The Sz-wang's Domestic Life.--Approach to Nankin.--Interior of
Nankin.--A Ti-ping Banquet.--Maou-lin, the Chung-wang's
Son.--The Chung-wang's Palace.--The Chung-Wang's Levee.--Ti-ping
Chiefs.--Chung-wang's appearance.--Council of War.--The
Review.--Cum-ho.--The March.--The Ti-ping Army.--Its
Organization.--Selection of Officers.--Equipment of the
Army.--Its Formation.--The Enemy in View.--Their
Retreat.--Preparations for Attack.--A Night Attack.--A Stockade
carried.--Charge of Manchoo Cavalry.--The Repulse.--The Enemy
retreat.--The Pursuit.--Complete Rout of the
Manchoos.--Maou-lin's Bravery.--Return to Nankin.
When I found the lorcha so effectually driven off, I instantly landed,
both to thank the chief in charge, and let him know who I was, and what
I wanted. I went ashore with my friend, and found that the high official
in charge of all the forts, batteries, and suburbs of Nankin, was the
Sz-wang. We were received by him in his official dwelling with much
civility, which changed into the greatest kindness directly he saw my
commission, and found that we were aiders and abettors of the Ti-ping
cause.
The Sz-wang was an elderly dignified man, and had formerly been a high
mandarin at Hankow; but when the Ti-pings first captured that city, he
had joined them with all his family. He entertained us very comfortably
to a rather luxurious dinner, consisting of _bêche-de-mer_, bird's-nest
soup, &c.; after which, the ladies and little Sz-wangs were introduced
with the wine,--just at the time they would have been retiring from the
table if in Europe. I was quite surprised with their appearance, it was
in such direct opposition to the strict seclusion in which the women
are kept amongst the Chinese. I afterwards found that the free
intercourse and elevated position of their women was one of the
innumerable innovations which marked the Ti-pings' superiority to the
Imperialists. A little son of the Sz-wang--the eldest of two--was put
into my arms, and, to my astonishment, commenced prattling the Lord's
Prayer in Chinese, although certainly not more than four years old. The
Sz-wang's wife, his two daughters, and several other ladies of his
household, all took part in a free and general conversation, quite
unlike anything ever seen amongst the Chinese elsewhere. About ten in
the evening, after family prayers, they retired for the night. The
prayers were commenced by the Sz-wang reading a chapter from the Bible;
after which a hymn was sung, every one standing; and then he dismissed
us all with a short extempore prayer. I returned on board highly pleased
with my first night at Nankin.
The next morning I landed with my friend, and obtaining horses the
Sz-wang had promised the previous evening to have ready, we started for
the city, the nearest point of which was about two miles distant. Our
way ran through a long and populous suburb, in which a very large
provision trade was being carried on, and great numbers of shaven-headed
Imperialists were to be seen about, all apparently busily engaged
disposing of their merchandise. The walls of Nankin cover an immense
area, being at the least eighteen or nineteen miles in circumference;
but for many years the greater part of the enclosed space has been
destitute of houses, and only used for gardens, or to cultivate corn and
other cereal produce. The Chinese have an old saying "that if two men on
horseback were to start in the morning and ride in opposite directions,
round the walls, it would be evening before they met." This is hardly an
exaggeration, on account of the angles and irregular turning of the
ramparts.
When we arrived before the N.E. gate, much delay took place previous to
our being admitted. The escort kindly furnished by the Sz-wang carried
passes for us, and besides this I showed the gate-keepers my commission.
None but _bonâ fide_ Ti-pings were allowed to pass in or out, and then,
only after a minute search; and I noticed that all who entered or came
forth carried a little wooden ticket at the waist, which had to be
exhibited to the guard. The walls, although of immense thickness, and at
the lowest part upwards of fifty feet high, were very poorly furnished
with artillery, merely two or three light pieces being mounted upon each
bastion, generally some 150 yards apart.
At last the warder-in-chief of that particular gate of Tien-kin (the
Holy City), came to us, and after a severe questioning we received
permission to enter. Passing through three high gates, under a tunnel at
least 100 feet long, we stood within the capital of the Ti-ping. A sharp
ride of more than half an hour brought us to the inhabited part of the
city, in its southern quarter. Our way passed through fields of grain,
interspersed with gardens, small villages, and detached houses. We
passed many soldiers, each of whom halted to salute us as "Wa-choong-te"
(foreign brethren). The southern part of Nankin was thickly inhabited,
and seemed altogether of a better and more handsome style than any
Chinese city I had previously seen. Many large palaces and official
buildings occupied prominent positions; the streets were very wide and
particularly clean, a rare thing in China; and the numerous people had
all a free and happy bearing, totally the reverse of the cringing and
humbled appearance of the Manchoo-governed Chinese. Upon reaching the
Chung-wang's palace, I had no occasion to announce myself, for almost
the first person I saw was my old acquaintance Le-wang, the
Commander-in-Chief's adjutant-general. I introduced my friend to him,
who, welcoming us warmly, carried us off, taking each by a hand with his
usual frank and friendly manner, and so leading us into the palace. The
Chung-wang, it appeared, was engaged planning important movements with
several of the generals and chiefs. The southern half of the province of
Ngan-whui, at this time (early spring of 1861) entirely under the
control of the Ti-pings, was threatened by a large Imperialist army
marching upon its western borders; and the Chung-wang was about to take
the field against them himself.
The Le-wang, having to join the council, left us to the care of the
Chung-wang's son and attendants, who certainly gave us no cause to
complain of their want of attention or friendliness, with which they
almost overpowered us.
Directly we were left to them, they took it into their heads that we
must be hungry; it was no use protesting they were mistaken, because the
polite thing in China is, if you want anything very particularly, you
must persistingly declare that you do not. The cooks were accordingly
set to work; and in a short time a table was spread; the two or three
elderly officials seated themselves complacently with us, although I do
not believe they were a bit more hungry than we were; and the crowd of
youthful pages, sons of retainers, &c., formed themselves into an
admiring circle all round. The Chinese have a wonderful idea of the
eating capacity of foreigners, and the earnest manner in which the
Chung-wang's pages pressed dish after dish upon us, as though our very
lives depended upon the quantity of viands we could stuff with at once,
proved they shared the common opinion of their countrymen.
Throughout the repast a regular flow of Ti-ping young gentlemen passed
through the hall, each coming up to us and saying in a positively
affectionate manner, "Tsin-tsin, Yang ta jen?" (How do you do, Foreign
Excellency?) When the plates and dishes were cleared away, they came up
and shook hands, and all lingered around us, each evincing the warmest
and kindest feelings.
