French negotiators, and their proceedings do in fact but little credit
to their understandings, if they have any opinion of ours.
"Believe me, my dear Wilberforce,
"Most sincerely yours,
"HENRY BANKES."
Lord Harrowby, who twice refused the Premiership, writes of the state
of parties in 1809.
_Lord Harrowby to Mr. Wilberforce._
_Friday, September 22, 1809._
"DEAR WILBERFORCE,--You must have thought me a great bear not to have
thanked you sooner for your kind recollection of my wish to see a
sketch of Mrs. H. More's rustic building. It is much more finished than
I wished, and shall be sent to Kensington as soon as Mrs. Ryder has
taken a slight sketch of it.
"I have, since I received it, taken two journies into Devonshire, upon
Maynooth business, and have not had, when in town, a spare moment
from Indian and domestic torments. The history of the latter could
not be put upon paper, and if it could, would be as voluminous as an
Indian despatch. You know enough of the parties not to suspend your
opinion till you know as much as is necessary to form it. The Duke
of Portland's resignation has only accelerated the crisis, and you
know enough of Perceval to be sure that we are not broken up, because
_he_ insists upon having the whole power in his own hands, and will
not serve under any third person. Under these circumstances, and a
thousand others, there seemed no resource left, but to attempt an
overture to Lord Grey and Grenville jointly, which is made with the
King's consent and authority. If it is met in the spirit in which it
is made, I trust it will be successful. Whatever we may be _driven_
to do, if they shut their ears to the proposal of an extended and
combined administration, we shall not, in my opinion, have been
justified in our own eyes or in those of the country, if any party
feelings prevented us from _endeavouring bonâ fide_ to form such a
Government as may both protect the King, and be fit for these times.
They are, I believe, as little able to form a separate Government as
ourselves, unless they mean to re-unite themselves with those at whose
proceedings they were so evidently alarmed last year. If they come in
alone by force, they will have the Catholic question as a millstone
round their necks. The very fact of an union with us who are known to
entertain a decidedly opposite opinion upon that question (some of us
for ever, and all during the King's life) would enable them to get rid
of it for the present, as, without any pledge, which, after all that
has passed, could neither be asked nor given, that question could never
be made a Government question without the immediate dissolution of the
administration.
"You express a very flattering satisfaction at my return to public
life. It will probably be a very short excursion, and certainly a most
painful one. I look for no comfort but in planting turnips in my Sabine
farm.
"Yours ever most sincerely,
"HARROWBY."
Lord Erskine writes in 1813, to Wilberforce:--
"I cannot sufficiently discharge a duty I owe to the public without
telling you what I think of the speech you sent me on the Christian
question in India. The subject, though great and important, was local
and temporary; but the manner in which you treated it made your speech
of the greatest value in the shield of Christianity that eloquence and
faith could possibly have manufactured.
"I read it with the highest admiration, and as I am now a private man
for the remaining years of my life, I may say, without the presumption
of station to give weight to my opinion, that it deserves a place in
the library of every man of letters, even if he were an atheist, for
its merit in everything that characterises an appeal to a Christian
assembly on the subject of Christianity. With the greatest regard I
ever am,
"My dear sir,
"Your most faithful servant,
"ERSKINE."
Rowland Hill, the celebrated preacher, the disciple of Whitefield, and
the founder of the Surrey Chapel, writes to bring before Wilberforce's
notice the question of "untaxed worship," with regard to his chapel.
_Rev. Rowland Hill to Mr. Wilberforce._
"SURREY CHURCH,
"_April 16, 1814_.
"MY DEAR SIR,--Another prosecution for poor rates on our chapel has
commenced. Though the appellant, Mr. Farquarson, a man of no character
and involved in debt, is the ostensible person, yet all the evil arises
from a Mr. Whitlock, who has a place in the lottery office under
Government, who probably might have been quiet had he received a hint
from the Government that his designs were not correspondent with their
wishes. As matters are, the most vexatious and perplexing consequences
must be the result. Different persons are subpœna'd down as far as
Rygate, while these large expenses _a third time over_ is the least
of the evil that must result. If they gain a verdict, for the sake of
thousands of religious people that must be ruined by such a taxation,
we must and shall resist. Surely the present mild Government will not
suffer us to be deprived of the privilege of untaxed worship that we
have uninterruptedly so long enjoyed.
