"I think you know Mr. Pearse of this place, an excellent and very

agreeable man, and master of the Grammar School at this place, a large

and flourishing one. He is a very musical man, an intimate and long

attached friend of Dr. Crotch. I will consult him about your organ. I

believe I told you that I scarcely ever remember finding my time so

little equal to the claims on it as at this place, though were I asked

'What are you doing?' I should, alas! say 'Nothing'; and even, 'What

have you to do?' still the same reply, 'Nothing'. I have one occupation

of an interesting and in some degree of an embarrassing nature. Soon

after our arrival, I learnt that the only other inmate of our house was

a gentleman who had been confined to his sofa for many months from the

effects of a rheumatic fever. He had no friends with him, only a family

servant who attended on him. Naturally feeling for the poor man, he

and ourselves being the only inmates, I sent a message to him to say

that, if agreeable, I should be happy to wait on him for a few minutes.

He returned an assenting and courteous reply. Accordingly I called,

and found a very civil and well-behaved man. I found that he had been

fond of game, and had expressed his regret that he could not purchase

it (this was his servant's report). Accordingly I sent him some now

and then. I soon afterwards was told that he was a Roman Catholic.

He is by profession a lawyer at Pontypool. I have since had several

conversations with him, and find him a decided Roman Catholic, but a

man apparently of great candour and moderation. I was not surprised to

find him strongly prejudiced against Blanco White.[68] 'Oh,' he cried,

'I assure you, sir, that book is full of the grossest falsehood.' But

I was a good deal surprised to receive from him an assurance that he

had been reading with great pleasure in a book of my writing; and I

found, to my surprise, that quite unknown to me Kendal had lent him the

book. I durst not have done it, but the event has taught me that we may

sometimes be too timid or delicate. Can you suggest any mode of dealing

with my fellow lodger? Hitherto I have gone on the plan of cultivating

his favourable opinion by general kindness, sending him game, &c.,

and endeavouring to press on him the most important doctrines of true

Christianity and of showing where the case is really so, that he may

embrace those doctrines and still continue a good Roman Catholic.

There is in the _Christian Observer_ for September last a critique on

Dr. Whately's sermons by the Bishop of Chichester. He is said, in the

outset, to have stated in a pamphlet on the Bible Society controversy,

that the only books in the Scriptures which were fit or useful for

general circulation were Genesis, Exodus, Job, Psalms, Proverbs, I

think Isaiah, but am not sure, the four Gospels, Acts, 1st Timothy,

1st Peter, 1st John and Jude; all the rest likely to do more harm than

good."

"BATH, _December 6, 1831._

"I am unaffectedly sorry for having been apparently so dilatory in

complying with your request for hymns and tunes. I use the word

_apparently_, because to any charge of suffering any opportunity of

executing the commission to pass by unimproved, I may boldly plead

not guilty. There never, surely, was such a place as this for the

frittering away of time. Two visits before breakfast to the Pump Room,

and two again from 2 to 3 1/4 o'clock in the afternoon, make such a

chasm in the day, that little before dinner (about 4 3/4) is left for

any rational occupation. Then not being able, for many reasons, to

receive company at dinner, we often invite friends to breakfast, and as

we cannot begin the meal till 10 1/2 at the soonest, we seldom have a

clear room till after 12. Sometimes morning callers come in before the

breakfasters are gone (as has been the case this morning, when my old

friend Bankes has entered, taking Bath in his way from his son in North

Wales into Dorsetshire). You owe this account of expenditure of my

time to my feeling quite uncomfortable, from the idea of neglecting a

commission you wished to consign to me for prompt execution. I will put

down in any letter I may write to you any hymns and hymn tunes which I

like ('Happy the heart where graces reign,' Lock tune), and you may add

together the _disjecta membra_ into one list. But I have not hymn-books

here except G. Noel's. At Highwood I have a considerable number. Your

poor mother is worried to pieces by company and business. I am fully

persuaded, my dear Samuel, that you wish to lighten the pressure on me

as much as possible, and on the other hand I doubt not you give me full

credit for wishing to make you as comfortable as I can, and I really

hope I shall be able to go on allowing my children what is necessary

for their comfort."