The remarkable kindness and respect I have always experienced from the
Ti-pings, has long since filled my heart with sincere friendship for
them; but in this I am not singular, for every European who has had
communication with them has been similarly impressed.
The council of war having risen, I was very kindly received by the
Chung-wang in the evening, who at once gave orders to prepare quarters
for me and my friends in his own palace, and also expressed a wish that
I should accompany him on his expedition. I then informed him about my
betrothed, and the ladies of the palace, all eager to see her, kindly
promised to take every care of her and supply every comfort and
accommodation during my absence. When all the arrangements were settled,
I returned on board with my friend, accompanied by the Chung-wang's son,
Maou-lin, who, from our first meeting, had seemed to attach himself to
me, and who now wished to remain with me on board our vessel till our
return to the city.
Maou-lin, at that time, although only fifteen years of age, was already
celebrated for his courage and leadership in battle. He was excessively
fond of Europeans, always shook hands, and could say "good bye," "how do
you do," and use a few other English expressions. His appearance was
beautiful and delicate as that of a young girl, his voice the softest
and most melodious. How great must have been the enthusiasm that could
inspire a form fragile as his with a spirit so heroic! From his young
and feminine appearance it would never be credited that he could possess
such dauntless bravery in battle, yet have I seen him eclipsing the
valour of the bravest men; danger and fear were feelings he had never
known: brought up amidst the struggles of the Ti-pings for their lives,
he had been a soldier almost from his cradle, and had become inured to
peril and warfare. Brave boy! as I write of him his sweet voice is
ringing in my ear, and I almost _feel_ the power of his large earnest
eyes. During some years I felt the brother he always called me, and
thoroughly appreciated his beautiful character--brave, generous, deeply
religious, affectionate and impulsive--I never found, even amongst my
own race, one so truly admirable. And now where is he? If living, an
outcast and refugee in his native land, the land he loved so well and
fought for so nobly. If dead, one of the many thousand victims to a
cruel and unjustifiable hostility.
In the morning I moved my vessel farther up the creek, and leaving her
in the charge of the _lowder_, close up to the city gate, landed with
Marie, my two friends, and Maou-lin, and proceeded to take up our
quarters in Nankin. The Chung-wang's ladies received Marie very
affectionately, and, thanks to her knowledge of Chinese, she was soon
quite at home with them. In a short time the stranger girl was amply
supplied with rich dresses _à la Chinoise_, a style of costume
excessively becoming, consisting of loose petticoat trousers, and a
nicely cut over-garment reaching just below the knees, tight at the
neck, half tight at the waist, with loose sleeves, and a loose
embroidered skirt, open at the sides.
The Chung-wang's palace was a very extensive and handsome building, only
lately erected. Entering through an immense archway, supported by
beautifully sculptured granite columns, the outer door of a large
courtyard was reached. Passing through this, the covered way led direct
to the grand entrance of the palace, with its carved and gilded columns,
and roof covered with a brilliant representation of Chinese mythology.
Upon each side of the spacious courtyard, a range of low profusely
decorated colonnades extended past the front of the palace to the
grounds in its rear. Over the principal door was placed a board with a
gilded inscription, which told to what purpose the building was
dedicated. The door itself was covered with huge painted dragons, and
opened upon a court fronting the Chung-wang's tribunal. Here, and
throughout the palace, the cunning of the Chinese artisan was thoroughly
displayed, the stonework, windows, woodwork, ceiling and walls, forming
a series of most exquisite and curious specimens of sculpture; while
every available portion of the building was curiously carved in wood and
stone; a work far from being completed, and estimated to occupy three
years more at least. On either side of the grand entrance stood a
gigantic drum, always sounded when the Chung-wang held a court, or for
purposes of assembly or alarm. Immediately within the portals a
magnificent piazza extended a short distance up to the open court
fronting the tribunal, the roof formed of two immense domes, each one
mass of gold and silver, twisted into spiral flutings resembling a
shell-fish, peculiar to Chinese mythology. The domes were supported by a
number of brilliantly decorated columns, twined by serpents. The Hall of
Judgment, upon the other side of the stone court, was decorated in
crimson, except the walls, which were hung with large yellow satin
tablets, recording the honourable deeds of the Chung-wang, the
compliments and rewards received from the Ti-ping king, and various
moral proverbs from the Chinese classics; while, between these, tablets
of stone were engraved with texts from scripture; the intervening
portions of the wall containing a tablature of mythology, battles, and
landscapes, similar to the decorations around the outer colonnades, and
all illuminated in brilliant colours and with much ingenuity. The sides
of the Judgment Hall were ornamented in the same style as the other
parts of the palace, with miniature landscapes, covered with natural
shrubs and trees,--peach, acacias, magnolias, with their powerful aroma,
camelias of the most delicate hue, and others peculiar to China, all
perfectly developed upon the most minute scale. Half shrouded by
beautiful little weeping willows and the sensitive mimosa, diminutive
porcelain cities rested on the sides of tiny lakes, sparkling with gold
and silver fish; while here and there, hills covered with flourishing
vegetation in one part, and barren and rocky in another, rose from
amidst the trees, with several porcelain pagodas. The tribunal, the
table fronting it, and the surrounding chairs, were covered with yellow
satin, and directly behind and above the former a grand canopy of the
same material, of yellow and scarlet, was suspended. The ceiling was
hung with handsome glass lanterns and lustres, prettily ornamented with
rich silken cords and tassels reaching almost to the cornices, the
standards and banners of the Chung-wang drooped in heavy silken folds to
the ground. Passing on from the Judgment Hall, after traversing several
broad chambers, whose sides were filled with small offices containing
secretaries, scribes, &c., another open court was reached, with an
orchestra and musicians at each side; passing which, the Audience
Chamber was entered; then the apartments of the palace officials, and
another court, and finally the "Heavenly Hall," or place of worship;
beyond which were the private rooms of the Chung-wang and his household.
At the back of the palace a garden of rock-work, full of grottos, ponds
of water crossed by Chinese bridges, and all manner of grotesque Chinese
conceits, with a spacious summer dining pavilion in the centre, extended
to the colonnade. The rooms placed at the disposal of myself and friends
looked directly upon this, and prettier quarters it would have been
impossible to find in all Nankin.
