PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE
The League to Enforce Peace goes into action--Taft recalls that
Roosevelt favored a League of Nations--I sail for Europe as
chairman of the overseas committee--England's youthful Lord
Chancellor--Bryce at the age of eighty-two--On to
Paris--Conferences with Colonel House--House declares that the
League of Nations is "on the rocks"--Bourgeois comes to our
apartment--He is persuaded to accept and support the Covenant as
provisionally presented--Wilson congratulates me--The President
addresses the correspondents--At the Plenary Session--An imposing
spectacle--Clemenceau brusquely opens the session--President Wilson
speaks for 1,200,000,000 people--Significance of the term
"Covenant"--Bourgeois accepts text as drafted, but offers
amendments for political effect--Japan voices her ancient
grievance--The golden chapter in the history of
civilization--Impressions of General Smuts--Sir Robert Borden opens
fire on Article X--At a Washington's Birthday luncheon with General
Pershing--The General's nervousness at prospect of having to make a
speech--Sazonoff tells me about the Czar--A luncheon to Ambassador
Sharp and myself--Concerning the side-tracking of Secretary
Lansing--Taft's efforts at home on behalf of a League of
Nations--Conferences with Venizelos--Serbia's claims--Meeting in
London of allied societies for a League of Nations--Religious
liberty resolution offered and adopted--I confer with President
Wilson in Paris--A luncheon with Russian refugee
statesmen--Excitement regarding the Monroe Doctrine article--My
address at the Sorbonne--The Covenant of the League of
Nations--Colonel House urges me to return to America--Alexander
Kerensky--United States Senate vigorously debates the Covenant--Our
efforts to secure its adoption--World policies are subordinated to
home politics--Conclusion.
Now that the curtain of armistice had descended upon the world's most
devastating war, the League to Enforce Peace was endeavoring to
cooperate in every possible way with President Wilson and the official
delegates to the Peace Conference, and with similar organizations in
Europe, to bring into existence a League of Nations.
I had been made chairman of the overseas committee, and on the afternoon
of Theodore Roosevelt's funeral, former President Taft and I met to
confer regarding the work to be done. Both of us were very much
depressed by the death of our friend. Taft felt grateful that
"Theodore" (as he always called Roosevelt) and he had some months
earlier reestablished their long-time former friendship, which had
unhappily been interrupted by political events.
Mr. Taft courteously told me that he was glad that I was going to Paris,
and that he believed I might render a great service in helping to secure
an effective League of Nations. He hoped I would have conferences with
Balfour, Lloyd George, and Leon Bourgeois, and that I would be able to
show them what kind of a League we, and as we thought, the American
public generally, wanted. At my request, Taft agreed to write me a
letter, signed by himself as president of the League to Enforce Peace,
and by A. Lawrence Lowell, chairman of the Executive Committee, giving
me full authority to take whatever action in Europe I might consider
wise. I told Taft that I wanted a letter which should expressly state,
among other things, that I was to support our official delegates, as it
would not do for America to show a divided front. He told me, what I
also had known from conversations with Roosevelt, that Roosevelt had
latterly expressed himself in favor of such a League of Nations as we
stood for. I reminded Taft that Roosevelt had been the first in recent
years to emphasize the subject of a League of Nations, having done so in
his Nobel Peace Prize address.
The committee to represent at Paris the League to Enforce Peace
consisted of myself as chairman, Hamilton Holt as vice-chairman, and
such other members of the League as might be in Paris at that time. Mr.
Holt, after consulting me as to methods and plan of action pending my
arrival, had left New York on December 28th. I had postponed my
departure for Paris until I could learn of my son Roger's departure from
Siberia.
On January 25, 1919, I left New York, reaching London on February 4th,
where I promptly conferred with the members of the British League of
Nations Union. Sir Willoughby Dickinson, M.P., gave me full details of
the meetings that had been held by the English, French, and Italian
leagues in Paris, at which our League was represented by Hamilton Holt.
I also had a consultation with Lord Shaw, the chairman of the conference
of delegates, who gave me a copy of the resolutions that had been
adopted.
We remained in London several days, and while there dined with our new
ambassador, John W. Davis, formerly the Solicitor-General of the United
States. Both he and Mrs. Davis, in the short time they had been in
London, had won the esteem of official England. At this dinner I had a
long conversation with the new Lord Chancellor, Birkenhead, formerly Sir
Frederick Smith, who held a distinguished position at the British Bar,
and had been Attorney-General in the last Cabinet. In the latter part of
1917 he had visited the United States, where I had met him, and where he
had made a number of addresses in the leading cities, as well as in
Canada. He was then only forty-seven years of age, but looked much
younger, and therefore quite unlike the typical Lord Chancellor robed in
venerable dignity. He told me that he was the youngest Lord Chancellor,
with one exception, that had ever sat on the woolsack. He had the
youthful and vivacious face of a man in the thirties. He said that
nothing would please him more than, when he was no longer Lord
Chancellor, to practice law in America, but he said that precedent would
not permit a former Lord Chancellor to return to the bar and practice
his profession.
Birkenhead was very outspoken in his opposition to a League of Nations,
saying that it was a Utopian idea. He asked whether I had seen his book
which had recently appeared, describing his visit to America. I told him
I had not, and on the next day he sent me a copy bearing his
inscription.
The following day we lunched with Mr. and Mrs. Herbert Samuel. He had
held several Cabinet positions, and had been Secretary of the Home
Office in the last Cabinet. He was defeated as candidate for Parliament
in the last election. He told me he had recently returned from Paris
from a Zionist Conference where his views and advice were desired. He
stated that he was not a Zionist, but was in full sympathy with the
Balfour Declaration to secure a homeland in Palestine with equal civil
and religious rights for all nationalities. I told him that was
precisely my position. His son was present, who was about twenty years
of age, and had been in the British army, and was later transferred to
the Zionist Corps.
That evening I dined with Sir Arthur Steele-Maitland, M.P.,
Under-Secretary of the Foreign Office, where I met my old friend
Viscount Bryce, who was then about eighty-two years of age. He was still
in the best of health and his mind was as alert as ever. He brought me a
copy of his recent brochure, "Proposals for the Prevention of Future
Wars," Maitland strongly favored a League of Nations, and told me that
after I arrived in Paris, if I found it necessary for the committee of
the League of Nations Union to return there to reenforce the official
delegates, I should write or wire him, and several of the members would
go over to cooperate with our committee; and that he would write Lord
Robert Cecil so that we might have a conference. I had similar letters
from Lord Shaw and Sir Willoughby Dickinson.
We arrived in Paris on February 9th, where our friends, Mr. and Mrs.
Edward Mamelsdorf, had generously placed at our disposal their
comfortable apartment in the rue Montaigne, which was most conveniently
and centrally situated, and saved us the necessity and difficulty of
securing accommodations, all the hotels being jammed full. The following
morning I met Mr. Holt, who had admirably represented our committee at
the several conferences that were held prior to my arrival; also Judge
William H. Wadhams, Mrs. Fannie Fern Andrews, Arthur Kuhn, secretary and
legal adviser of our committee, besides several other members of our
League.
With Mr. Holt I went to the Crillon Hotel, headquarters of the American
Delegation, and had a conference with Colonel House, with whom
arrangements were made for the fullest cooperation between our League
and the Official Commission. We also conferred with Mr. Gordon
Auchincloss, the son-in-law and secretary of Colonel House, who, after
consulting with the latter, gave me in confidence a typewritten copy of
the Articles of the League entitled: "Draft as Provisionally Approved."
He said that the Colonel wanted me to have this, so that I might study
it. I was told at the same time that the outlook for the adoption of a
League was very discouraging because the French Delegation, of which
Leon Bourgeois was the head, insisted upon the inclusion of two
additional clauses, (1) the control by the League of the manufacture of
all armaments and of all war industries, and (2) an international
military force to defend the French frontier, which, Bourgeois insisted,
quoting from a former speech of President Wilson, "was the frontier of
civilization."
President Wilson had emphatically objected to the proposed additions.
When I informed Colonel House that I was about to call on Leon Bourgeois
at his home across the Seine, he said, "By all means, go," and added
that Bourgeois's attitude "had put the League on the rocks."
Mr. Holt, Mr. Kuhn, and I proceeded to Bourgeois's house, but when we
arrived there late in the afternoon, we were told that M. Bourgeois was
out, that he was then in the Senate and would not return until late.
While there, however, I met my friend and colleague on the Hague
Tribunal, Baron d'Estournelles de Constant. He said he would see to it
that we met Bourgeois that evening. Mr. Holt, Mr. Kuhn, and I then
returned to my apartment, and had hardly arrived there when my telephone
rang and I was informed that M. Bourgeois and Baron d'Estournelles were
on their way to my residence. They arrived promptly at seven o'clock.
In the course of the discussion, Bourgeois presented the interposing
difficulties to which I have referred, giving the divergence of views
between him and President Wilson and Colonel House. I explained to him,
more fully than he seemed to have appreciated before, that the
war-making power was lodged by our Constitution exclusively in Congress,
and that even if the President should agree to the additional articles,
if these articles would in any way conflict with the war-making power as
provided for in the Constitution, President Wilson's assent would be
without effect, and would never be ratified by our Senate.
At this point in our conversation, the telephone rang and M. Bourgeois
was informed that the President of the Ministry, M. Clemenceau, desired
to see him at once. Bourgeois said he would shortly return and hurriedly
left us. In the meantime we continued the conversation with
d'Estournelles, who, being familiar with our American system, was better
able to appreciate the problem. I told him plainly that Colonel House
had said to me that afternoon that "the League of Nations was on the
rocks."
Bourgeois returned in half an hour and we resumed the discussion. After
explaining more at length our constitutional provisions, I told him that
if the proposed League were made too strong it would be useless, so far
as America was concerned, since it would not be ratified by the Senate.