"_January 19, 1832._

"St. John says, you will remember, 'I have no greater joy than to

know that my children walk in the truth.' This he could declare

concerning his figurative children. And well, therefore, ought we to

be able, at least, to desire to feel similar sensations on witnessing

the graces of our true, real children. And I am in a situation to

feel this with peculiar force. Indeed, I hope I can say with truth

that the more frequent, more continued and closer opportunities of

witnessing your conscientious and diligent discharge of your pastoral

duties--opportunities which I probably should not have enjoyed in the

same degree had I still a residence of my own--more than compensate

all I suffer from the want of a proper home. Indeed, there are but

two particulars that I at all feel, _i.e._, the absence of my books,

and the not being able to practise hospitality; though that is rather

a vulgar word for expressing my meaning, which is, the pleasure of

receiving those we love under our own roof, joining with them morning

and night in family prayers, shaking hands with them, and interchanging

continual intercourse of mutual affection. Well, the time is short,

even for those who are far less advanced than myself in the journey of

life."

"BATH, _June 14, 1832._

"I forget whether you know the Dean of Winchester[69] or not. We have

many a discussion together, and I now and then stroke his plumage

the wrong way to make him set up his bristles. He holds the great

degeneracy of these times. I, on the contrary, declared to him that,

though I acknowledged the more open prevalence of profaneness, and of

all the vices which grow out of insubordination, yet that there had

been also a marked and a great increase of religion within the last

forty years. And as a proof I assigned the numerous editions of almost

all the publications of family prayers, beginning with the Rector of

St. Botolph's (Bishop of London's)."

"_July 12, 1832._

"Though I do not like to mention it to your mother, I feel myself

becoming more and more stupid and inefficient. I think it is chiefly

a bodily disease, at least there, I hope, is the root of the disease.

I am so languid after breakfast that, if I am read to, I infallibly

subside into a drowsiness, which, if not resisted by my getting up and

walking, or taking for a few minutes the book Joseph may be reading

to me, gradually slides into a state of complete stupor. Yet it is

downright shocking in me to use language which may at all subject me

justly to the imputation of repining. And to be just to myself, I do

not think I am fairly chargeable with that fault. I hope that which

might at first sight seem to have somewhat of that appearance is rather

the compunctious visitings of my better part grieving over my utter

uselessness. I do not like to give expression to these distressing

risings, because I may not unreasonably appear to be calling for

friendly assurances in return of my having been an active labourer.

Yet when I am pouring forth the effusions of my heart to a child to

whom I may open myself with the freedom I may justly practise towards

you, I do not like to keep in reserve my real feelings. My memory is

continually giving me fresh proofs of its decaying at an accelerated

rate of progress. But I will not harass your affectionate feelings;

and however I may lament my unprofitableness, and at times really feel

depressed by it, yet my natural cheerfulness of temper produces in my

exterior such an appearance of good spirits that I might be supposed by

my daily associates to be living in an atmosphere of unclouded comfort.

So you need not be distressing yourself on my account."

The rest of this letter shows that Wilberforce had asked the advice of

Samuel as to the wisdom of engaging a Roman Catholic tutor for his

grandson "dear little William."[70] Samuel's answer was couched in

decisive terms against this step. Wilberforce, however, was reconciled

to the idea by the knowledge that "dear little William's mother will

be always on the spot, always on her guard, watchful and ready to

detect and proceed against any attempt whatever which might be made to

bias William's mind into undervaluing the importance of the difference

between the Roman Catholic and the Protestant system, or still more to

infuse into his pupil's mind any prejudices against our principles or

personages, or any palliations of the Popish tenets."

In the concluding year of Wilberforce's life, though he complains of

"becoming more and more stupid and inefficient," the feelings and

thoughts which animated his life appear in full vigour. His watchful

love for his children, his hospitality, the steady, faithful looking

forward to the life everlasting--all are there. Nor, until he has made

one more effort to secure the freedom of the slaves, does the weary,

diligent hand finally "lay down the pen."

"_December 18, 1832._

"Although we should use great modesty in speculating on the invisible

and eternal world, yet we may reasonably presume from intimations

conveyed to us in the Holy Scriptures, and from inferences which they

fairly suggest, that we shall retain of our earthly character and

feelings in that which is not sinful, and therefore we may expect

(this, I think, is very clear), to know each other, and to think and

talk over the various circumstances of our lives, our several hopes and

fears and plans and speculations; and you and I, if it please God, may

talk over the incidents of our respective lives, and connected with

them, those of our nearest and dearest relatives. And, then, probably

we shall be enabled to understand the causes of various events which at

the time had appeared mysterious."