The Chung-wang's residence was the grandest and most gorgeous in the
city, with the exception of the Ti-ping-wang's (Tien-wang), whose palace
covered an immense area, and was surrounded by a large yellow wall,
crowned with tall and graceful minarets, and a mass of green, golden,
and scarlet roofs.
A few days after my arrival at Nankin, the Chung-wang held a grand levee
to arrange the military operations for the year. Upon this occasion I
had the pleasure of meeting the enlightened Kan-wang (Hung-jin, the
Tien-wang's cousin), and the "accomplished prince," the Chang-wang. I
have already given the opinions of our missionaries with regard to the
Kan-wang's superior intellect and truly Christian character. In the
_Overland Register_, published at Hong-kong on the 25th of August, 1860,
he is spoken of thus:--
"His intercourse with Chinese Christians was what is termed
_edifying_, calculated to promote their _purity_ and stimulate
their zeal. With other Chinese he was the proselytizer,
fearlessly exposing their errors, and exhorting them to repent
and believe the Gospel. Over young men his influence was
peculiarly beneficial. In fact, whether the individuals were
young or old, the case was, as was once observed by Mr.
Chalmers, 'Whenever you see any one having long and frequent
intercourse with Hung-jin, you may be sure there is something
good going on in him.'"
The Kan-wang was the head of the Ti-ping administration, and was called
First Minister. During an intimacy of several years I proved him to be
not only a good Christian, but a man of most honourable principles, of
enlightened mind, and thoroughly civilized. It is, however, a task of
much difficulty and delicacy to draw a distinction amongst the Ti-ping
chiefs, simply because so many of them were equally distinguished. I
may, however, say that after the Tien-wang, the Chung, Kan, Chang, Ying,
I (the Tien-wang's eldest brother), and Tsan wangs were the greatest.
The Chang-wang was a sort of Home Secretary or Minister of the Interior;
neither this chief nor the Kan-wang held any executive military command,
although both were frequently in the field in order to introduce civil
administration into conquered provinces. The Chang-wang was considered
the most learned and accomplished man in the Ti-ping ranks, and hence
his title, "Accomplished Prince." His modest and unpretending manner,
politeness and education, made him one of the most agreeable of
companions. This chief, the Kan-wang, the Chung-wang's son, Maou-lin,
and several other men of rank, were studying the English language from
books supplied them by some missionaries. The Rev. Griffith John,
describing his visit to Nankin, wrote:--
[Illustration: THE CHUNG-WANG'S COUNCIL OF WAR.
DAY & SON, LIMITED, LITH.]
"The Chang-wang at Nankin begged of me to inform the 'Foreign
Brethren,' for him, that the following are his views:--'You have
had the Gospel for upwards of 1800 years, we only, as it were,
eight days. Your knowledge of it ought to be correct and
extensive; ours must necessarily be limited and imperfect. _You
must therefore bear with us for the present, and we will
gradually improve._ As for the Gospel, it is one, and must be
propagated throughout the world. Let the 'Foreign Brethren' all
know _that we are determined to uproot idolatry, and plant
Christianity in its place_.'"
I can answer for it that Chang-wang has done all in his power to carry
out his determination; his request for foreigners to "bear with" the
Ti-pings for awhile, and the reason he gives for it, afford a good
example of his just and liberal opinions. In age he was probably about
35, of middle height, and with a thoughtful, intelligent, and almost
pensive style of countenance. The Kan-wang seemed at least ten years
older, rather stoutish and tall, and with an open, pleasing face,
expressive of a kind and benevolent character. His little son was being
taught English, from a number of picture books written in Chinese and
English, and would always put his little hand in mine and lisp, "Good
morning, how do you do?" whenever I entered his father's palace.
The Kan and Chang wangs were well acquainted with geography and
mechanics, and besides, possessed books of reference, with plates, upon
every imaginable subject of Western civilization and science, which they
were constantly studying.
The chiefs all attended the Chung-wang's levee in their state robes and
coronets. The Chung-wang himself appeared with a beautiful crown; he was
the only chief besides his Majesty, the Tien-wang, who wore one of real
gold. The metal was beaten out thin, into beautiful filigree-work and
leaves, and formed into the figure of a tiger, the eyes being of large
rubies, and the teeth rows of pearls. At each side was an eagle with
outstretched wings, and on the top a phoenix. The whole crown was
magnificently decorated with large jewels set into the gold, while
pearls, sapphires, and other gems hung all around. In his hand the
Chung-wang carried a jade-stone sceptre or "yu-i," curved at each end,
and covered with groups of sapphires, pearls, garnets, and amethysts.
His state robe was a gorgeous affair, reaching almost to the feet, of
beautifully embroidered yellow satin, stiff with gold bosses and dragons
worked in gold, silver, and scarlet threads. Yellow embroidered
trousers, and boots of yellow satin, similarly ornamented, completed a
costume, than which--set off by his handsome and energetic features--it
would be impossible to imagine one more magnificent. When the Chung-wang
entered the Audience Hall and proceeded to his state chair, all the
assembled chieftains rose to their feet, and passing before him, dropped
upon one knee and saluted him, and then returned to their seats, after
which, the deliberations were entered into.
[Illustration: CHUNG-WANG'S CROWN.]
When the result of the council had been submitted to and approved by the
Tien-wang, orders were given to the generals to march at once upon their
several destinations. The Ying-wang was despatched with a large force
along the northern bank of the Yang-tze river, in the direction of
Han-kow and the province of Hoo-peh. Reinforcements were ordered to the
Shi-wang in Kiang-si, and the Kan-wang, with a large retinue, was sent
to the borders of Kwei-chow to accept the allegiance of a strong body of
insurgents from Kwang-tung, which had lately been tendered to the
Ti-ping emperor. Each of these chiefs, when prepared to start upon their
expedition, assembled their troops and harangued them in a most
energetic manner. Their addresses were received with acclamation, and it
required but little penetration to prophesy the Manchoo troops would
have but small chance of successfully opposing these enthusiastic and
determined men. With all their excitement they seemed possessed with a
firmness of purpose, and settled conviction to succeed. I conversed with
many while marching towards the city gates, and found all alike imbued
with the earnest belief that God, or as they expressed it, "The Heavenly
Father," was with them. Some were quite boys, of fifteen or sixteen
years. I asked several if they were not afraid to go to battle and be
killed, and one daring-looking little fellow, pointing to a great
cicatrice along the side of his neck, and another on his breast, told me
he had received the wounds fighting the "Demon-imps" (Manchoos), and
that he intended soon to have his revenge. Several of the elder soldiers
told me in a very serious manner that it was a good thing to be killed
fighting the "demons" (the Manchoos were so called because of their
idolatry), as they would then certainly go to heaven.