"If, dear sir, you could but hint to Mr. Vansittart what must be the
result of his neglecting to answer our respectful petitions so as to
obtain some redress on our behalves, thousands would have to bless you,
and none more so than
"Yours most respectfully,
"ROWLAND HILL.
"It should appear according to the new French constitution that our
religious liberties in England are soon likely to be much inferior to
those in France.
"We humbly conceive we have some little claim on the attention of
the Government against these vexatious disputes, having made the
largest collection of any place of worship in the kingdom on different
patriotic calls."
It will be remembered that when the Duke of Wellington was ambassador
to Paris in 1814 he took up very warmly the question of the Slave
Trade, himself circulating in Paris Wilberforce's letter to his
Yorkshire constituents on the subject, which Madam de Staël had
translated at the Duke's suggestion, and also undertaking to disperse
Wilberforce's pamphlet to Talleyrand. The Duke writes from Paris,
December 14, 1814.
_The Duke of Wellington to Mr. Wilberforce._
"It is impossible to describe the prejudice of all classes here
upon the subject, particularly those of our determined enemies, the
principal officers and _employés_ in the public departments. I was
in hopes that the King's measures had changed the public opinion in
some degree, of which the silence of the public journals appeared an
evidence. But I found yesterday that I was much mistaken and that the
desire to obtain the gain expected in the trade is surpassed only by
that of misrepresenting our views and measures, and depreciating the
merit we have in the abolition. I was yesterday told gravely by the
Directeur de la Marine that one of our objects in abolishing the Slave
Trade was to get recruits to fight our battles in America! and it was
hinted that a man might as well be a slave for agricultural labour as a
soldier for life, and that the difference was not worth the trouble of
discussing it."
The Duke goes on to complain that what was taking place in Paris as to
the Slavery question had got into the English newspapers.
_The Duke of Wellington to Mr. Wilberforce._
"I am quite convinced that the only mode in which the public opinion
upon it here can be brought to the state in which we wish to see it,
is to keep the question out of discussion in England by public bodies
and by the newspapers, and I must say that it is but fair towards the
King of France not to make public in England that which he has not
published to his subjects. We shall do good in this question in France
only in proportion as we shall anticipate and carry the public opinion
with us; and in recommending to avoid discussion at present in order
to make some progress in the opinion of France, I may lay claim to the
merit of sacrificing the popularity which I should have acquired by
having been the instrument to prevail upon the French Government to
prevent the renewal of the trade on that part of the coast on which we
had effectually abolished it during the war. I see that Mr. Whitbread
mentioned the subject at a public meeting in the city, which I hope
will be avoided at least till the French Government will have carried
into execution all it proposes to do at present.
"Ever, my dear sir, yours most faithfully,
"WELLINGTON."
The Duke of Wellington's letter to General Macaulay is on the same
subject: he says that in the case of the Slave Trade he could only be
successful in France by being secret. He evidently disapproves of the
people "who will have news and newspapers at their breakfasts," and
thinks that the great cause had suffered from prematurely published
reports.
_The Duke of Wellington to General Macaulay._
"PARIS, _December 22, 1814_.
"MY DEAR MACAULAY,--I received only yesterday your letter of the 9th,
and I had already received one from Mr. Wilberforce on the same
subject, to which I have written an answer. I am quite certain that he
has nothing to say to the publication in question.
"It is, I believe, very true that secrecy in such a matter cannot
be expected, but the people of England ought to advert to this
circumstance when they are pushing their objects, and if they will
have news and newspapers at their breakfasts they should show a little
forbearance towards their Governments, if Foreign Courts are a little
close towards their agents. In the case of the Slave Trade I could be
successful in this country only by being secret, and in proportion as
we should be secret. And in point of fact I have found the agents of
this Government much more disposed lately to oppose our views than they
were six weeks ago, and I have been reproached with having allowed what
has been done to be published in our newspapers.