Knowing what a strong advocate he had always been of the League of
Nations, as he was and had been for years past the president of the
French League of Nations Society, I asked him whether he would prefer
having no League rather than a League as drafted, without the two
articles he had proposed.
He frankly replied that if that were the alternative, he would prefer to
have the League as drafted. He then referred to the fact that at our
last Congressional election, the Administration had been defeated, and
therefore, as he understood it, the President represented a minority
party. I told him that, while such would be the case under the European
system, it was not so under our system, and then read to him from my
letter of credence "to support the President," explaining that the
president of our League, Mr. Taft, along with Dr. Lowell, myself, and
many others, was not of the President's party, yet I was authorized and
instructed to support the President.
Bourgeois replied that at the Plenary Session of the Conference, which
was to be held on the Friday following, namely, on the 14th, at the Quai
d'Orsay, in view of the American position which I had made clear to him,
he would support the "Draft as Provisionally Approved," but that he
wanted me to appreciate that they had politics in France as well as we
had, and that therefore he would, at any rate, have to present at the
Conference the two articles referred to, if for no other reason than for
their popular effect; but that I could rely on it that his Government
would in the final analysis accept the covenant or draft as
provisionally presented by the representatives of the fourteen nations
which had participated in its preparation and had preliminarily agreed
to it.
When Bourgeois and d'Estournelles departed, which was at about ten
o'clock, I called up Colonel House, and, after briefly informing him
what had taken place, I told him that the League was "off the rocks." He
expressed his great gratification, and on the following morning when I
met him he said that he had informed the President, who desired heartily
to congratulate me.
When Colonel House had informed me that "the League was on the rocks,"
it was more real than figurative; for at the session of the Commission
on the League held the evening before, the French members having
insisted among other provisions upon an international army to guard the
frontier, and President Wilson having point-blank refused to agree to
it, an _impasse_ had been reached, since neither side would give way.
The Commission thereupon adjourned, apparently without any possibility
of coming to an understanding. Considerable bitterness was developed in
the discussion, as I learned, between the President and M. Bourgeois. It
was at this stage that I fortuitously arrived at the Crillon to report
that our committee, by calling on M. Bourgeois, had been able
unofficially to take up and discuss with him the situation, which
officially had apparently passed beyond the stage of further discussion.
Therefore it was, as Holt and I were subsequently informed, a great
relief to the President and Colonel House, as well as to Clemenceau and
Bourgeois, that we had been able to remove the _impasse_ by inducing the
French delegates to agree to support the Covenant as preliminarily
drafted.
* * * * *
Some months before, there had been organized in Paris a luncheon club,
the Cercle Interallie, as a comfortable and convenient meeting-place for
many officials and others. Immediately upon my arrival, I was introduced
at the club, where I frequently took lunch and met many people,
officials and delegates of the allied nations. The day following our
conversation at my apartment, I met Baron d'Estournelles by appointment
at lunch, and he informed me that Bourgeois had expressed himself
gratified with the clarification I had given him and that I could rely
upon the Covenant being adopted as we had agreed.
On the morning of the 14th, while I was at Colonel House's office, I
received a copy of the Covenant which had just been put in print, as
reedited by the Sub-Committee of the League of Nations under the
chairmanship of Lord Robert Cecil. While I was there, President Wilson
came in to meet the representatives of the American press. When he saw
me, he expressed his high appreciation for our services and helpfulness.
The President made a brief address to the correspondents, beginning in a
semi-humorous vein, and then giving a general description of the
Covenant as finally drafted, explaining that where so many nations were
involved, no one's individual ideas could be fully satisfied, and that
there had to be yielding on all sides. Wilson added that he would have
liked to see some definite declaration regarding the protection of
religious minorities, and referred to several of the other outstanding
provisions.
Colonel House asked me to see Bourgeois again before the Plenary Session
which was to take place that afternoon, saying that he had heard that
Bourgeois was going to oppose the Covenant. I immediately called on
Bourgeois again, and told him precisely what the Colonel had said, but
Bourgeois assured me that there had been no change, and that the
Covenant, or as it was styled in French, _Le Pacte_, would not be
opposed.
That same afternoon, I went with former Ambassador Henry White, one of
our official delegates, to the Session of the Plenary Conference at the
Quai d'Orsay which convened at 3.30 o'clock. I accompanied him into the
Conference room, a large, vaulted, ornate chamber known as the Clock
Room, where were seated, at the tables arranged along three sides of a
square, with an inner row of seats arranged in the same way, the
delegates of the thirty nations.
On the outside of the square were the tables for the secretaries of the
several nations. At the head of the table sat M. Clemenceau; to his
right was President Wilson, and on his left was to be Lloyd George, but
as he was not present, Lord Robert Cecil sat in his place. Next on the
right was Mr. Lansing, and next on the left was Mr. Balfour, and so on
in order. In the rear of the chamber were a number of distinguished
persons and other officials of the Powers. To one side was another large
room with arched entrances, occupied by the correspondents of the press
of the world. The proceedings began at four o'clock. The ushers closed
the large entrance doors leading out into the foyer, and all was still
and in expectancy when Clemenceau rose and, in his usual brusque and
unceremonious manner, announced that "Monsieur Wilson" would have the
"parole," meaning the floor.
President Wilson arose, calm, dignified, and entirely self-possessed,
and, after a few preliminary words, stated that the representatives of
the fourteen nations which composed the League of Nations Committee had
unanimously agreed to the Covenant consisting of twenty-six articles to
be presented to the Conference, representing, according to the estimate,
1,200,000,000 people.
He read the articles of the Covenant, one by one, interpolating here and
there brief explanations. The title "Covenant" had been given the
document by Wilson, a designation he had previously used in one of his
speeches. This was regarded as most appropriate, since the pact was not
a treaty or convention, but something higher and more sacred, hence the
scriptural designation "Covenant," such as God had made with Israel.
After reading the articles, Wilson made an address of about thirty
minutes. It was clear, forceful, and in his inimitable style. In closing
he said: "Armed force is in the background in this programme, but it is
in the background, and if the moral force of the world will not suffice,
the physical force of the world shall. But that is the last resort,
because this is intended as a constitution of peace, not as a League of
War. Many terrible things have come out of this war, gentlemen, but some
very beautiful things have come out of it. Wrong has been defeated, but
the rest of the world has been more conscious than it ever was before,
of the majesty of right."
Lord Robert Cecil then spoke briefly, and I will quote a single passage
from his address: "Finally, we have thought that if the world is to be
at peace, it is not enough to forbid war. We must do something more than
that. We must try and substitute for the principle of international
competition that of international cooperation."
Signor Orlando of Italy followed with a brief address, then M. Leon
Bourgeois rose and spoke somewhat at length in French. He said that he
proposed amendments which he thought he ought to mention; that while his
country had accepted the text which had been read, the amendments were
mentioned so that, as the text went before the world, the amendments
might also be considered, to the effect that we ought to have a
permanent organization to prepare military and naval means of execution
and make them ready in case of emergency.
Baron Makino, speaking with persuasive eloquence in perfect English,
maintained his previous amendments which were as follows: "The equality
of nations being a basic principle of the League of Nations, the High
Contracting Parties agree to accord, as soon as possible, to all aliens,
nationals of States, members of the League, equal and just treatment in
every respect, making no distinction either in law or in fact on account
of their race or nationality." He then added: "I feel it my duty to
declare clearly on this occasion that the Japanese Government and people
feel poignant regret at the failure of the Commission to approve of
their just demand for laying down a principle aiming at the adjustment
of this long-standing grievance, the demand that is based upon a
deep-rooted natural conviction. They will continue in their insistence
for the adoption of this principle by the League in the future."
George Barnes, the English labor leader, then spoke, upholding the
argument of Bourgeois for an international force. After him Venizelos
spoke, referring to the amendments of France which had been held back
because of constitutional barriers of acquiescence on the part of
certain countries. He thought those countries should make an effort to
remove those barriers, but that, if they could not do so, then France
should recede from her position. Mr. Hughes of Australia interposed a
question, demanding to know when and where the discussion of mandatories
would take place, to which Clemenceau replied that the document would
rest on the table and would be discussed at a distant date. Thereupon,
he abruptly adjourned the session.
As the delegates moved out, I met President Wilson, who asked me for my
opinion about the Covenant. I replied that it was much more
comprehensive and forceful than I had believed it possible for the
nations preliminarily to agree upon. He expressed himself as much
gratified. I believed then, and do yet, that but for Wilson's prestige
and dominant leadership of the Conference, so far at least as the
Covenant was concerned, it would perhaps not have been formulated, if
ever, until after the Treaty of Peace was concluded. At any rate, I very
much doubt if an agreement could have been arrived at.
After my conversation with Wilson, Bourgeois said to me that he hoped I
was satisfied with his remarks in support of the Covenant, that he had
to refer to the amendments he presented so that they might receive
consideration. I told him that he had followed the course he had agreed
to when he spoke to me two nights before, that while he would refer to
his amendments, he would nevertheless support the Covenant.
When I had returned to my apartment, I wrote in my "Random Notes": "I
regard this day and its happenings as the golden chapter in the history
of civilization." Notwithstanding what has since happened, I have not
abandoned hope that such may yet prove true.