The Chung-wang, previous to commencing his march to Ngan-whui, reviewed
his body-guard in the large parade ground. This brigade, 5,000 strong,
marching under the Chang-wang's standard of green, was composed of one
of the finest bodies of men I have ever seen in my life. Until the
repulse from Shanghae it was their boast that they had never retreated
or turned their backs upon a foe. They were all natives of Kwang-si, the
Chung-wang's province, and came principally from the Maoutze, or
aboriginal mountaineers, who have never at any period of the Manchoo
invasion, become subject to, or been subdued by them; and who, at the
present time, still retain the ancient Chinese customs and their own
form of government, entirely independent and free of all allegiance to
the reigning dynasty. These Maoutze are the very bravest soldiers in
China, and are easily to be recognized by the enormous quantity of their
hair; for never having succumbed to and adopted the usurper's badge of
slavery--the shaved head--their hair has grown from infancy, reaching
almost to their feet when loose, and when dressed forming a tail of
great thickness, which, when wound round the neck, acts as a protecting
armour that no sword can penetrate in the day of battle.
Besides his brigade of guards, the Chung-wang reviewed another, composed
of remarkably fine Honan men, and commanded by Ling-ho, an adopted son.
This chief, celebrated for his reckless and dashing gallantry, had been
repeatedly and dangerously wounded. He was particularly attached to
Europeans, and at the time I met him, had two with him, one a Corsican,
who held the position of Lieutenant-Colonel in his regiment, and the
other a Sardinian, who was a Major. They had served with him several
years, were both married, and perfectly happy and contented, although
they had passed a considerable time without seeing another European than
themselves. The men they commanded were greatly attached to them, and
ready and willing to follow them anywhere. These two brigades, the
body-guard of the Foo-wang, second in command, and a small body of
cavalry, were all the troops the Chung-wang took with him from Nankin;
but these were the very _élite_ of the Ti-ping forces. The strength of
the whole division was about 7,500, which was to be considerably
increased by reinforcements in Ngan-whui.
At last, after all the other expeditionary forces had started, the
Chung-wang himself set forth. Marie I left in tears, but perfect safety
and comfort. After the last farewell she was led into the inner
apartments by her particular friend, Cum-ho (the Good Gold), the
Chung-wang's second daughter, a remarkably pretty girl of about her own
age. During the few weeks which had elapsed since our arrival at Nankin,
her Excellency Mademoiselle Cum-ho had been the inseparable companion of
Marie. My friend was generally with me, and I began to fancy that her
"Foreign Brother" was latterly assuming a very unbrotherly and more
affectionate relation. We were the first Europeans the Chung-wang's
ladies had ever seen, and my friend was a fine handsome specimen of the
race, therefore, it was not very astonishing that Mademoiselle Cum-ho
should have looked favourably upon him. Poor fellow! he must have
experienced considerable difficulty in making love, for at the time he
scarcely knew five Chinese words.
Field artillery was a thing totally unknown to the Chinese armies when I
joined the Chung-wang, but previous to leaving Nankin I prevailed upon
him to give me men to work them and the requisite authority to mount
three light 6-pound French field-pieces, and carry them with us. My
friends and self were each capitally mounted with strong and hardy
Chinese horses, for which the Chung-wang would not hear of payment. With
our small battery of artillery we were attached to his guards, and
marched rapidly forward. Besides my interpreter and cook, the Chung-wang
very kindly supplied us with a couple of pages each. This system of
pages is a very common one in the Ti-ping armies; every chief or officer
of rank has a number of them; they accompany him into the thickest of
the fight, each carrying a gun, which they hand to him and re-load as
fast as he can discharge them.
At the cities of Wuhu, Taeping-foo, Taeping-hien, and several others we
halted, and were joined by large reinforcements, so that before we
approached the neighbourhood of the enemy the strength of our army was
but little short of 27,000 men, independent of the camp followers, while
the baggage, coolie, and commissariat departments amounted to upwards
of 15,000. During the march I had capital opportunities of observing the
greatly improved state of the country under Ti-ping rule, and also of
admiring the conduct, character, and efficiency of their armies.
Much has been stated about the desolating and ruthless character of the
Ti-pings, but I entirely deny the accusation. I have been on many a long
march with them and have never found them act with the barbarity that
marked the late American war, or commit the atrocities perpetrated in
Poland and Circassia, or act as Englishmen have done to the unfortunate
natives of New Zealand. The Ti-pings never committed wanton devastation,
never destroyed crops of standing corn, as has been done by civilized
troops in New Zealand, in Algeria, and in the Shenandoah Valley.
The perfect organization of the Ti-ping armies contrasted favourably
with that of the Imperialists. The former, unpaid and voluntary,
observed strict discipline; the latter, receiving hire, constantly
mutinied; all military crimes, especially those of ill-using the
villagers and opium-smoking, were promptly and severely punished.
Outrages, no doubt, were committed by the Ti-ping forces, but, if so, it
was by those raw recruits who neither understood nor cared for the
Ti-ping cause. The great body of the army observed a moderation unknown
to the Imperialists; were it otherwise, instant execution was sure to
follow. If a village was invested, its inhabitants might command
security by tendering allegiance and conforming to the customs of the
conquerors. If a village was merely passed by, a moderate contribution
was required. There may have been, particularly in latter years,
exceptions to this course, but it was not the less the fundamental rule
which guided the operations of the Ti-ping armies. If they occupied a
district for any length of time, peace and contentment reigned there; it
was only when they rested but for a short period, and were followed by
the Imperialists, or, perhaps, by hordes of local banditti and
straggling bands of camp followers, that the country was desolated. Such
was my experience. Each Ti-ping Wang or Prince has under his special
control 100,000 people, including one army. Between the Wangs and
generals of armies come nine descriptions of officers, ranking as
ministers, and other great officers in charge of civil and military
departments of state. The military organization and all the titles, are
those used previous to the conquest of China by the Manchoo Tartars.
Each Ti-ping army, or keun, is composed of 13,125 officers and men,
under the command of a general (keun-shwae), and is divided into five
divisions (ying), front, rear, right, left, and centre.
A division musters 2,625 strong, commanded by a general of division
(sze-shwae), and contains five leu, or regiments, the front, rear, left,
right, and centre.
A regiment is composed of 525 men and officers, commanded by a colonel
(leu-shwae), and is divided into five tsuh, or companies, the first,
second, third, fourth, and fifth.