"I must observe also that though Mr. Wilberforce could not prevent what
was published from appearing in the newspapers, Mr. Whitbread might
have avoided to mention the subject at a public meeting held in London
upon some other subject; but the truth is that we mix up our party
politics with our philanthropy and everything else, and I suspect we
don't much care what object succeeds or fails provided it affects the
Ministers of the day.
"Matters here are apparently in the same state as when you went
away, but I believe are really in a better state; the appointments
of Monsieur Didule to the Police and of Marshal Soult to the War
Department have done some good.
"Ever yours,
"WELLINGTON."
Wilberforce was a member of a committee for the relief of the "poor
German sufferers," the wounded Prussians in 1814-15. The translation of
Marshal Blucher's letter to the Managing Committee after Waterloo is as
follows.[37]
"CHATILLON SUR SAMBRE,
"_June 24, 1815_.
"Are you now satisfied? In eight days I have fought two bloody battles,
besides five considerable engagements. I have taken one fortress, and
keep three more surrounded. Yesterday the worthy Wellington was with
me: we are agreed, we go hand in hand: the blockaded fortresses will
not stop our operations, and if the Austrians and Russians do not
speedily push forward, we shall finish the game ourselves. Farewell,
and remember me to all England.
"BLUCHER.
"It is all very well, but I have twenty-two thousand killed and
wounded. It is one consolation that they fell in the cause of humanity.
I hope in England care will be taken of our suffering brethren; put it
to the feelings of Mr. Wilberforce and other friends."
In a later letter to Wilberforce, Marshal Blucher disclaims the idea
that personal affection for himself had had anything to do with
the unexampled liberality of the English to his suffering fellow
countrymen. For this liberality he begs to be allowed to offer other
motives. 1. The flattering description by the Duke of Wellington of
the conduct of the Prussians at the Battle of Waterloo; 2. The command
of the Prince Regent to make collections for them in all the churches
of Great Britain; and 3. Wilberforce's "own noble exertions in their
behalf." He entreats Wilberforce to be the organ of his gratitude to
the whole English nation.
_Marshal Blucher to Mr. Wilberforce._
"BONN, _December 7, 1815_.
"SIR,--Your letter dated the 31st of October, reached me in safety, and
with it the cheering intelligence that the English nation, and all the
subscribers for the relief of the Prussians who have suffered in the
present war, and for the survivors of those who have fallen, have borne
an honourable testimony to their lively interest in the cause, by the
greatest and most unexampled liberality.
"In your letter, sir, you are so good as to say, that it is in some
measure owing to the personal affection felt for me by your countrymen,
that this liberality has exceeded any which in similar circumstances
has ever been exhibited; and you appeal to my own experience in the
support of this assertion. It is true that during my residence in
England I met everywhere with the most flattering reception; and I hope
I shall always remember it with gratitude. But this very recollection
confirms my belief, that the imagination of my services was magnified
by that affectionate goodwill which is always the result of personal
intercourse. I cannot otherwise account for the attentions which I
received.
"But, sir, allow me to say that other motives than those of personal
goodwill to me have quickened the exertions of the British nation for
the relief of the suffering Prussians. I allude to the flattering
description of their conduct at the battle of Waterloo, by the most
noble the Duke of Wellington, and to the command of His Royal Highness
the Prince Regent, to make collections for them in all the churches
of Great Britain; neither let me forget to mention as a most powerful
cause your own noble exertions in their behalf.
"Allow me, sir, to present you my most cordial thanks for this fresh
service which you have rendered to suffering humanity. Let me also
entreat you, my truly noble friend, you, who so richly deserve the
blessings of the whole human race, for having so courageously defended
their rights, to be the organ of my gratitude, and to present my
acknowledgments to the whole English nation for their very generous
assistance to my brave companions in arms, and to the survivors of
those who have fallen. May this liberality, which we cannot but
receive as an undoubted proof of the truest friendship and esteem,
prove a fresh bond of union between us. We fought for the highest
blessings which human nature is capable of enjoying--for Liberality
and Peace. May our high-spirited people be firmly united in so noble a
confederacy, and may that union never be interrupted.