* * * * *
Two days before the meeting of the Conference, Hamilton Holt and I had
tea with General Smuts, the distinguished South African delegate. He is
a man of very pleasant appearance, rather short in stature, and with his
florid complexion looks like a veritable Dutchman. He was then
apparently about fifty years of age. He would hardly, from his
appearance, be taken for a soldier, but rather for a student. He had
given much detailed study to the subject of a League of Nations, and
from his brochure "The League of Nations--A Practical Suggestion"
(1918) more of his suggestions as there set forth entered into the
articles of the Covenant than those proposed by any other of the
delegates, including Wilson. Smuts advocated in this brochure that "the
League should be put in the very forefront of the programme of the Peace
Conference," the same position that Wilson afterward successfully pushed
forward. In the preface of his brochure, dated December 16, 1918, Smuts
says:
To my mind the world is ripe for the greatest step forward ever
made in the government of man. And I hope this brief account of the
League will assist the public to realize how great an advance is
possible to-day as a direct result of the immeasurable sacrifices
of this war. If that advance is not made, this war will, from the
most essential point of view, have been fought in vain, and great
calamities will follow.
Several days after the Conference, on February 17th, my wife and I, Mr.
and Mrs. Holt, and Arthur Kuhn of our committee, attended the French
Senate with Baron d'Estournelles, who is a member thereof. He introduced
us to a number of Senators, with whom we had tea. I had a talk with the
venerable Alexandre Ribot, head of the group of the Moderate Republican
Party, a refined gentleman of the old school, and of thoroughly
statesmanlike appearance. We also met Senator Paul Strauss, whom I had
known when he and his wife visited our country some eighteen years
before. He is the editor of the "Revue Philanthropique," and is a member
of the Academy of Medicine. He said that he believed his family and mine
were connected. This may be so, but I have no definite record.
Dining with Sir Robert Borden, then Premier of Canada and one of the
British delegates, the following evening, we met several of his
colleagues. Balfour was expected, but he had been compelled to return
to London that day. Sir Robert was an important member of the British
Delegation and made some very helpful suggestions. He opposed Article X
of the Covenant which provides that "the High Contracting Parties
undertake to respect and preserve as against external aggression the
territorial integrity and existing political independence of all States,
members of the League," etc., the same article that eventually met with
so much opposition in our Senate, and doubtless was the principal cause
for the Senate's failure to ratify. At that time it was generally
rumored that Borden would be selected as ambassador to the United States
to succeed Lord Reading. He would doubtless have made a most acceptable
representative in Washington of the British Government, exceptional as
it would have been to have the British Empire represented by a colonial
official. No one could have been sent who understood our country and our
people better.
* * * * *
Washington's Birthday was celebrated by the American Society, which gave
a luncheon at the Hotel Quai d'Orsay, which I attended. There were
present about one hundred and fifty Americans. It was a notable
assembly, and I had the pleasure of sitting next to General Pershing,
with whom I had a lengthy talk. We spoke, among other things, of the
proposal that our country should take a mandate to govern the Ottoman
Empire or any part of Europe. Great propaganda had been made that we
should take a mandate for the Ottoman Empire. Pershing agreed with me
that this would lead to endless complications and would not be approved
at home. I also talked with Colonel House upon the subject, who was of
the same opinion. Pershing was evidently quite nervous, for he was
expected to speak, and he was making some notes. It appeared to me he
was more disturbed than if he were about to enter into a serious
military engagement.
I had lunch the next day with Boris Bakhmeteff, the Russian ambassador
to the United States, at which I met Sazonoff, former Minister for
Foreign Affairs under the Czar's regime. We naturally spoke about
affairs in Russia and the possibility of reconstruction. I was told that
the late Czar was kindly and humane, but that he had been completely
misled and dominated by crafty ministers who were plotting and
intriguing one against another; that Russia was not, by reason of the
ignorance of its people, fitted to become a republic, but that it must
have a government powerfully centralized, and that its best hope would
be the restoration of the monarchy under Grand Duke Nicholas as
constitutional ruler. Sazonoff said it was a pity that Petrograd was not
taken by the Allied fleet. I am told that, under the Czar, Sazonoff was
the leader of the liberal wing.
A few days later I gave a little dinner at my apartment to enable Mr.
Vance McCormick, chairman of the War Trade Board, to meet several
prominent Russians, including Ambassador Bakhmeteff and Sazonoff. Mr.
Hoover was also present. We discussed the rehabilitation of commerce
with Russia.
On the 26th of February the Union of Associations for the Society of
Nations, together with the European Bureau of the Carnegie Peace
Foundation, gave a luncheon in honor of Ambassador Sharp and myself at
the Cercle Interallie, at which M. Leon Bourgeois presided. There were
present some seventy-five guests, mostly delegates and French officials,
including Sir Robert Borden; Venizelos, the Greek delegate; the
Roumanian minister; M. Vesnitch, the Serbian minister; and the Brazilian
ambassador. At the conclusion, M. Bourgeois arose, and, although there
were to be no set speeches, he expressed the regret of the French nation
that Ambassador Sharp would in the near future relinquish his post, and
complimented his Administration upon its work of the past four trying
years. He praised my effective helpfulness in regard to the League of
Nations, and stated that he not only greeted me as a twin, because he
was born in the same year as I was, but also as a Frenchman, since my
father, who was born in 1809, was a Frenchman by birth, and because my
great-grandfather was a delegate to the Conference which was summoned by
Napoleon during the first decade of the past century.
In reply, I stated that an American, to be truly patriotic, should
understand our early history, and that no American with this knowledge
could fail to have a love and sense of gratitude for France, our ally in
the establishment of democracy, as we had so recently been her ally for
the liberation of the world.
My various conferences regarding the League of Nations, while it was
under discussion and formulation by the Committee of the Conference
having charge of that subject, were held with Colonel House and his
secretary, Mr. Auchincloss. On February 27th, I had lunch with Secretary
Lansing. It had been quite obvious to me that even before this he had
been practically side-tracked, and that Colonel House had replaced him
from the beginning, doubtless by direction of the President. This was
very evident so far as the League of Nations was concerned. Mr. Lansing
informed me that he had pointed out a number of technical objections to
the Covenant as formulated, which, he was sure, would prove a fruitful
source of difference and would make trouble. It seemed to me that he was
evidently not conversant with the various stages of discussion regarding
the articles of the Covenant. I referred to the entire omission in the
second draft of the section respecting civil and religious liberty and
the protection of minorities, which was contained in the tentative
draft, but was finally omitted because Japan had insisted that the
equality of races be included, whereupon the whole subject had been
omitted. I suggested that the entire subject, which was in fact a Bill
of Rights, now that it had been excluded from the Covenant, should be
incorporated in the treaties to be made with each of the new nations.
Lansing agreed with me that that should be done and would under the
circumstances be the best plan.
* * * * *
At this time, during February and March, 1919, the League to Enforce
Peace had organized numerous meetings throughout the country from New
York to San Francisco, advocating a League of Nations. Mr. Taft had
spoken at many of these meetings for months past, traveling untiringly
and making most effective addresses. At these meetings the Covenant was
approved and resolutions to that effect were passed. On February 25th
and 28th I received cables briefly describing such meetings and the
substance of the resolutions passed. I received cables to the same
effect from Salt Lake City, from San Francisco, and from New York. These
I gave to Colonel House, who in turn gave them to the press, and
sometimes they were cabled back through the Associated Press to American
newspapers.
* * * * *
From time to time a number of the representatives of the Balkan and East
European nations came to my apartment to confer with me, doubtless
because of my diplomatic experiences in that part of the world, and
because of my relationship with Colonel House and our official
Commission. Among others who conferred with me was M. Venizelos, who
came to discuss the claims of Greece to additional territory to the
north, and on the western littoral of Asia Minor, and to the islands
adjacent. He explained, as an ethnological basis for such a claim, that
the Greek race was purer and less mixed in that part of Asia Minor and
in the islands than in Greece proper. He placed before me several
brochures containing studies of these points and sent me maps
illustrating those claims, also a document in English entitled: "Greece
Before the Peace Congress." He told me that, unless his presence was
imperatively demanded in Paris, he would attend with me the London
Conference of the Peace Societies of the various nations which was to be
held there March 11th.
On March 7th M. Vesnitch, the chief delegate of Serbia, came to see me
about Serbia's claims to two towns, Verschatz and Weisskirchen, which
the sub-committee of ten, under the chairmanship of M. Tardieu, had
awarded to Roumania. He claimed they were predominantly Serbian as to
sympathies and population, and that because they happened to be on the
railroad running through Roumania was no valid reason for transferring
them under Roumanian sovereignty. He said Serbia could never consent to
such transfer, which would cause not only dissatisfaction, but constant
trouble.
* * * * *
The day after the Plenary Session of the Conference and the preliminary
adoption of the Covenant, President Wilson returned to America. I talked
with M. Bourgeois, M. Vesnitch, M. Venizelos, and several of the
chairmen of the allied societies for a League of Nations, and we agreed
to hold a conference of the delegates of the various societies. Chiefly
because of our desire of having with us Sir Edward Grey, who was the
chairman of the British Society, and Lord Bryce, both of whom at that
time were not entirely well, we decided to hold the conference in London
instead of in Paris. It was subsequently decided to hold it March
11th-13th for the purpose of discussing the draft of the Covenant as
preliminarily adopted, and to consider such changes and amendments as
might be deemed advisable, which when acted upon and adopted were to be
presented to our respective official delegates prior to the next meeting
of the Plenary Conference, to be held after President Wilson's return.
Accordingly, on March 11th, the delegates representing America, Great
Britain, France, Greece, China, Jugo-Slavia, and Roumania assembled in
London, in all about fifty in number. Besides myself as chairman, there
attended, from America, Hamilton Holt, Arthur Kuhn, Dr. Henry Churchill
King, Mrs. Fannie Fern Andrews, Raymond V. Ingersoll, Dr. Frederick
Lynch, and Edward Harding. Great Britain was represented by Lord Shaw of
Dunfermline, Sir W. H. Dickinson, Major David Davies, M.P.; J. H.