A company is composed of 104 men and officers, commanded by a captain
(tsuh-chang); then come four lieutenants (leang-sze-ma), distinguished
as the north, south, east, and west, each in command of four sergeants
(woo-chang), and twenty privates (woo-tsuh).
The lieutenants, and all above, have each a banner with his designation
inscribed on it, which increases in size with the rank of the officer.
Each division of an army is divided into three classes, or brigades. The
first consists of _bonâ fide_ Ti-pings, that is to say, all who are of
more than six years' standing; the second brigade, of acknowledged
brethren, of more than three but less than six years' service; while the
third, and generally largest brigade, includes all new levies, and less
than three years' service men. Each brigade is again divided into three
classes. The best and bravest men are armed as musketeers, or cavalry;
the next class as heavy gingall and halbert men; and the third as
spearmen. A great proportion of the three arms are flag-bearers, while
the standards of the chiefs are borne by officers of stanch Ti-pingism
and approved courage. The rank of these latter is upon an equal footing
with that of the commissioned officers, and the position is considered
the most honourable in the army. The bravest men I have ever seen in my
life were some of these standard-bearers. It is their duty to lead on
the whole army by advancing with their colours far in front, and I am
certain many a brave ensign must have fallen by the fire of his
comrades, at times wonderfully eccentric. Attached to each division of
guards (or the first class of the three brigade divisions) is one large
black flag, and when this is advanced, the division is compelled to
follow it upon pain of death, the rear rank men carrying drawn swords to
decapitate any who might attempt to run. This flag possesses not only
the signification the "black flag" does with Europeans, but must never
be carried in retreat before an enemy, nothing but death being permitted
to arrest its progress. This was well known to the Imperialists, and,
until assisted by British troops, officers, and supplies of shell,
artillery, &c., they rarely, if ever, awaited this terrible attack, and
even if courageous enough to do so, their chance of success was but
small indeed.
The absence of all mercenary attraction to their ranks arose from the
wish of the Ti-ping Government to have no adherents who could possibly
join them from other than religious or patriotic motives, these being
recognized as the element that contributed so largely to success. The
appearance of the men is quite a sufficient guarantee of the beneficial
effects of the system, for, instead of being taken from the very lowest
dregs of the people, as with the Imperialists, it is nearly always the
case that they are men of respectability, from either the working,
servant, or trading class; frequently they are of much higher social
position, and this is generally the case with the Kwang-tung and
Kwang-si men, whose superiority is such that it is mostly from their
ranks the officers are selected.
One of the wisest and most advantageous regulations of the Ti-ping army
is, that officers of every grade can rise by merit alone; a regulation
highly beneficial, most of their leaders having proved very superior
men; among others the Chung-wang, who, unaided, rose by his brilliant
attainments alone to the highest military rank.
The total inability of the Manchoos to alone meet the Ti-pings with any
chance of success, is easily to be understood when the different
military constitutions of the two powers are made known; for how is it
possible that armies entirely composed of the very lowest and most
degraded of the people, and whose officers obtain their rank by
corruption and bribery, can be able to compete with the patriotism of
the Ti-pings, or the superior talent of their chiefs?
The cowardice and cruelty of the Imperialists have long been notorious,
and, after the experience foreign officers have lately had, the courage
and humanity of the Ti-pings should have become equally so. I can assure
my readers that it is no slight devotion to the sacred cause of civil
and religious liberty, and not a little hatred of the Manchoo oppressor,
that encourages these people in their gallant struggle for freedom, and
makes them so cheerfully accept all the rigours, deprivations, and
incessant dangers of their cause. Any one who had seen them undergo the
terrible sufferings that I have would never afterwards doubt this. There
is one case especially, which shall be related in its proper place, the
horror of which I shall never forget, and that, sad to say, was caused
entirely through the interference of the British _Government_. It was
occasioned more particularly by the arrival of the Anglo-Chinese, or
"Vampire-Fleet," as it was called by the foreign residents of Shanghae,
under command of Manchoo _Admiral_--but British _Captain_--Sherrard
Osborne, and the progress of the mercenary contingents commanded by
Major Gordon, R.E., and others.
The equipment of the Ti-ping armies was much the same as that of the
Imperialists. What few cavalry they possessed were armed with heavy
swords of the yataghan shape, generally double-handled, and with a very
broad and thick blade; their firearms were light matchlocks, and
European muskets or pistols when they could obtain them. The musketeers
carried matchlocks, useless in wet weather, and European-made
double-barrelled guns, muskets, and pistols, generally of very inferior
quality. The second-class brigades usually carried one large gingall to
four men, the weapon when in use resting upon a tripod. The spearmen
simply carried a long bamboo with an iron spike in the end, and the
usual short, heavy Chinese sword, used by all their infantry. The spears
were proportioned to the men, and ranged from eight to eighteen feet
long. The flags were all attached to twelve-feet spears. Besides the
above-mentioned weapons, many men from the northern provinces were armed
with the Tartar bow, which was a much more accurate-shooting weapon than
either matchlock or gingall. Regiments of guards generally mustered
upwards of 2,000 strong. To each regiment were attached twelve buglers
in the shape of horn-blowers, the instrument used being a long brass
tube like a French horn, and sounding like a number of cow-horns
concentrated. Troops could be manoeuvred by the notes of this instrument
perfectly well. Besides the buglers, a corps of drummers formed the
other part of each military band, together with players upon the
hautboys, Chinese fifes, and serpent horns. Those who have seen a
Ti-ping army will readily agree with me that it is one of the most
picturesque and impressive sights in the world. The very becoming style
of the soldiers' dress, the brilliancy of the colours, the quantity and
richness of the silken flags, and the peculiar way in which the bearers
wave them about, or carry them streaming in the wind,--the forest of
spears presented by the spearmen of the army, the number of mounted
officers,--all unite in producing a vivid impression.
It was in such style that after a twenty days' march we came upon the
Imperialist troops in the neighbourhood of the Poyang Lake. Directly the
Chung-wang became aware of the enemy's vicinity, clouds of skirmishers
were deployed in front of the leading divisions, and the cavalry divided
into two bodies, one covering each flank. The advancing army meanwhile
continued its march in close columns, each column being four deep, and
at wheeling distance from the parallel columns on either side. This
formation of the Ti-ping armies much resembles the movement by "fours"
of the British army; but the files are single--what is usually termed
the Indian file, and each acts independently of the others. When it is
required to form line of battle, the columns simply halt and wheel into
line upon either flank, joining the points of the formations upon each
side. It will thus be seen that, instead of marching front forward as
European columns, they advance end on, and the front of each company
when on the march is at right angles to the head of the column. The line
of battle is formed four deep in consequence of this, but, if necessary,
is easily made less by the rear files being right or left faced, and
marched off parallel to their former position. The leading battalions
are always formed of the spearmen or poorest troops; the second line of
battle is composed of the second class men; and the third, or reserve,
of the best troops and guards.