"Much as, at my advanced age, I cannot but feel the necessity of
repose, still should it please Providence to prolong my life, I shall
yet hope once more to revisit England, and to repeat my thanks for the
sympathy of that generous nation.
"I entreat you to accept the assurances of my sincere esteem and high
consideration; and I have the honour to remain, sir, your most devoted
servant,
"BLUCHER."
Lord Holland,[38] described as "truly fascinating, having something of
his uncle's good humour," by Wilberforce, writes of Abolition to him
in 1815, and thinks "the cause had been very coldly supported, if not
actually betrayed, at Paris, at Madrid, and at Rio Janeiro; and that we
ought to have imposed conditions on this subject when Ferdinand VII.
wanted money, instead of giving him the money first."
_Lord Holland to Mr. Wilberforce_.
"HOLLAND HOUSE,
"_November 13, 1815_.
"DEAR SIR,--I heard that you were anxious to get some paper on the
Slave Trade translated into Italian. An Italian gentleman who is upon
a visit to me will, I am sure, very willingly undertake it, and is
well qualified for the task, as he writes his language with great
elegance and understands ours. I am afraid you will not find his
Holiness as much disposed to anathematise rapine and murder committed
under the sanction of the powerful Crown of Spain, as to disdain the
extravagances of the Catholicks in Ireland. There was no difficulty
in abolishing the French Slave Trade last year but in the breasts of
the Bourbons and their adherents. Bonaparte by doing it at once lost
no adherents either in France or in the colonies, and the repugnance
felt in 1814 to the measure _at Court_ originated from their persuasion
that the principles of all Abolitionists, as well as of all toleration
in religion, are more or less connected with notions of political
liberty which they know to be incompatible with their system of
Government. True French Royalists, and many English Royalists too, make
no difference between you and me or between me and Tom Paine. We are
all equally heretics in Religion and Jacobins in Politics. There is
therefore nothing to be done with that class of men in the great cause
of Abolition, but by fear. We have already lost many opportunities, and
if we do not now insist on Portugal and Spain abandoning the trade, and
on France and the other powers treating it as piracy if they do not, we
shall have shifted the ignominy from ourselves, but we shall not have
rescued the world from the evil. May I ask if you understand why the
complete abolition in France (if that measure of Bonaparte be really
and in proper form confirmed) does not make part of the treaty? It
seems to me that at Paris, at Madrid, and at Rio Janeiro the cause has
been very coldly, or at least very inefficiently, supported, if it has
not been actually betrayed. When Ferdinand VII. wanted money we might
have imposed conditions on this and on other subjects, but we gave the
money first, and he now sets us at defiance. With many apologies for
the length of my letter,
"I am, sir, yours truly,
"VASSALL HOLLAND."
Early in 1825, William Wilberforce's brilliant Parliamentary career
came to an end by his own voluntary retirement. The Speaker's[39]
letter is the expression of a very general feeling both in the House
and outside it.
_The Right Hon. Speaker of the House of
Commons to Mr. Wilberforce._
"PALACE YARD,
"_February 19, 1825_
"MY DEAR SIR,--With respect to your quitting us for more private
retirement, permit me to say with the truest sincerity, and in
accordance I am persuaded with the unanimous sentiment of the whole
House, that we shall feel we have lost one of our brightest ornaments,
and whatever may be the honest variance of opinion on political
questions, I know we must all be of one mind in regretting the absence
of one as distinguished for every moral virtue as for the brilliancy of
his talents.
"That retirement into more private life may contribute largely to your
personal ease, and to the entire restoration of your health, is, my
dear sir, the sincere wish of your most faithful and respectful
"Friend and servant,
"C. MANNERS SUTTON."
Lord John Russell's answer to Wilberforce's anti-bribery suggestions at
the time of the first Reform Bill is given below. It is marked "kind
and pleasing" by Wilberforce.
