of the nobility and commons of the realm,(908)
and was there proclaimed king by the name of Edward IV.