Thomas, M.P.; J. R. Clynes, M.P.; Sir A. Shirley Benn, M.P.; Sir Arthur
Steele-Maitland, M.P.; Professor Gilbert Murray; Aneurin Williams, M.P.;
H. Wickham Steed, and others. From France came M. Leon Bourgeois,
Vice-Admiral Fournier, General Leon Durand, Baron d'Estournelles de
Constant, and others. Greece was represented by M. Venizelos and
Professor Andreades. China was represented by Mr. Chang and Mr. Cheng;
Jugo-Slavia by M. Yovanovitch; and Roumania by Professor E. Pangrati,
Professor Negulesco, and Miss Helene Vacaresco.
A preliminary consultation was held on the 10th, with Professor Gilbert
Murray in the chair, and next morning the first meeting of the
conference was held at Caxton Hall, Westminster. Lord Shaw was elected
chairman, and W. J. T. Griffith, secretary. The various articles of the
Covenant were discussed, together with the amendments and changes
proposed by the delegates from the several countries. On behalf of our
delegation, I offered a resolution regarding the free exercise of
religion as well as freedom from civil and political discrimination
because of religion, which resolution after discussion was unanimously
adopted. Nine separate resolutions were offered by the British
delegates, some ten resolutions by the French delegates, and others by
the Roumanian and the Chinese delegates. In all, there were three
sessions, and the resolutions that were adopted M. Bourgeois was
authorized to present to the allied prime ministers.
On the evening of the 12th, Major David Davies, on behalf of the League
of Nations Union, gave a dinner at the Criterion Restaurant to M.
Bourgeois, Dr. Nansen, M. Vandervelde, M. Venizelos, and me. Right Hon.
H. A. L. Fisher, Secretary for Education, was toastmaster. Besides the
delegates, a number of other prominent men were present. Several
speeches were made laudatory of the Covenant and expressing high hopes
for the new world order. Emphasis was laid upon the necessity of
building up a body of opinion throughout the world to support the ideals
of the League and of international peace.
After adjournment, I returned to Paris, and on March 24th made a report
to President Wilson, who, a few days before, had returned from America,
and sent him the resolution proposed by the American delegates, namely,
to add a new article to the Covenant as follows:
The High Contracting Parties, realizing that religious
discriminations give rise to internal dissatisfaction and unrest
which militate against international concord, agree to secure and
maintain in their respective countries, as well as in states and
territories under the tutelage of other states acting as
mandatories on behalf of the League, the free exercise of religion
as well as freedom from civil and political discrimination because
of adherence to any creed, religion or belief not inconsistent with
public order or with public morals.
To this proposal President Wilson replied, saying: "I am indeed
interested in a religious liberty article in the Covenant, but am trying
to reach the matter in another way." He doubtless had in mind to cover
it in treaties with the new nations for the protection of minorities, as
was subsequently provided in the treaty with Poland and with the Balkan
States.
At a luncheon on April 6th with the Russian group of refugee statesmen
in Paris, I again met M. Sazonoff; M. de Giers, formerly ambassador at
Constantinople; M. Bark, formerly Minister of Finance under the
Government of the late Czar; and M. Boris Bakhmeteff, the Russian
ambassador to the United States. They all spoke most disparagingly of
Russian conditions at the time. M. Sazonoff criticized and complained of
the Peace Conference, which, as he stated, had in no way condemned
Russian Bolshevism, and its failure in so doing had encouraged the
Bolsheviki. He said that had the Allies taken Petrograd, which could
have been done with very little sacrifice, that would have been the
beginning of the end of Bolshevism and would have rallied the Russian
people, who would themselves have destroyed the Bolsheviki. He added
that Russia's cruel treatment of the Jews under the Czar's Government
was an indefensible wrong, and doubtless contributed to driving some of
those who had suffered most into the ranks of the Bolsheviki.
While Sazonoff was talking, I wondered why he and some of his
colleagues in the Ministry had not prevented the outrages against
defenseless Jews, which resulted in the horrible pogroms which shocked
the moral sensibility of the world.
It is true that Sazonoff belonged to the so-called liberals of Russia,
and they did not have the courage to stand up for the basic principles
of humanity when in office, which they now, doubtless, sincerely
proclaim. Such is the withering and dispiriting effect of autocratic
government upon its own highest officials, who often lack the courage,
even if they have the vision, to correct abuses; and because of this
moral cowardice they prepare the way and supply the motive that sooner
or later expresses itself in revolution. Napoleon is reputed to have
said that the treatment of the Jews in every country is the thermometer
of that country's civilization.
Several times a week, during this period, conferences occurred in my
apartment with representatives of the Eastern and Balkan States.
Information had reached Paris that serious persecution of Jews was
threatened in Prague and throughout Tchecko-Slovakia; and on March 25th
a conference was arranged between M. Edouard Benes, Minister of Foreign
Affairs of the Tchecko-Slovak Republic, and several gentlemen
representing the American Jewish Committee and the American Jewish and
Zionist Committee, consisting of Julian W. Mack, Judge of the United
States Circuit Court; Professor Felix Frankfurter, of Harvard
University; Aaron Aaronson, head of the Agricultural Experiment Station
of Palestine; Lewis L. Strauss, the assistant of Herbert Hoover; and
myself. Letters from Prague from two of the Food Administration
officials reported that a press propaganda was carried on against Jews,
and that several attacks upon them had been made; that a movement was on
foot to deport a number of them to Pressburg, the hot-bed of
Bolshevism.
M. Benes pointed out that if any pogroms occurred, which these reports
foreshadowed, it would seriously prejudice his country and would
alienate American sympathy, which in turn might result in discontinuing
food shipments to his country. He stated that he was a disciple of
President Masaryk and always shared his liberal social and political
views; he said he would at once telegraph President Masaryk, who he knew
would do everything in his power to suppress the anti-Semitic agitation.
We were very much impressed with the enlightened statesmanship of M.
Benes, who, since then, has shown himself to be one of the foremost
statesmen in middle Europe. He assured us at the time that any
persecution of minorities in his country would be contrary to its
organic laws, and in direct violation of the principles and policies
upon which it had been determined to organize the State, and that we
could rely on it that no efforts would be spared in securing equal
justice for all without regard to race or religion.
From Sir Robert L. Borden, the Premier of Canada and one of the
delegates of the British Empire to the Peace Conference, I received on
March 21st a copy of his memorandum on the several articles of the
Covenant. I found them well conceived and in the main admirable. He
opposed Article X as drafted. He wanted it either stricken out or
clarified. I sent him a copy of a speech of Mr. Taft's of March 5th
referring to the same subject.
At the request of Colonel House, on April 11th, I had another conference
with M. Bourgeois. The Commission on the League of Nations of the
fourteen nations, under the chairmanship of President Wilson, had the
night before held a protracted session discussing the revision of the
Covenant, at which President Wilson offered the revised Article XXI
containing the special provision regarding the Monroe Doctrine, as
follows:
ARTICLE XXI
Nothing in this Covenant shall be deemed to affect the validity of
international engagements such as treaties of arbitration or
regional understandings like the Monroe Doctrine for securing the
maintenance of peace.
M. Larnaud and M. Bourgeois, the French representatives, both objected
to specific reference to the Monroe Doctrine, and made long speeches in
support of such objection. Colonel House desired me to impress upon M.
Bourgeois the reasons for this amendment and why it was necessary
specifically to mention the Monroe Doctrine, because, without it, it
would not be possible to have the Covenant confirmed by the Senate. As I
did not know M. Larnaud, I thought it best to discuss the subject with
M. Bourgeois so that he might confer with his colleague. In company with
Baron d'Estournelles de Constant, I called on M. Bourgeois at his
residence. I soon learned that M. Bourgeois did not object to specific
reference to the Monroe Doctrine, but he desired, in return for his
assent, to obtain President Wilson's assent to the amendments Bourgeois
had offered respecting a general staff and control or supervision of the
military force that each of the States was to supply to support the
League. As the Commission was to meet again to finish the consideration
of the Covenant, he agreed to confer with M. Clemenceau, saying he would
have to learn the other's views. He further said it must be determined
how best to formulate the article especially referring to the Monroe
Doctrine so as not to conflict with the general provisions.
At the session of the Commission that evening at the Crillon Hotel,
which lasted until after midnight, the article as quoted above,
specifically mentioning the Monroe Doctrine, was adopted. Colonel House
gave me the exact wording of the article, which I at once cabled to the
League to Enforce Peace in New York, with the request that Mr. Taft be
informed. The same day I received a cable from Mr. Taft and Dr. Lowell,
forwarded by Acting Secretary of State Frank L. Polk, to the effect
that, in the opinion of the Executive Committee of the League, specific
reference to the exclusion of the Monroe Doctrine from the jurisdiction
of the Covenant of the League was absolutely necessary to secure
confirmation by the Senate. On the following day Taft cabled me that the
Monroe Doctrine amendment was "eminently satisfactory."
I immediately advised President Wilson, sending him a copy of the cable.
The following day, I received the following letter from him:
_18 April, 1919_
MY DEAR MR. STRAUS:
I have been very much cheered by your kind letter of yesterday,
with the message which it quotes from the League to Enforce Peace
and from Mr. Taft personally, and I want to thank you very warmly
for your own kind personal assurances of satisfaction with the
results of our work on the Covenant.
Cordially and sincerely yours
WOODROW WILSON
On April 23d, on the invitation of Professor Stephen Hayes Bush, of the
State University of Iowa, who was in charge of the Free Lecture Course
of the American Expeditionary Force, I delivered an address in the Grand
Amphitheatre of the Sorbonne. The great hall was filled with about one
thousand of our officers and men who were taking courses at this ancient
institution of learning. There were two lectures that afternoon, the
other by M. Ferdinand Buisson, the noted educator. His subject was "The
Educational System of France," which he had done so much to develop
since the educational system had been secularized by the separation of
Church and State in France. He described why education had been taken
from the control of the Catholic clergy, not out of hostility to the
Church, but in order not to prejudice the religious scruples of
non-clericals and non-Catholics.