In this order we advanced upon the Imperialists. I had divided my
artillery,--my friend with one piece and a company of thirty men joining
the right wing; Philip with another gun and the same number of men, the
left; while I remained, with the third gun, in the centre.
Throughout the day no collision with the enemy took place; numberless
videttes and pickets of Tartar cavalry were driven in, but we nowhere
came upon them in force. At last, just before dark, we came within full
view of the Manchoo army, drawn up in battle array in the centre of a
great plain immediately beyond the hilly ground from which we were about
to debouch. Our army was immediately halted upon its commanding
position, and a body of cavalry sent forward to reconnoitre. The
Chung-wang himself went with this force, and I accompanied him. When we
had approached to within a mile of the enemy, we halted and surveyed
them through our glasses. I estimated their strength at somewhere near
50,000, but what puzzled me most was the fact that about a third of this
force was well-equipped and hardy Tartar cavalry. The Ti-pings certainly
could not form square to resist them, and how otherwise they could
repulse their charges I did not know.
The Manchoos allowed us but small time to make our observations, for
while we were busied with them a large body of cavalry had been detached
from the nearest wing, and was galloping at full speed to intercept our
retreat. As they considerably outnumbered us, we followed the tactics of
that celebrated general who with twice 10,000 men marched up the hill
and then marched down again; only he walked, and we galloped away as
fast as we could. The Tartars could not catch us, and as we neared our
lines gave up the chase with one of those yells Tartars alone know how
to make.
The enemy occupied a remarkably unpleasant position for a Chinese army,
because they had but small room for running away, and this made us
believe they must either be very superior troops, or else have large
supports somewhere out of sight in their rear. Their situation answered
to the rim of a fan, each side being cut off by water,--the Poyang Lake
on one hand, and the river Yang-tze-kiang on the other. At the very apex
of this position we knew the Imperialists held the city of Hu-kau, a
strongly-fortified place; therefore we suspected they either depended
upon supports from thence, or on finding protection within its walls, in
event of defeat in the field.
As it was too late to commence any operations, we encamped upon the
rising ground for the night. Towards midnight, however, our pickets came
in with the report that the enemy were in full retreat. The Chung-wang
immediately ordered the army to follow in pursuit. Tents were struck,
the different corps assembled, and in a few minutes we were advancing at
a quick step, every man carrying a lantern, according to the practice of
the Chinese troops at night. After crossing the plain, we met with more
broken and irregular ground; skirmishing parties were sent out, and we
had not advanced far when those from the front fell back with
intelligence that the enemy were strongly posted in a row of stockades
and intrenchments directly on our line of march.
The Foo-wang was at once ordered to make a reconnaissance in force, and
feel the enemy's position preparatory to a grand attack at daybreak.
With my two friends, L. and Philip, I joined this corps and with it
pushed rapidly forward, the men still carrying their confounded
lanterns; we had, however, taken with us fifty of our gunners armed with
old Tower muskets, and, leading them without lanterns, marched a little
aloof upon the right flank of the column. We soon discovered the enemy,
whose whole line of intrenchments was illuminated with lanterns, and
directly our lights were seen a most tremendous roar of gongs, drums,
and war-horns commenced. Scouts were sent out dressed all in black, and
without lanterns, to ascertain the nature and strength of the defences.
With several of my men I went upon the same errand on the extreme left
of the enemy. Crawling along the ground, and taking advantage of every
inequality and cover, we got within 100 yards of the last stockade upon
the left: it was apparently furnished with several pieces of artillery
upon its front, surrounded with a moat, and altogether a formidable
field-work. Before retiring, I crawled away to the left of it, and found
the nature of the ground so unequal, and so many bushes scattered about,
that I fancied, if no pickets were posted at that part, it would be
quite practicable to advance a sufficient body of men under cover to
carry the work by a _coup-de-main_. If this could be done, the position
would be turned, and in all probability the enemy would be compelled to
abandon his whole line of defences.
I rejoined the Foo-wang, whom I found manoeuvring to alarm the Manchoos
and induce them to discover their force. Every man was carrying two
lanterns, one upon each end of his spear placed horizontally across his
shoulders, while quite a number of others were made fast to bamboos
stuck in the ground. After I proposed my plan to him, he decided to
maintain his advanced position until the Chung-wang's opinion was
ascertained; for which purpose one of his principal officers returned
with me to our main body. The Chung-wang approved of my design, and
placed 500 of his own guards under my command, and an equal number of
the Foo-wang's; directing the attack to be given just before daylight,
when the whole army should advance after and follow up my movements,
while a grand demonstration should be made upon the right of the works
by the Foo-wang's corps. At the appointed hour my division of stormers
assembled, all clothed in black silk jacket and trousers, every man well
armed with a musket, and carrying a bamboo spear to leap the moat with,
if necessary; meanwhile, the main body of the army was noiselessly
massed behind us, and the Foo-wang's division made more display of
lanterns and more feints to attack than ever. Of course my party left
their lanterns behind, and the main body took the same precaution for a
wonder. Moving rapidly towards the cover, we reached it just as the
Foo-wang commenced a false attack. Philip was with me, but I had left my
friend L. behind with the guns, with orders to follow me into the
stockade with them, in event of our taking it.
Slowly my men crept along in the direction of the work; we passed the
spot I had previously made my observations from, and had actually
reached within fifty yards of the parapet before we were discovered; the
whole of the garrison being apparently crowded upon the right side,
watching the distant firing instead of their own neighbourhood. Directly
the enemy observed us, rising erect with a tremendous cheer, we rushed
to storm the place, while the reserve kept up a heavy fire upon the
defenders to cover our assault. Passing to the rear of the stockade with
but little loss, for the fire of our supports swept the parapet, we
charged up to the ditch under a shower of arrow-headed rockets. At this
point men were dropping all around, for the fire of our comrades no
longer supported us; fortunately the ditch was dry, and leaping into it,
my men became well protected, for these Chinese stockades have no
flanking angles. But now a new weapon was brought into play. Unable to
show themselves, the garrison commenced throwing "stink-pots," over the
parapet, amongst us. The burns and suffocating fumes of these singular
missiles were fearful. Directly my men were all loaded--some placed upon
the flank of the stockade and the rest in its rear, so as to open a
cross fire--we clambered up the rampart, and lining the parapet, opened
fire upon the crowd huddled up in the interior. The advantage of the
position was entirely ours, for my men on the flank, enfilading the
parapet, shot down all who attempted to dislodge us, while upon our side
we rendered them the same service.