"_December 28, 1832._

"I should wish to suggest to you an idea that arises from a passage in

a letter from William Smith.[71] The idea is that it might have a very

good effect, for any of my reverend children to be known to manifest

their zeal in the great cause of West Indian emancipation, and slaves'

improvement. And as I am on that topic let me tell you, I need not

say with how much pleasure, that I really believe we are now going on

admirably. The slaves will, I trust, be immediately placed under the

government of the same laws as other members of the community, instead

of being under the arbitrary commands of their masters, and (perhaps

after a year) they will be still more completely emancipated. I was

truly glad to find in the evidence taken before the House of Commons'

Committee (which the indefatigable Zachary[72] is analysing), highly

honourable testimony to our friend's (Wildman's) treatment of his

slaves. But I ought not to conceal from you the connection in which W.

Smith's suggestion of the great benefit that would result from my sons

taking a forward part in befriending the attempts that would be made to

stir up a petitioning spirit in support of our cause, (for he informed

me that efforts for that purpose would be made). He stated that it had

been observed almost everywhere that the clergy had been shamefully

lukewarm in our cause; and of course this, which I fear cannot be

denied, has been used in many instances for the injury of the Church.

You and I see plainly how this has happened: that the most active

supporters of our cause have too often been democrats, and radicals,

with whom the regular clergy could not bring themselves to associate.

Yet even when subjected to such a painful alternative, to unite with

them, or to suffer the interests of justice and humanity, and latterly

of religion too, to be in question without receiving any support from

them, or to do violence to, I will not say their prejudices, but their

natural repugnance to appearing to have anything of a fellow-feeling

with men who are commonly fomenting vicious principles and propositions

of all sorts; when placed, I say, in such distressing circumstances,

they should remember that their coming forward, in accordance with

those with whom they agree in no other particular, will give additional

weight to their exertions, and prove still more clearly how strongly

they feel the cause of God, and the well-being of man to be implicated,

when they can consent to take part with those to whom in general

they have been opposed most strongly. The conduct of the Jamaica

people towards the missionaries has shown of late, more clearly than

ever before, that the spiritual interests of the slaves, no less

than their civil rights, are at stake. In such a case as this, it is

not without pain and almost shame that I urge any argument grounded

on the interests of the clergy; and yet it would be wrong to keep

considerations of this sort altogether out of sight, because one sees

how malignantly and injuriously to the cause of religion the apathy

of the clergy may, and will, be used, to the discredit of the Church,

and its most attached adherents. It is not a little vexatious to find

people so ignorant, as too many are, concerning the real state of the

slaves, notwithstanding all the pains that have been taken to enlighten

them. Stephen's book in particular has, I fear, been very little read.

When we were at Lord Bathurst's I saw plainly that the speeches of a

Mr. Borthwick, who had been going about giving lectures in favour of

the West Indians, had made a great impression on Lady Georgiana. But I

must lay down my pen."

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: All Pitt's letters are carefully preserved in the library

of Lavington House with the exception of this series which was found in

a disused cupboard.]

[Footnote 2: Lord Rosebery's preface to "Pitt and Wilberforce Letters,"

privately printed.]

[Footnote 3: Hon. Edward James Eliot, brother-in-law of Pitt.]

[Footnote 4: Mr. Henry Bankes, Wilberforce's life-long friend.]

[Footnote 5: "Life of Wilberforce," vol. i. p. 95.]

[Footnote 6: Afterwards first Lord Carrington.]

[Footnote 7: "Life of Wilberforce," vol. i. p. 95.]

[Footnote 8: Privately printed.]

[Footnote 9: "A Practical View of the Prevailing Religious System of

Professed Christians," &c., London, 1797.]

[Footnote 10: "Marmion," Introduction to Canto 1.]

[Footnote 11: Wimbledon.]

[Footnote 12: Hampstead.]

[Footnote 13: Here Mr. Wilberforce adds a pencilled note: "Devonshire

House Ball. King."]