I took as my subject "America and the League of Nations," and showed in
what respect the Covenant provided definite sanctions to make peace
decisions effective. I pointed out that following the war, for the first
time in history, the dominant power of the world rested in
democratically governed nations, and that theirs was the opportunity and
the responsibility to make provisions that such a war shall never be
waged again; and that now it was the duty of statesmanship to translate
the victory won in war into greater security for the future peace and
happiness of the world. I quoted from the speech of President Poincare
in welcoming the Peace Delegates, in which he had described the reasons
why America entered the World War. He had said: "It was a supreme
judgment passed at the bar of history by the lofty conscience of a free
people to rescue her mother from the humiliation of thralldom and to
save civilization."
That same evening, M. Nicolas W. Tchaikovsky, president of the Archangel
Government of Northern Russia, called at my apartment to discuss with me
conditions in Russia. I had met him before when he was in Washington in
1907, after his escape from prison in Siberia. During several periods
before that time he had lived in western United States, where he had
engaged in farming. He had formerly belonged to the group of social
revolutionists. I spoke with him about the Hoover plan of sending food
into Russia, to which he replied that if an armed force could be sent
there it would be better, but that without an armed force the Bolsheviki
would use the provisions for their own red guard. I explained to him
that that could not be done, since the agents of the Food Administration
would themselves supervise the distribution, just as was done in Belgium
during the German occupation. He did not seem to think well of the whole
plan and considered that it would be of advantage to the Bolsheviki
politically, and would make their people believe it was a recognition of
their regime. He seemed to think that the Bolsheviki authorities could
not stop fighting in Russia even if they wanted to, as their several
generals acted independently.
He spoke of Lenin as an honest, strong-headed, misguided fanatic, who he
believed would in time discover his error and would have the moral
courage and honesty to throw up his hands. Trotsky, he said, was quite
another sort--an ambitious adventurer.
* * * * *
The Plenary Session of the Conference was called to order at the Quai
d'Orsay on April 28th, at 3 P.M. I again attended with our official
delegate, former Ambassador Henry White. The representatives of the
thirty nations were seated as before. I was given a seat just behind the
American Commission. The Session was presided over by M. Clemenceau, who
showed no signs of the effects of his recent wound by an assassin's
bullet. He opened the session with a few words, then called on President
Wilson, who declared in a matter-of-fact way that, since he had read the
articles of the Covenant to the Conference at the previous session
(February 14th), and since all the delegates had the Covenant as amended
before them, he would confine himself to pointing out the amendments and
the reasons therefor.
The immense hall was packed as on previous occasions. After President
Wilson had made his statement, which was rendered into French by the
official interpreter, he moved several resolutions, one nominating Sir
James Eric Drummond as Secretary-General of the League, and one that
Belgium, Brazil, Greece, and Spain should be members of the Council
pending the selection of the four additional States by the Assembly of
the League.
As chairman of the League to Enforce Peace, I wrote a letter to the
President on the following day offering my congratulations upon the
adoption of the Covenant. To this I received the following reply:
PARIS, _1 May, 1919_
MY DEAR MR. STRAUS:
Thank you with all my heart for your generous letter of the 29th.
It has given me the greatest pleasure and encouragement, and I want
to take the opportunity to say how valuable in every way your own
support of and enthusiasm for the League of Nations has been. It is
a real pleasure to receive your unqualified approbation.
Cordially and sincerely yours
WOODROW WILSON
After the Plenary Session on April 28th and the adoption of the Covenant
of the League of Nations, I felt that my duties in Paris were at an end.
The winter had been very strenuous, and the weather had been very
inclement--much rain and very little sunshine. I decided to take a rest,
and was advised, because of some slight ailment in my left leg due to
impeded circulation, to take the baths at Bagnoles de l'Orne. The usual
regime there is to take twenty-one baths. After I had taken eight, I
received a letter from Colonel House saying that he would regard it most
helpful if I would return to America at as early a date as possible. He
informed me that the counsel for the American Commission, David Hunter
Miller, was also returning; that passage had been secured for both of
us on the U.S.S. Mount Vernon which was sailing from Brest on June 2d.
He stated that it would be rendering a valuable service if I would
confer with some of the Senators, so that they might be fully informed
regarding the discussions and details of the negotiations as they
progressed.
I accordingly returned to Paris, and on May 27th had a conference with
Colonel House, who again impressed upon me the services I might render
in returning to the United States, since no one was more familiar than
Mr. Miller and I with the meaning and significance of the articles of
the Covenant; no one, therefore, was better qualified to answer the
criticisms and objections that had been made.
In the course of conversation, he said that in his opinion Woodrow
Wilson would not become a candidate again for President unless the
treaty were rejected, which might force him to run against his will in
order to save the treaty; should the treaty, however, be ratified, there
would be no occasion for him to become a candidate.
* * * * *
The day before this, while I was paying a visit at the Hotel
Continental, I met Jane Addams and Lillian Wald, and with them was
Alexander Kerensky, the former Premier of Russia, They asked me to meet
Kerensky, which I did. He proved to be not at all the kind of man in
appearance that I had pictured. He did not resemble the Russian type. He
was clean-shaven, rather spare, a little above medium height, and seemed
about forty years of age. He looked more like a student than like a
leader who had stood in the storm-center of political turmoil.
Kerensky told me that he did not believe in Kolschak, principally
because he regarded him as a tool of the Britain and Russian nobility.
Kerensky expressed himself as opposed to having the Allies recognize
Kolschak unless it was conditioned on definite guarantees that a free
democratic election be held so that the people might decide what form of
government they desired.
The following day, Dr. Dluski, the Polish peace delegate, together with
M. Lieberman, a Jewish member of the Polish Diet, called upon me to
explain, if not justify, the Polish pogroms, evidently because of the
great publicity that had been given thereto by the mass meeting in New
York. The resolutions passed by that meeting, and presented to the
President, had appeared in dispatches to European papers.
We left Paris for Brest on May 30th. The Mount Vernon, which was
scheduled to sail on the following day, had postponed sailing until June
3d. It carried some five thousand officers and men of the Sixth
Division. Dr. Mezes and his wife were also on board. Dr. Mezes, who is a
brother-in-law of Colonel House, organized the group of experts, of
which he was chairman, which had rendered such valuable service to the
Commission. We were all very comfortably provided for on the ship, and
it was most interesting to observe the system and order with which the
five thousand officers and men were taken care of. They were a jolly
lot, happy to return home, and without exception conducted themselves in
a correct and orderly manner. We had a delightful crossing; the weather
was fine and the sea was calm.
* * * * *
Shortly after my return to the United States, the League to Enforce
Peace called a meeting of the Executive Council to determine what action
it could best take to further the ratification of the treaty which was
now being vigorously debated in the Senate. It was decided that Mr.
Vance McCormick and I should be a committee to confer with the
President. We subsequently desired to add Dr. A. Lawrence Lowell,
president of Harvard University, to our number, provided it would be
agreeable to the President, which Mr. McCormick was to ascertain when
arranging for the appointment. The President designated August 6th as
the day on which he would see us, and accordingly Dr. Lowell, Mr.
McCormick, the Secretary of the League, Dr. Short, and I went to the
White House.
President Wilson assured us that, while he was somewhat tired, he felt
in good condition. He said he had had a number of conferences with
individual Senators who had objected to the ratification of the treaty,
and that he had given them explanations regarding the main points in
dispute, namely, Article X, guaranteeing against external aggression;
Article XXI, providing that nothing in the Covenant should be deemed to
affect the validity of the Monroe Doctrine; and Article I, providing
that any member of the League may, after two years' notice, withdraw
from the League. These were the main subjects covered by the
reservations formulated by the moderate group headed by Senators Kellogg
and McCumber.
We suggested that it might be of good result if the President could in
some public and formal way make his explanations and interpretations
regarding these points. The question was how this could best be done.
The President believed it would be preferable if one of the Senators of
the opposition addressed to him a letter of inquiry, so framed as to
enable the President to give his views. It was then understood that Dr.
Lowell, Mr. McCormick, and I should confer with Senator Hitchcock, the
Democratic leader of the minority of the Committee on Foreign Relations,
who could advise us as to what member of the Republican majority on the
committee it would be best for us to confer with.
After our conference with the President, we went to the Senate and found
the Committee on Foreign Relations in session, examining Secretary of
State Lansing. Senator Hitchcock suggested that we call on Senator
McCumber, but as he was not then in Washington, Dr. Lowell and I called
on Senator Kellogg. The latter told us what we already knew, namely,
that he was in favor of the League and was scheduled to make his speech
in the Senate advocating the ratification of the treaty with the
reservations his group had formulated, which reservations he felt
confident were not in the nature of amendments, but interpretative only,
and therefore would not require resubmission either to the Plenary
Session or to Germany. Dr. Lowell and I outlined our plan regarding the
letter to the President, asking for his interpretation of the articles
above referred to. While Senator Kellogg personally favored this plan,
he said he would first have to confer with the members of his group, and
he believed they would be favorably inclined. We then inquired whether
the President's interpretations and clarifications might not serve the
purpose of making the reservations unnecessary. The Senator said "no,"
but that the reservations could recite the fact that they were based
upon the President's interpretations. We arranged that Senators Kellogg
and Hitchcock should confer upon the subject with a view of preparing
such a tentative letter of inquiry which might be shown to the President
in advance, and to which the President could reply, giving his
interpretations.