In almost perfect safety, for a few moments, we poured a close and
deadly cross fire into the mass of the enemy; but then, our supports
storming upon the front of the stockade, the defenders began to rush to
their only side of escape, and went over the parapet as fast as they
could. Jumping into the place sword in hand, we soon drove out or cut
down the few who still resisted, though not without loss, for many of
the defenders were armed with spears, with which they at first had a
considerable advantage over my short-sworded comrades, the spears we had
carried being left outside the ditch. The commander of the work was a
brave Tartar officer, who fought desperately and killed several of our
men with arrows. When these were all used, he rushed into the _mêlée_
with his heavy Tartar sword. If all the garrison had fought like him, I
doubt whether our enterprise would have proved so successful, for we
were considerably outnumbered. Wishing to save the life of this officer,
I ran up to him with the point of my sword lowered, and called upon him
to surrender; but, suddenly impelled forward by a rush of men, I came
within reach of his weapon, which in an instant was descending full upon
my head. Instinctively I raised my arm to the guard; at the same moment
a pistol was fired. I felt a pressure on my head, and the Tartar rolled
over at my feet; I turned to my rescuer, and found Maou-lin; the brave
boy had just had time to interpose his blade, which was driven down with
much force upon my head, and then so effectually to use his revolver.
By this time the stockade was ours: its former masters were all driven
out or killed; but, rapidly as this happened, we had but small time for
rejoicing, for scarcely had the last fugitive disappeared over the
parapet, when we heard the noise of a heavy column of the enemy rushing
to recapture the place. While the attacking troops were approaching the
right flank of the work, the dull rumbling in the rear told us the whole
force of the enemy, or at least a strong division, was moving to
surround us. We had just time to man the parapets when the advancing
column rushed forward to the assault. Crouched down in a double line, we
waited until the foremost ranks were within a few paces of the ditch;
our first line then delivered their fire, and stepped back to reload.
The advance was checked, and the attacking forces, crowded together by
the press from their rear, presented a living wall to our second volley,
delivered within ten feet. Before the killed and wounded had well
fallen, another volley poured in by our first line completely broke
them, and, leaving a heap of stricken men all along that side of the
stockade, they turned and fled.
Daylight had now arrived, and opened upon a crowded field of battle. The
enemy appeared in great strength massed in rear of the stockades, while
a movement to their left flank was being executed as fast as possible,
under cover of their whole cavalry, whose advance had caused the
rumbling noise in our rear. At a glance, I perceived the enemy's left
was completely turned, and the whole Ti-ping army was forming upon some
hilly ground almost at right angles to the line of stockades. Up this
the Tartar cavalry was charging at full speed in three strong lines,
each at least 5,000 strong. I naturally expected to see them ride
straight over the Chung-wang and all his men, for I had not at that time
seen the Ti-ping method of resisting a cavalry charge. Suddenly, and
while the cavalry were still at a considerable distance, the whole front
of our army gave way, and wheeling to the left, ran to the rear at the
double quick. I fully expected that when the lines reached the parallel
marching order a general flight would take place; but, to my
astonishment, the right files of each line stood fast, and the remaining
files sweeping past the parallel position, doubled back and formed a
complete circle. The second line advanced, and planted its gingalls in
the intervening spaces, the halberdiers forming a second line of
circles; while the third line, advancing from the reserves, doubled up
to the front, and entering those of the spearmen, composed an inner
circle of musketeers. Upon the left of the army, and in a line with the
stockades, the Foo-wang's division was formed _en échelon_, extending
from the front of the main body to little more than half a mile from the
stockade I held. This force was slowly moving up so as to close with the
position and rest its left flank upon it. Our cavalry was formed into
two bodies, one upon the right of the army and the other in rear of the
reserves. Such was the order in which the Ti-pings awaited the charge of
the Tartar cavalry.
The bright rays of the morning sun now flashed across the serried ranks
of the hostile armies and played fitfully on the glistening arms of the
long lines of Tartar cavalry as they dashed up the slopes in all the
pomp and circumstance of war. In far less time than is occupied in
perusing the account, the foremost Tartars had mounted the crest of the
rising ground, and charged full upon the front of our army. On they
went, line after line sweeping up the slight ascent, waving their
scarlet plumes and many-coloured banners. At last this gallant array was
burst asunder; a sheet of flame ran along the whole of our line,
followed by the crash of rolling musketry, mingled with the frequent and
hoarse reports of the heavy gingalls, before which the first line of
cavalry fell back broken and disorganized. The second line spread out
till the first had retreated through the openings, then closing again,
they dashed forward, only to meet a like repulse; and now the third and
strongest line advanced, doomed to utter destruction. Upon the extreme
left of the Foo-wang's line, now within a few hundred yards of the
stockade, my three pieces of artillery were suddenly unmasked and opened
upon the charging cavalry. Within pistol-shot distance, grape and
canister enfilading the dense lines of men and horses, carried
destruction through their ranks. The fire was steadily maintained by
alternate guns, and the hissing noise of the _mitraille_, as it rushed
through the air, followed by the dull sounding thud as man and horse
went down before it, was plainly heard at my position. Leaping and
struggling clear of the fallen men and horses, the Tartars actually
reached and endeavoured to break the formation of spearmen; but with
knee to the ground and their lances firmly placed, these successfully
maintained their ranks, while at such close quarters every shot told
upon the crowd of horsemen with deadly effect, the circle of musketeers
running round and round and keeping up an incessant fire, loading as
they passed towards the rear of the circle and firing as they came to
the front. Some circles were broken, and in a moment overwhelmed and
trodden under hoof; but in those instances the victors paid a heavy
penalty for their temporary success; from the circles on each flank and
those of the second rank and the reserves in line, a withering cross
fire swept their squadrons from front to rear and flank to flank.
[Illustration: DEFEAT OF THE TARTAR CAVALRY AT THE BATTLE OF HU-KAU.
DAY & SON, LIMITED, LITH.]