[Footnote 14: Mr. Wilberforce has written over this in pencil:

"Qy.--Not a stroke of Providence could sever."]

[Footnote 15: Mr. Wilberforce has erased here "for desiring Mr. Pitt

before he went out to pass his register bills."]

[Footnote 16: Mr. Wilberforce has written here in pencil on the margin,

"Fox's Martyrs. Qy. number."]

[Footnote 17: Mr. Wilberforce adds here a pencil note in his own

handwriting: "Remarkable that when I entered York, in order to attend

a public meeting which was about to take place, there was but one

gentleman with whom I had the smallest acquaintance, the Rev. Wm.

Mason, the poet."]

[Footnote 18: Here there is a pencil note: "For he was one of the

shyest men I ever knew."]

[Footnote 19: Pencil note: "Wyndham."]

[Footnote 20: A note: "Vary here."]

[Footnote 21: A note:--"Dilate, and Figure."]

[Footnote 22: Here is added in pencil, "2nd Nov. 1821."]

[Footnote 23: Rosebery's "Life of Pitt," p. 233.]

[Footnote 24: Then Clerk of Parliaments. Rose writes to Wilberforce

later: "I shall never find words, either in speaking or writing, to

express what I think of you."]

[Footnote 25: Pitt.]

[Footnote 26: About 1802.]

[Footnote 27: Lecky, vol. vii. p. 32.]

[Footnote 28: Dundas, who had been Treasurer to the Navy, was impeached

on April 29, 1805, on a charge of misappropriating £10,000 worth of

public money. He was acquitted June 12, 1805.]

[Footnote 29: William Wilberforce married Barbara, daughter of Isaac

Spooner; she was the seventh Barbara in her family, the name having

been handed down from mother to daughter. The first Barbara was

daughter of Viscount Fauconberg and wife of Sir Henry Slingsby, Bart.,

who was beheaded on Tower Hill June 8, 1658, by Oliver Cromwell, for

loyalty.]

[Footnote 30: She was second daughter of Sir Edward Walpole; her uncle

Horace Walpole writes of her: "For beauty I think she is the first

match in England, she has infinite wit and vivacity."]

[Footnote 31: "Cœlebs in Search of a Wife," published 1809. Of her

publishing experiences, Hannah More writes: "One effect of Cœlebs has

pleased me. I always consider a bookseller in respect to a book as I do

an undertaker with regard to death--one considers a publication as the

other does a corpse, as a thing to grow rich by, but not to be affected

with. Davies (Cadell's partner) seems deeply struck, and earnestly

implores me to follow up some of the hints respecting Scripture in a

work of which he suggests the subject."]

[Footnote 32: "Life and Letters of Maria Edgeworth," by Augustus J. C.

Hare.]

[Footnote 33: "Poor Burgh almost mad about the Union" ("Life of

Wilberforce," vol. ii. p. 359).]

[Footnote 34: Lord Redesdale was appointed Lord High Chancellor of

Ireland March 15, 1802; he resigned February, 1806.]

[Footnote 35: Wilberforce to Henry Bankes. "Life of W. Wilberforce."]

[Footnote 36: Brother to Mr. Pitt, of whom Lord Eldon gave it as his

deliberate opinion that "the ablest man I ever knew in the Cabinet was

Lord Chatham."]

[Footnote 37: Part of this letter only is printed in "Life of William

Wilberforce."]

[Footnote 38: The third Lord Holland was Fox's nephew, and converted

his palace at Kensington into a sort of temple in honour of Fox's

memory.]

[Footnote 39: Charles Manners Sutton, Speaker of the House of Commons,

1817-1834; created Viscount Canterbury 1835; died 1845.]

[Footnote 40: Mr., afterwards Lord, Brougham.]

[Footnote 41: Mr. Manning became bankrupt in the winter of 1830-31.]

[Footnote 42: Mr. James Stephen married Wilberforce's sister.]

[Footnote 43: Mr. Wilberforce's second daughter.]

[Footnote 44: Part of this letter is in "Life of Wilberforce."]

[Footnote 45: This thought, thus strongly impressed on Samuel's mind,

was many years afterwards expanded by him into the lovely allegory of

the "Children and the Lion," published in "Agathos and other Stories."]