After leaving Senator Kellogg, we again called on Senator Hitchcock. In
all of these conferences between the Senators of the various groups, we
acted as the "honest brokers" for the League. Senator Hitchcock thought
very favorably of our plan and believed it would work out
advantageously. Dr. Lowell and I felt gratified with our day's work,
though, as matters developed, nothing came of this plan.
In this connection I cannot refrain from quoting a story which Dr.
Lowell told apropos of the problem. The story, as I recall it, was that
a noted colored preacher was holding a service in which he read a
chapter from Isaiah referring to the Seraphim. After the service one of
the colored brethren asked the preacher what was "the difference between
a Seraphim and a terrapin." The latter, rubbing his head, replied: "My
son, I grant you there is a difference, but they have made it up."
Unfortunately, while there was, in words at least, if not in context, a
difference between the reservations offered by the Administration group,
the group of mild reservationists, and the majority group, yet, for
reasons that I need not enter into here, they did not "make it up."
* * * * *
In concluding this chapter and in closing these memoirs, I cannot resist
reflecting how much wiser the Allied Powers and America were in the
conduct of the war than in the making of peace, and afterwards. In war
they finally pooled their strength and won; in the peace terms they
again drew measurably apart. The men who framed the peace terms
subordinated world policies to home politics. The United States, by
reason of a contest between the Administration and the majority group in
the Senate, allowed its sense of world responsibility to be negated by
partisan differences. Reconstruction is being halted. And why? Because
the leading statesmen of the Entente Powers still lack the economic
wisdom, or, what is the equivalent, the courage, to shape their
international policies along world economic lines. My own country, in
withholding its cooperation, is equally culpable. The result is tension
and derangement in the relationship of nations.
As the malady from which this and other countries are suffering is
world-wide, so must the remedy be world-wide. And America cannot free
herself from the responsibility by isolating herself and refusing to do
her part in applying the remedial measures necessary to restore normal
conditions. The remedy does not consist in the lessening or weakening of
sovereignty by individual states. It consists in the enlargement of
their sovereign functions in concert with and in just relations to other
states for the administration of common interests. It requires no
surrender of sovereignty for individual states to conform their policies
to the world's common needs.
THE END
Index
INDEX
Throughout the index, _S._ stands for the author.
Aaronson, Aaron, 418.
Abbott, Ernest, 183, 188.
Abbott, Lawrence F., _Impressions of Theodore Roosevelt_, 263, 264,
290, 311; 174, 254, 289.
Abbott, Lyman, 122, 183, 184, 188, 272, 311, 395.
Abdul Aziz, Sultan, 298.
Abdul Hamid II, Sultan, difficulty of obtaining audience with, 58, 59;
at Selamlik, 63, 64;
feared assassination, 64;
_S._'s long-delayed audience, 67-69;
physical aspect of, 68;
and Baron de Hirsch, 93;
_S._ again received by, 99;
permits excavations in Babylonia, 100;
his obligation to _S._, 100, 101;
_S._'s farewell audience, 102, 103;
decorates Mrs. Straus, 104;
welcomes return of _S._, as minister, 134;
does not favor raising U.S. mission to embassy, 135;
"the whole show," 136;
receives German Emperor, 137, 138, 139;
and the indemnities due to missionaries, 141, 142;
and Mohammedans in the Philippines, 143 _ff._;
instructs them to submit to U._S._ army, 146, 159;
and foreign visitors, 152;
increased power of, 153;
his gift to _S._, 155, 156; 72, 97, 98, 157, 276, 277, 279, 282, 292.
Abraham, 157.
Adams, John, 258.
Adams, John Quincy, 260.
Addams, Jane, 425.
Adee, Alvey A., 48, 91, 98.
Adler, Cyrus, 240, 252.
Africa, Northern, Italy seeks territory in, 340.
Aguinaldo, Emilio, fails to arouse Sulu Mohammedans to revolt, 146.
Ahmed Riga Bey, 298, 299.
Alaska salmon fisheries, protection of, 235, 236.
Alaskan boundary question, 173, 174.
Alexiefsky, Alexandre, 392, 393.
Algeciras Conference, 192.
Algiers, motoring through, 343.
Alliance Israelite (Paris), 167, 359.
Allied Societies for a League of Nations, conference of, 415, 416.
Alphonso XIII, of Spain, 361.
American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, and _S._'s
appointment to Turkey, 45, 49.
American citizens, naturalized, rights of, in foreign countries, 163,
332, 333.
American College for Girls, 297.
American diplomats, meager salaries of, 102.
American Jews in Turkey, 80, 81, 82.
_American Journal of International Law_, quoted, 335; 336.
American politics, two main currents in, 307.
American Society of International Law, 334-336.
Americanism, Roosevelt quoted on, 183.
Americans, stranded in London, committee for relief of, 371 _ff._
Ames, James B., 160.
Amos, Morris S., 172.
Anarchists, exclusion and deportation of, 231, 232;
defined in Act of 1907, 232.
Anderson, Chandler P., 372.
Andreades, Professor, 415.
Andrews, E. Benjamin, 120.
Andrews, Fannie Fern, 400, 415.
Angell, James B., resigns Turkish mission, 124, 125; 131, 134.
Anglo-Japanese Alliance, automatically ended by Four-Power Treaty, 229.
Anthon, Charles, 24.
Aoki, Mr., Japanese Ambassador, 218, 227.
Arbitration, as a remedy for industrial disputes, 195.
Arbitration treaties, failure of, 329, 330.
Armenians, massacres of, 139, 148, 280.
Artin Effendi, 157.
Asquith, Herbert H., 350, 384.
Asquith, Margot, 350.
Astor, Waldorf, 374.
Astor, Mrs. Waldorf (Viscountess), 374.
Astor, William, 113.
Athens, _S._'s visits to, 152-154, 285, 286.
Athletics in the universities in 1870, 26.
Auchincloss, Gordon, 400, 412.
Augusta Victoria, German Empress, in Constantinople, 136 _ff._
Austria-Hungary, and the Keiley episode, 46, 47;
in sympathy with Germany (1909), 279;
annexes Bosnia and Herzegovina, 341.
Authors' Club, dinner to _S._, 331.
Avigdor, Isaac S. d', 3.
Avigdor, Jules d', 3.
Babylonia, excavations in, 97 _ff._
Bacon, Rev. Dr., 24.
Bagdad railway, concession for building, and the World War, 279.
And _see_ Persian Gulf.
Bakhmeteff, Boris, 411, 417.
Balfour, Arthur J., Palestine for the Jews, 399; 229, 397, 409.
Balkan Wars (1912 and 1913), 341, 342, 344.
Baring, Sir Evelyn, 79.
And _see_ Cromer, Lord.
Bark, M., 417.
Barlow, Joel, 145.
Barnard, Frederick A. P., 26, 27, 28.
Barnes, A. S., 45.
Barnes, George, 407.
Barnum, H. S., 103.
Baron de Hirsch Fund and Trade School, 96.
Bartholdt, Richard, 420.
Bates, General, 146.
Bavaria, Jews of Palatinate of, 1 _ff._
Bayard, Thomas F., and the Keiley episode, 47;
quoted, 126; 44, 85, 91, 93, 94.
Beaconsfield, Benjamin Disraeli, Earl of, at the Berlin Congress
(1878), 363;
Sir H. D. Wolff on, 364, 365;
his loyalty to Judaism, 364;
his novels, 364.
Beale, Joseph H., 334.
Beck, James M., 391.
Beecher, Henry Ward, urges appointment of _S._ to Turkey, 45, 46,
116; 40.
Beer, George L., 290.
Beiram, feast of, 59, 60.
Beirut, schools in, 73.
Belmont, August, 40.
Benedict XV, Pope, 387.
Benes, Edouard, 418, 419.
Benn, A. Shirley, 415.
Bent, Theodore, 100.
Bergson, Henri, 360, 390, 391.
Berlin, Treaty of, violated by Roumania, 166, 167; 241.
Berlin, Congress of (1878), 363, 364.
Bernays, Michael, and the Queen of Roumania, 304.
Bernstorff, Count von, on the origin of the war, 378;
on U.S. mediation, 378 _ff._;
_S._ said to have been duped by, 382, 384;
given his passports, 389.
Berr, Michael, 3.
Bethmann-Hollweg, Chancellor von, reply of, to offer of mediation,
384, 385.
Beveridge, Albert J., 122.
Bible societies, troubles of agents of, 74.
Biddle, James, 87.
Bien, Julius, 171.
Birkenhead, F. E. Smith, Baron, sketch of, 398;
opposed to League of Nations, 398, 399.
Bissinger, Erhard, 73.
Blaine, James G., and Dr. Burchard, 38, 39.
Blanc, Baron, 72.
Bliss, Cornelius N., 174.
Bliss, Daniel, 75.
Bliss, Edwin E., 103.
Bliss, George, 21, 22.
Bliss, Howard S., and the Syrian Protestant College, 76.
Bliss, Isaac, 72.
Bliss, William G., 103.
B'nai B'rith Order, 167, 171.
Boardman, Mabel T., 339.
Boker, George H., 51, 90.
Bonaparte, Charles J., 230, 232, 237, 393.
Bonetti, Monsignor, 149.
Bonney, Mr., 158.
Borden, Sir Robert L., 409, 410, 411, 419.
Bosnia and Herzegovina, annexed by Austria, 341.
Bosphorus, the, 57, 155.
"Bosses," the, Roosevelt's attitude toward, 309.
Boulanger, Georges E. J. M., "the second Napoleon," 52, 53, 54.
Boulangist movement, collapse of, 54.
Boule (Greek Parliament), 286.
Bourgeois, Leon, proposes additional articles in League Covenant,
400-403, 406, 408; 404, 407, 411, 412, 419, 420.
Brandes, Georg, 345, 346.