The last and most desperate charge of the enemy's cavalry was repulsed
with tremendous loss. Their order was no sooner broken than, rushing
from the right of the army, our cavalry brigade, nearly 2,000 strong,
came sweeping along the whole front, and, falling upon the flank of the
retreating and disordered enemy, completed their rout.
All this transpired in a few minutes, and even before the final repulse
of their cavalry, the Imperialists, unable to change front with
sufficient celerity or advantage, evacuated their line of intrenchments
and commenced retreating in good order, waving their numerous flags in a
figure of eight and sweeping the ground with them, according to that
method of defying an enemy peculiar to China. The Imperialists had
evidently received heavy reinforcements during the night, for, without
reckoning their defeated cavalry, their strength was at least double
that of our entire army; but at that time this was considered by the
Ti-pings as no great advantage.
The enemy was so completely outflanked, that, directly the last cavalry
charge had been repulsed, the Chung-wang hastened to follow up his
advantage. Line of battle was re-formed and the whole army advanced at a
run upon the retreating and manoeuvring columns. Abandoning the captured
stockade, with my detachment I rejoined the army, and, passing through
the Foo-wang's division, carried off the guns to the extreme right, now
actively engaged with the retiring left wing of the Manchoos in Chinese
fashion, that is to say, by waving of flags, distant volleys of
gingalls, &c., with yells, abuse, and gesticulation. The position was
still very unfavourable to the enemy; their long front was yet diagonal
to ours, and although their left wing was falling back as fast as
possible, so as to form a parallel line of battle, our whole line was
performing a side march to maintain its flanking attitude, and moreover,
was already engaging the troops attempting to take up a fresh alignment.
Consequent upon the imperfect system of Chinese drill, the retreating
troops were unable to effect a regular formation; one company would halt
too soon, another too late, and some not at all. Neither was our advance
much better, for the only well-formed position of a Chinese army is when
it remains stationary. The flag-waving and abusive part of the action
did not last long, for, seizing the opportunity, the Chung-wang advanced
the second brigades. Moving my guns well upon the right and out of the
eccentric line of fire from the heavy gingalls, I took up a position
enfilading whole divisions of the enemy, and opened upon them with
considerable effect.
For a little while the Imperialists stood this, and returned a sharp
fire from their gingalls and long matchlocks, but several lines of our
third brigade, or musketeers, forming at intervals with the second and
first, charged them amidst tremendous cheering. They broke, and throwing
away their arms, fled in confusion upon their centre. A well-timed
charge of our cavalry changed their flight into a complete rout, and
rushing frantically upon the stationary divisions of the centre, and
those occupied in changing ground, they threw the whole into disorder.
Not a moment was lost in following up the blow; our right wing and
centre, reserves and all, rushed upon the disorganized multitude, while
the Foo-wang with our left wing and the cavalry moved forward obliquely,
and attacked the enemy's right and the remnant of cavalry he had
re-formed in its rear. For some little time this part of the field was
well disputed, but at length, the left wing and centre, driven back upon
the right with immense slaughter, involved the whole army in
inextricable confusion. The reserves, without firing a shot, turned and
fled from the field, while their comrades, struggling and surging in one
huge mass, endeavoured to follow their example, while some few struggled
to arrest the victorious advance. Vainly strove the bravest Tartar
officers to animate their men; the hardiest veterans, extricating
themselves from the confusion, uselessly sacrificed their lives
attempting to re-form and gain time for the broken lines to rally and
open out in order; equally vain were the fierce efforts of the main
body, as, rolling and staggering along, they wavered, hesitated, and
sent forth storms of fire upon friend and foe alike, while the rallied
horsemen feebly charged the Foo-wang's cavalry, and, driven back,
hovered in rear and flank of its defeated infantry. The day was
irretrievably lost for the Manchoos. Nothing could stop our impetuous
charge, as with deafening shouts the whole army swept on victorious,
driving them back with fearful carnage. In vain the Imperialists
endeavoured to deploy; the head of every formation no sooner appeared
than the volleys of our musketeers swept them away, or the charging
spearmen and halberdiers annihilated them. Thrown into disorder and
mingled with the fugitive crowd, the right wing, no longer able to
oppose the Foo-wang, was burst asunder by our cavalry. The Imperialists
were totally routed. Halting the reserves and centre, the Chung-wang
re-formed them and moved in the direction of Hu-kau, while the two wings
and the cavalry pursued the panic-stricken multitude, eventually either
driving them into the waters of the Poyang Lake, some three miles from
the field of battle, or making prisoners of them.
In the mean while the Chung-wang advanced rapidly upon the small city of
Hu-kau, to where the reserves of the Imperialist army had already
retreated. A quick march of less than three hours brought us before its
walls, and, advancing my little battery, I prepared to enfilade the
parapet and cover the advance of our stormers. This, however, proved
unnecessary, for the enemy, profiting by their late experience, had
evacuated the place and embarked in numerous junks and gunboats upon the
Yang-tze river.
During the late engagement Maou-lin and Ling-ho had particularly
distinguished themselves. In vain had my two friends and the Corsican
and Sardinian officers attempted to compete with their valour. Foremost
in every assault Maou-lin or his adopted brother made themselves
conspicuous. All had received spear-wounds in the _mêlée_, but,
fortunately, none were very severe, and under the soothing influence of
the herbal decoctions the Chinese surgeons so well understand the use
of, they soon became healed. Our total loss in killed and wounded was
less than two thousand, while that of the enemy was immense: the whole
battle-field and line of retreat was literally covered with their slain,
while hundreds had perished in the waters of the Poyang Lake.
Hu-kau had been a military depôt of the Imperialists, and in it we
captured considerable stores of grain and war material. After an
occupation of several weeks, the object of the expedition in the defeat
of the Imperialist army, having been so successfully accomplished, the
Chung-wang abandoned that place, and sending back the divisions that had
joined him in Ngan-whui with large convoys of grain, and the sick and
wounded of the army, to be carried to Nankin, he advanced with his first
division through the southern part of Ngan-whui into the province of
Che-kiang, upon a march of observation, preparatory to the grand
campaign of the summer, that had been decided upon at Nankin by the
military council.
I returned with the larger portion of the army to Nankin, and took my
friends with me, as it was my intention to communicate with agents at
Shanghae and transact various affairs connected with forwarding the
Ti-ping cause. The Chung-wang was so pleased with the effectiveness of
my little field battery that he kept it with him, and before parting
with him I received his best thanks, whilst each of my friends were
given a certificate for their gallantry in the action and the capture of
the stockade.