[Footnote 46: Bishop Wilberforce once told Dr. Woodford (Bishop of Ely)

that he was naturally indolent and had at first "to flog himself up

to his work." (Life, vol. iii. p. 305). To those who remember Bishop

Wilberforce, and to readers of his Life, these passages must appear

surprising indeed. They afford a striking instance of a natural defect

turned into the contrary Christian grace.]

[Footnote 47: Part of this letter is in the "Life of Wilberforce."]

[Footnote 48: Part of this letter is in Bishop Wilberforce's Life.]

[Footnote 49: Born 1779, younger son of Wilberforce's intimate friend,

Right Hon. Charles Grant. Robert was in Parliament, 1818-34: was

Judge-Advocate-General: knighted, 1834, and made Governor-General

of Bombay: a persistent advocate of Jewish emancipation: author of

pamphlets on Indian affairs and many well-known hymns: died 1838.]

[Footnote 50: Part of this letter is in the "Life of Wilberforce."]

[Footnote 51: Part of this letter is in the "Life of Wilberforce."]

[Footnote 52: A single year's almsgiving exceeded £3,000. "Life of

Bishop Wilberforce," vol. i. p. 22.]

[Footnote 53: Eldest son of Wilberforce's old friend and ally, Henry

Thornton, of Battersea, Rise, who died in 1815. The Henry Thornton of

the text was only twenty-five years old when this letter was written.]

[Footnote 54: The beginning of this letter is in the "Life of

Wilberforce."]

[Footnote 55: Lea, Lincolnshire--the residence of Sir C. and Lady

Anderson. The son, in his turn, Sir Charles Anderson, was Bishop

Wilberforce's life-long friend.]

[Footnote 56: The Rev. John Sargent, of Lavington, father of Mrs.

Samuel Wilberforce.]

[Footnote 57: His life had been recently published.]

[Footnote 58: The first few lines of this letter are in the "Life of

Bishop Wilberforce."]

[Footnote 59: Checkendon, on the Chiltern Hills in Oxfordshire, Samuel

Wilberforce's first curacy, where his memory was long cherished.]

[Footnote 60: Samuel's birthday.]

[Footnote 61: Only son of Wilberforce's eldest son William.]

[Footnote 62: The leader of these riots, whose exact personality is

unknown, was called "Jack Swing," and in this name the mob sent their

threats and summonses.]

[Footnote 63: "Magnalia Christi Americana, or Ecclesiastical History of

New England," by Cotton Mather, D.D. It was a costly book with a large

map. Southey considered it one of the most "singular books in this or

any other language."]

[Footnote 64: Mr. Wilberforce's brother-in-law.]

[Footnote 65: The seat of J. S. Harford, Esq.]

[Footnote 66: Lord Grey's Reform Bill had amongst its most vehement

opponents Sir C. Wetherell, Recorder of Bristol. On his arrival in

that city the riots began there by an attack upon his carriage, after

which "Bristol was the theatre of the most disgraceful outrages that

have been perpetrated in this country since the riots of London, 1780."

(_An. Reg._ 1831.)]

[Footnote 67: Mrs. Wilberforce writes to her son Samuel: "Shall I send

you the deeds, &c., to take care of for the family, and the plate to

bury in your garden? I think you will be safe in the Isle of Wight. Do

not let my fears be mentioned; they say we should all appear brave and

bold."]

[Footnote 68: T. Blanco White, a Spaniard by birth, left the Church of

Rome and joined the Church of England, and also became a naturalised

Englishman. He was closely connected with the Oxford movement, but

lapsed into Socinianism. He died in 1841.]

[Footnote 69: Dr. Thomas Rennell: he was appointed in 1805 and was

succeeded in 1840 by Dr. Garnier.]

[Footnote 70: Only son of Wilberforce's eldest son William.]

[Footnote 71: "My most faithful friend, William Smith" ("Life of

Wilberforce," vol. iii. p. 536).]

[Footnote 72: Macaulay.]

* * * * * *

Transcriber's note:

The following corrections have been made:

Page 10, "compleatly" changed to "completely" (completely happy)

Page 22, "compleat" changed to "complete" (complete concert)

Page 241, "worldy" changed to "worldly" (viewed in a worldly)

Private Papers of William Wilberforce · 第 14 / 14 段