Brann, Father, 149.
Breckenridge, Clifton R., 125.
Breed, William C., 372.
Brewer, David J., 334, 339.
Bridges, Robert, 350.
British League of Nations Union, 398.
Brittain, Sir Harry, 353.
Brittain, Lady, 353.
Brown, William Haig, 120, 121.
Brown University, gives _S._ honorary degree, 120.
Browning, Oscar, 290.
Bryan, William J., letter of Roosevelt to, 254;
and the offer of U.S. to mediate, 379, 380, 381;
his instructions to Mr. Page, 385; 252, 253.
Bryce, James, Viscount, 177, 231, 336, 399, 415.
Bryce, Lady, 231.
Buchanan, James, 31.
Budros Pasha, Roosevelt's denunciation of murder of, 288.
Buisson, Ferdinand, 421, 422.
Bulgaria, 294.
Bullock, Seth, 176, 177.
Buelow, Prince Bernhard von, 136, 247.
Burchard, Samuel D., and his "rum, Romanism, and rebellion" speech,
38, 39.
Burns, John, 352, 353.
Burton, Theodore E., 391.
Bush, Stephen H., 420.
Butler, Charles H., 334.
Butler, Nicholas M., 121, 386.
Buyukdereh, 57.
Byrne, James, 372.
Cabinet, routine of meetings of, 215, 216.
Cairo, _S._'s visit to, 77-79;
with Roosevelt at, 287 _ff._
Calice, Baron de, 60, 135.
California, Japanese in, 218;
outbreak against Japanese in, 220;
anti-Japanese legislation in, 228,
nullifies "Gentlemen's Agreement," 266;
general sentiment of, 228.
Cambon, Jules, 135.
Cambon, French Ambassador to Turkey, 135.
Campbell, Timothy, anecdote of, 115.
Canadians, and the Alaskan boundary, 174.
Cannon, Joseph G., 265.
Capitulations, the, 86 _ff._
Cardwell, John, 78.
Carlisle, John G., 115, 127.
Carlisle, Mrs. John G., 115.
"Carmen Sylva." _See_ Elizabeth of Roumania.
Carnegie, Andrew, and the Homestead Labor leaders, 197;
President of National Civic Federation, 197;
his character, 198;
his _Autobiography_, 198;
entertains _S._ at Skibo Castle, 355;
and the Peace Palace, 356, 357; 178, 331, 332, 386.
Carnegie, Mrs. Andrew, 357.
Carol, King of Roumania, _S._ entertained by, 300;
on economic questions, 302;
admired Roosevelt, 302;
his attitude toward Jews, 302, 303.
Carranza, President of Mexico, 340.
Carter, George R., Governor of Hawaii, 222.
Carter, Mrs. George R., 222.
Carter, J. Ridgely, 300.
Cassel, Sir Ernest, 305.
Cassini, Count, 173.
Castelar, Emilio, sketch of, 365;
on the expulsion of Jews from Spain, 366.
Catholics, Roosevelt's attitude toward, 182, 183, 259-262.
Cavass, the, functions of, 58.
Cecil, Lord Robert, quoted, 406; 399, 404, 405.
Cena, Signor, 345.
Central News War Service, 385, 386.
_Century Magazine_, 151, 366.
_Cercle Interallie_, 404.
Chadwick, French E., 332.
Chaffee, Adna R., 166.
Chamber of Commerce of the U.S., 238.
Chamberlain, Leander, 272.
Chang, Mr., 415.
Chapman, John, 51.
Chapman, Mrs. John, 51.
Charterhouse School and Roger Williams, 120, 121.
Cheng, Mr., 415.
Chevket Pasha. _See_ Mahmoud.
Chicago, campaign to purify primaries in, 121, 122.
Chicago _Record_, 143.
China, and the open door, 161.
Choate, Joseph H., _S._'s friendship with, 36.
Christianity, few conversions to, in Turkey, 75.
Christians, in Turkey, resent visit of German Emperor, 139.
Cilicia, massacre of Armenians in, 280.
Cincinnati _Times-Star_, 251, 252.
Civic Federation of Chicago, 121, 194.
Civil service, Roosevelt on, 184.
Civil War, the, results of, 20.
Clemenceau, Georges, 53, 401, 403, 405, 407, 420, 423.
Cleveland, Frances (Folsom), 48, 116, 118, 299.
And _see_ Preston, Frances.
Cleveland, Grover, elected President (1884), 38, 39, 40;
_S._ recommended to, as minister to Turkey, 44-46,
and appointed, 46;
and the Keiley episode, 47;
interview of _S._ with, 48, 49;
letters of, to _S._, 110, 111, 113;
and the silver question, 108, 109, 110;
his tariff message (1887), 109;
popular esteem for, 109, 110, 119;
relations with _S._, 110;
at Lakewood, 112, 118;
on Isidor Straus, 112;
and the Van Alen appointment, 113, 114;
and the bond loans, 116;
his address at the Beecher Memorial, 116;
and C. F. Murphy, 117;
failing health, 118;
his death and burial, 118, 119;
quoted, 126;
address at meeting of protest against Kishineff massacre, 170;
42, 43, 89, 99, 102, 195, 339, 358.
Cleveland-Blaine campaign, the, 38, 39.
Clynes, J. R., 415.
Coastwise shipping and Canal tolls, 338, 339.
Colby, Bainbridge, 321, 322.
Cole, Samuel V., "The Deacon's Prayer," 395.
Collinsworth Institute, 11, 243.
Cologna, Abraham de, 3.
Colombia, Republic of, and the Panama revolution, 174-176.
Columbia College, _S._ a student at, 25-29.
Columbia Grammar School, _S._ a pupil at, 22-24.
Columbia Law School, _S._ a student at, 29, 30;
faculty of, 30, 31.
Columbus, Christopher, was he a Spaniard, of Jewish ancestry? 368, 369.
Columbus, Ga., Straus family settles in, 17;
life in, 18;
captured and looted by Union forces, 17;
dinner to _S._ at, 242.
Commerce and Labor, Department of, _S._ appointed head of, 212;
its scope, 213;
_S._'s method of conducting, 213;
his staff, 213, 214;
civil service in, 214;
division of, opposed by _S._, 239.
Commercial bodies, relations of, with the Government, 236-238.
Commission to investigate treatment of Jews in Russia, report of,
107, 108.
Congress, jingo agitation in, 124.
Constantinople, first impressions of, 58;
custom regarding official calls at, 60;
conditions of life in, 61, 62;
ceremony of Selamlik in, 63, 64;
second arrival at, 133;
visit of German Emperor to, 136-139;
visitors to, 149-152, 298, 299;
in 1909, 276.
Contract labor law, 216.
Coons, Joseph D., 171.
Cooper, Peter, 301.
Cooperation Society of Northern England, 354.
Corbin, Henry C., 166.
Cortelyou, George B., 212, 213, 254.
Corwine, William R., 237.
Coszta, Martin, case of, 332, 333.
Coudert, Frederick R., 38.
Cowles, Lieut.-Commander, 174.
Cox, Samuel S., 42, 43.
Cramp Shipbuilding Co., 138, 142.
Cravath, Paul D., 170.
Crete, Greek designs on, 293, 294;
Venizelos in charge of affairs in, 295, 296.
Criminals, exclusion and deportation of, 233, 234.
Croker, Richard, 110.
Cromer, Evelyn Baring, Lord, 79, 290, 291.
Cromwell, Oliver, 353.
Crum, Mr., colored, appointed Collector at Charleston by Roosevelt, 184.
Cuba, trouble with Spain over, 122, 123.
Cullom, Shelby M., 163.
Curley, Captain, 7, 8, 15, 16.
Curtis, William E., 143, 144.
Cutting, Robert F., 25, 26.
Cyprus, 157.
Daniel, John W., 240.
Davenport, Frederick M., 317, 321, 324.
Davies, David, 415, 416.
Davis, Cushman K., 128.
Davis, John C., 174.
Davis, John W., 398.
Davis, Mrs. John W., 398.
Day, Joseph P., 372.
Day, William R., 128, 130.
De Forest, Robert W., 372.
Democratic State Convention (N.Y., 1891), silver question in, 108, 110;
adopts sound-money plank, 110.
Depew, Chauncey M., 265.
Derby, Ethel (Roosevelt), 395.
Dewey, George, 219.
Dews, Dr., 17, 18.
Diaz, Porfirio, 160.
Dickinson, J. M., 334.
Dickinson, Sir Willoughby H., 398, 399, 415.
Dillon, Count, 52, 53.
Dillon, Countess, 52, 53.
Diplomatic corps, at Constantinople, official calls among, 60, 61.
Diplomatic romance, a, 143-148.
Diplomatic service of U.S., suggestions for improving, 105.
D'Israeli, Mrs. Benjamin, the elder, 3.
Disraeli, Benjamin. _See_ Beaconsfield.
Dixon, Joseph M., 255.
Djavid Bey, 278, 281, 282, 284.
Dluski, Dr., 426.
Dodge, Cleveland H., 299.
Dodge, William E., 131.
Donald, Robert, 351.
Dosfuentes, Marques de. _See_ Olmet.
Dougherty, Daniel, 40.
Drago, Luis M., 304, 305.
Draper, William F., Ambassador to Italy, 131, 132, 158.
Draper, Mrs. William F., 158.
Drummond, Sir J. Eric, 424.
Duane, W. N., 372.
Dufferin, F. T. H. Blackwood, Earl and Marquis of, 79, 364.
Dunnell, E. G., 48, 49.
Durand, Leon, 415.
Dwight, Charles A. S., 103.
Dwight, Henry O., 72, 103.
Dwight, Theodore W., 30.
Earl, Charles, 216.
Easley, Ralph M., 121, 122, 194, 195, 196.