_Lord John Russell to Mr. Wilberforce._
"SOUTH AUDLEY STREET,
"_June 3_.
"MY DEAR SIR,--I was very much gratified at receiving your letter, not
only for the kind sentiments personally expressed towards me, but still
more for the high testimony of your authority in favour of the course
I have been pursuing. The resolutions I lately moved were directed
against the very practice of which you complain in your letter; only
instead of an election committee I propose a separate public committee
for the purpose. The expenses of an election committee are such as to
deter any from seeking that remedy but a candidate who has hopes of
acquiring the seat himself, and the public is wronged for want of some
one bound over to prosecute these offences.
"After all, we must trust more to the frequent canvassing of the
question, and the improvement of moral feeling, which may be expected
from education, than to the letter of any law that we can frame.
"I showed your letter to Mr. Pitt and Mr. Wynne, and should have
been glad to have read it to the House, but I did not like to do so
without your permission. Wishing you many years of happiness in your
retirement, enhanced by reflecting on the usefulness of your past life,
"I remain, yours faithfully,
"J. RUSSELL."
Wilberforce writes on the same subject in October, 1831, to an old
friend:--
"I cannot but think the Lords managed it very ill not to attempt the
discovery of some compromise, giving up the rotten boroughs, granting
members to great towns, accepting the new county members, and yet
somewhat raising the qualification (surely no pauper should have the
right of voting); this must at least have prevented the common fraud
now practised on the people, that of imputing to those who voted at
all against the Bill that they wished to retain all the worst abuses,
which, in fact, they were as willing as the reformers to abolish. But
I must break off. You, and I hope I, are prompted to say with old
Hooker, I have lived long enough to see that the world is made up of
perturbations. But, blessed be God, there remaineth a rest for the
people of God. May I be permitted to meet you there, my dear sir."
On the different effects of the Oxford and Cambridge system on the
minds of young men, Wilberforce writes to a friend:--
_Mr. Wilberforce to Mr. William Gray._
"_December 31_, 1830.
"It is curious to observe the effects of the Oxford system in producing
on the minds of young men a strong propensity to what may be termed
Tory principles. From myself and the general tenour of our family and
social circle, it might have been supposed that my children, though
averse to party, would be inclined to adopt Liberal or, so far as would
be consistent with party, Whig principles, but all my three Oxonians
are strong friends to High Church and King doctrines. The effects I
myself have witnessed would certainly induce me, had I to decide on
the University to which any young protegé of mine should go, were he
by natural temper or any other causes too prone to excess on the Tory
side, I should decidedly send him to Cambridge, Trinity; were the
opposite the case he should be fixed at Oriel, Oxford.
"As for the gentleman you mention,[40] his character is not to be
expressed in a few words. Of his extraordinary powers no one ever
entertained a doubt. There are also very pleasing traits of private
character: I have been assured of his incessant and kind attentions to
his old mother. On his brother's failing, I believe, in business, he
paid his debts to a large amount and took on himself, I am assured,
before being in office, the charge of his eight or nine children. Of
his own little girl he was excessively fond, and he was always kind in
what concerned friends or acquaintances. I cannot also but hope that he
has seen so much of religious men as almost to have superior confidence
in them. But you suppose me to be more personally acquainted with him
than I am."
The next letter, to Mr. Manning, contains an allusion to his son Henry,
afterwards Cardinal Manning, of whom it will be noted that Wilberforce
"forms sanguine hopes that he will be a blessing to his fellow
creatures."
At the time the letter was written, Wilberforce's large fortune had
been seriously diminished, though he was far from being, as his letter
would lead one to suppose, in the same unfortunate position as Mr.
Manning.[41] The effect of his own loss was as he says, "greatly to
augment his happiness." Enough was left for his comfort. It is true he
gave up his home, and was no longer able to practise indiscriminate
hospitality; also his subscriptions had to be curtailed, such as those
to the York charities, as to which he "had been reminded in 1831 that
they were larger than those of any other subscriber."
_Mr. Wilberforce to Mr. Manning.
"June 11, 1832._