Eastern Question, possibilities of trouble in, 327 _ff._
Eben Ezra, 367.
Edward VII, 350.
Egypt, status of, 77 _ff._;
conditions in, 290, 291.
Eidlitz, Otto M., 200.
Eight-hour law, favored by Roosevelt, 196.
Einstein, G. F., 43, 44.
Eitel Friedrich, Prince, _S._'s impression of, 291, 292.
Eitel Friedrich, Princess, 291, 292.
Electoral reform, campaign for, 121, 122.
Eliot, George. _See_ Evans, Mary Ann.
Elizabeth, Queen of Roumania, aspect and accomplishments of, 301,
302;
genesis of her pen-name, 301;
her study, 301, 302;
her gifts to _S._, 302, 304;
and Hay's hymn, 303, 304;
on Prof. Bernays, 304.
Employer and employees, change in relations between, and the result,
194.
English chapel, Constantinople, service in, 66.
Erb, Professor, 154.
Erdman Act, the, 200.
Estournelles de Constant, Baron d', 332, 401, 403, 404, 409, 415, 420.
Eulenburg, Count, 138.
Evans, Mary Ann, 51.
Expatriation, right of, 332, 333.
Ezekiel, Moses, 158.
Fairbanks, Charles W., Vice-President, and Pius X, 289, 290, 348;
at Constantinople, 298, 299; 247, 269.
Fairbanks, Mrs. C. W., 247, 298.
Falconio, Cardinal, 347, 348, 349.
Federated unions, 194.
Ferrero, Guglielmo, _Greatness and Decline of Rome_, 177.
Ferrero, Madame, 177.
Filipinos, McKinley and _S._ on granting independence to, 161.
Finch, George A., 336.
Finley, John H., 219, 220.
Finley, John P., quoted, 146, 147.
Fish, Hamilton, 25.
Fish, Stuyvesant, 25.
Fisher, H. A. L., 416.
Flour, question of shipments of, to Turkey, 147, 148.
Flower, Walter C., 122.
Flynn, Mr., 17.
Fort, Governor, of New Jersey, 119.
Fortescue, Lieutenant Granville, 210.
Foster, John W., 329, 330, 334, 336.
Fouad, Pasha, 134.
Foulke, William D., 209.
Fournier, Vice-Admiral, 415.
Four-Power Treaty (1921) effect of, on relations of U.S. with Japan, 229;
and the Anglo-Japanese alliance, 229.
France. _See_ Great Powers.
Frankfurter, Felix, 418.
Franklin, Benjamin, 258.
Franklin, Fabian, 390.
Frederic, Harold, _The New Exodus_, 107; 51.
Frederick III, German Emperor, 138.
French delegation to Peace Conference. _See_ Bourgeois.
French Senate, _S._ attends session of, 409.
Freycinet, Charles L. de S. de, 53.
Frick, Henry C., 197.
Frye, William P., 128.
Fuller, Melville W., 119, 239, 240.
Fulton, Senator Charles W., 236.
Furtado, Abraham, 3.
Furth, Jacob, 171.
Gage, Lyman J., 122.
Gager, O. A., 45.
Garfield, James R., 184, 186, 187, 214,
264, 288, 294, 395.
Gargiulo, dragoman, 57, 58, 69, 99, 136, 155, 276.
Garretson, Joseph, 251.
Gates, C. F., 140.
Gaynor, William J., 308.
General Slocum, steamboat, explosion on, 234.
George V, 387.
George, King of Greece, receives _S._ in audience, 286, 287;
admired Roosevelt, 287; 294.
Georgia Military Academy, 16.
Gerard, James W., Ambassador to Germany, demands his passports, 389.
German Government, and U.S. offer of mediation, 380 _ff._;
its insincerity exposed, 384, 386.
German influence in Turkey, 279.
Germany, and Venezuela, 174;
Roosevelt on attitude of, 192;
Chevket Pasha on attitude of, 293;
sells warship to Turkey, 295;
attitude of, at Hague conferences, 328 and _n._, 329; 280.
Ghika, Prince and Princess, 65.
Giers, N. K. de, 417.
Gilder, Richard W., _Grover Cleveland_, quoted, 108; 272.
Gillman, Henry, 81, 82.
Gilmore's Garden, 33.
Gladstone, William E., 253.
Gneist, Rudolf von, 94.
Gompers, Samuel, and the reinstatement of Miller, 180, 181; 195, 239,
240, 252.
Gorman, Arthur P., and the Turkish
mission, 42, 43; 38, 39.
Gorst, Sir Eldon, _S._ entertained by, 290, 291.
Gorst, Lady, 290.
Gottheil, Richard, 390.
Gould, Jay, 39.
Government Printing Office, and non-union printers, 180, 181.
Governors, the, of certain States, appeal to Roosevelt to accept
renomination
(1912), 310.
Grace, William R., Mayor of New York, 38, 42.
Graetz, Heinrich, _History of the Jews_, 278.
Grant, Ulysses S., 28, 89, 220.
Graves, William S., 392.
Gray, George, 119, 128, 334.
Great Britain, and Venezuela, 174;
remonstrance from society in, against lynchings, 185;
and the Lynch affair, 281;
her reasons for entering the war, 375, 376;
solicitude in, regarding action of U.S., 377.
And _see_ Great Powers.
Great Powers, the, alignment of, in 1909, 279;
effect of jealousy of, on Turkey, 280;
seek concessions then, under new regime, 280;
and the Crete affair, 294;
and the Balkan disturbances, 344.
Greece, conditions in (1910), 286;
designs of, in Crete, 293 _ff._;
buys warship from Italy, 294;
territorial claims of, 414.
Greeks, fail to appreciate Venizelos, 296.
Greene, Joseph K., 103.
Greer, David H., 386.
Gregory, Charles N., 334.
Grenfell, Sir Francis, 79.
Grey, Albert H. G., Earl, entertains _S._, 353, 354, 355; 374, 375, 376.
Grey, Lady, 354, 355.
Grey, Sir Edward, on England's reasons for entering the war, 375, 376;
and the proposed mediations of the U.S., 382;
letters of, to _S._, on the negotiations, 383; 377, 415.
Grey of Fallodon, Edward, Viscount. _See_ Grey, Sir Edward.
Griffith, W. J. T., 416.
Griggs, John W., 128, 334.
Griscom, Lloyd C., 155.
Grosvenor, Edward A., _History of Constantinople_, 77.
Guenzburg, Baron, 133.
Gutmann, Ritter von, 133.
Hagedorn, Hermann, 395.
Hague, the, opening of Peace Palace at, 356, 357.
Hague Court of Arbitration, _S._ appointed to, by Roosevelt, 164, 165;
Russia and Japan decline to go before, 188;
Moroccan question and, 192.
Hague Peace Conferences, participation of U.S. therein, 328;
results of, 322, 329.
Hakki Pasha, Grand Vizier, 282, 356.
Hale, Edward E., 178, 260.
Hale, Archdeacon, 120.
Hamburg-American S.S. Co., 152.
Hamdy Bey, and the proposed excavation in Babylonia, 98, 100;
his death and funeral, 283, 284; 151.
Hamlin, Cyrus, 76.
Hampstead Garden Suburb, 353, 354.
Hanna, Marcus A., career and character of, 198, 199; 195, 197.
Hannibal, 344.
Hanotaux, Gabriel, 360.
Harding, Edward, 415.
Harlan, John M., 160.
_Harper's Weekly_, 113.
Harpoot, massacres at, 139, 141;
building at, rebuilt, 142.
Harriman, E. H., 264.
Harrison, Benjamin, President, appoints commission on condition of Jews
in Russia, 106-108; 101, 164, 165, 208.
Harrison, Charles C., 160.
Haupt, Professor, 157.
Havelock, Sir Henry, 120.
Hawaii, use of, by Japanese immigrants, 217, 218;
visited by _S._, 222-225; conditions in, 223;
distribution of population of, 225.
Hay, John, _S._ confers with, in London, 130;
and _S._'s resignation, 159, 161;
letter of, to _S._, 161, 162;
his Roumanian note, 168, 169;
and the Kishineff protest, 171, 172;
and the treaty with New Granada, 175, 176;
and the arbitration treaties, 329, 330; 129, 140, 143, 144, 146, 150,
160, 174, 209, 331.
Hay-Pauncefote Treaty, 338.
Hayward, William, 205.
Head-tax, representatives of foreign governments relieved from, 230, 231.
Heard, John, 299.
Hedges, Job E., 320.
Heilprin, Michael, 95, 96.
Henderson, Mrs. John B., 214.
Henry, Prince (Holland), 357.
Henry, Sir Charles, entertains _S._, 350, 351, 352.
Henry, Lady, 350, 352.
Hepburn, A. Barton, 35, 308.
Hepburn Committee, 35.
Herrick, Myron T., 122, 359.
Hertzl, Theodor, on Zionism, 156, 157;
his character, 157, 158; 81.
Hervey, Charles E., 205.
Herzegovina. _See_ Bosnia.
Hetzler, Theodore, 372.
Hewitt, Abram S., 121.
Hill, David J., 287, 288, 331.
Hill, J. Wesley, 274.
Hinricks, Frederic W., 126.
Hirsch, Baron Maurice de, Turkey's claim against, 92-94;
his philanthropy, 95, 96.
Hirsch, Baroness de, 94, 95, 96, 132, 133.
Hitchcock, Frank H., 256.
Hitchcock, Gilbert N., 427, 428, 429.
Hitt, Robert, 210.
Hockstader, Leonard, 337.
Hodge, William H., 205.
Hofmann, Josef, 55.
Holls, Frederick W., 331.
Holt, Hamilton, 397, 398, 400, 401, 403, 408, 409, 415.