letter. You may be assured that I am incapable of 'taking up this
great question on party grounds.' As a proof of that, I may mention
that after listening more than once, with the partiality which my love
of his virtues created, to Mr. Pitt himself in the House of Commons,
and discussing the subject with him in private, again and again, the
difficulties which I had upon immediate abolition, and abolition
without compensation previously pledged (not compensation for British
debts out of African blood, but out of British treasure) never were so
far surmounted, as to induce me to think I had clear grounds for voting
_with him_. After such a statement, I need not say that, although
my political life has, at least so I fancy, for near twenty-four
years been so far really regulated by a sincere belief that I am
acting according to the dictates of duty in an uniform uninterrupted
opposition to some persons now in power that I feel it very difficult
to class among my honourable friends gentlemen who have never, that I
know of, disavowed the principles against which I have been waging war,
and who, I presume, have never disavowed them because they entertained
them, as sincerely as I detest them; yet, in a case of this sort, I
know that I must either stand or fall by taking diligent heed that in
what I do or forbear to do I am governed by the best lights, which my
own reason, aided by information, can afford me; and I should think
myself a worse man, if I was influenced by party considerations in
such a business, than indiscreet zeal has yet represented a West India
planter to be.
"What I shall finally do I know not. I wish the House of Lords may
not disgrace itself by its mode of proceeding. I see or think I see a
strong inclination, if abolition be justice, to do justice in a most
unjust mode. Perhaps the dilatory conduct of that House formerly, it
is now thought, can be atoned for by hurry and precipitation. And that
its character will be best maintained by its being doubly disgraced.
I wish my mind had been so framed as to feel no doubts on this awful
and fearful business, but as that is not the case, I must endeavour to
do as rightly as, with my infirmities of mind I may be able to act.
I shall see to-day what course the matters take, and if my view of
the subject leads me to determine to vote and I feel it likely to be
beneficial to converse upon facts, as well as to read all I can find,
I shall seek the benefit you kindly offer me.
"Yours sincerely,
"ELDON."
Wilberforce had met Lord Ellenborough on the Continent in 1785, and
had maintained a friendly intercourse with him. The following letter
from Lord Ellenborough shows his attitude towards abolition. Though he
acknowledged the viciousness of the system he was extremely alarmed at
the consequences of disturbing it (especially in the then convulsed
state of the world). At the same time he said that he should not be
governed by any supposed policy of man, if he were clear as to the
will of God on the point. His letter is marked "truly pleasing" by
Wilberforce.
_Lord Ellenborough to Mr. Wilberforce._
"BLOOMSBURY SQUARE,
"_June 27, 1802_.
"MY DEAR SIR,--I recollect perfectly the conversation between us
in the House of Commons to which you allude, and should be extreme
happy to appoint a time when I might have the benefit, which I should
certainly derive from a communication with you upon the important
subject mentioned in your letter,--if I could do so with convenience
to you, and without breaking in upon my necessary attendance during
the sittings at Westminster and Guildhall--and which occupy me from
half-past eight to four or later every day--and on some days I am
afterwards obliged to attend the House of Lords till between five and
six. If there be any morning this week during which my sittings will
continue at Westminster, when it might be convenient to you to be at my
chamber at Westminster, called the King's Bench Treasury Chamber, by
half-past eight, I would be down there by that time, which would allow
me the satisfaction of seeing you for half hour before my sittings,
which commence at nine, begin. I feel the infinite importance of the
question of abolition, and will give no vote upon it at all, unless I
can do so with a much more satisfied judgment and conscience on the
subject than I have attained at present. I have always felt a great
abhorrence of the mode by which these unfortunate creatures are torn
from their families and country, and have doubted whether any sound
policy could grow out of a system which seemed to be so vicious in
its foundation; but I am extremely alarmed at the consequences of
disturbing it, particularly in the present convulsed state of the
world. In short, my dear sir, I am almost ashamed to say that I tremble
at giving their full effect to the impressions which the subject
naturally makes on my mind, in the first view of it, as a man and a
Christian. I am frightened at the consequences of any innovation upon
a long-established practice, at a period so full of danger as the
present. At the same time I cannot well reconcile it with the will of
God,--and if I was quite clear on that head, I should be decided by it,
and should not be governed by any supposed policy of man which might be
set up in opposition to it. I write this in confidence to yourself. I
remain, my dear sir, with very sincere respect,
"Your obedient servant,
"ELLENBOROUGH."
Wilberforce had written to Lord Ellenborough on the evils of his having
a seat in the Cabinet, Lord Ellenborough being at that time Lord
Chief Justice of the King's Bench, and the next letter contains Lord
Ellenborough's defence of his conduct, which does not err on the side
of brevity and which Wilberforce describes as "a very handsome answer."
_Lord Ellenborough to Mr. Wilberforce._
"BLOOMSBURY SQUARE,
"_February 4, 1806_.
"MY DEAR SIR,--I sit down to thank you for the favour of your letter
in the very instant in which I have received it. I regret very much
that I have no opportunity of personal communication with you on the
subject of it: if I had I could explain more perfectly and unreservedly
than I can do by letter all the motives which have induced my reluctant
acquiescence in a nomination of myself to a place in the Cabinet.
The situation has not only not been sought by me, but I appeal to
every member of the Government about to be formed who is acquainted
with the transaction, whether it was not accepted by me with extreme
reluctance, and after objections raised by myself which nothing but a
superior sense of the present duty and a prospect of present usefulness
to the public would have surmounted. If I had felt that a situation
in the Cabinet would have placed me under circumstances inconsistent
with the due and impartial discharge of my judicial functions, no
consideration on earth would have induced me to accept it. A member
of the Cabinet is only a member of a Select Committee of the Privy
Council, of which Privy Council at large every justice of the K.B. is
of course a member. In that larger Privy Council his Majesty may and
frequently does take the opinion of its members on matters which may
come in question judicially before some of them. But I think that no
man can correctly act in both capacities, and therefore when a question
of a high criminal nature was about a year ago under discussion at a
Privy Council at which I was particularly desired by the Chancellor to
attend, I stipulated expressly with my Lord Chancellor that I should
not be included in a Special Commission to try the offence then under
consideration. I think both my Lord C. J. Holt, and very lately my
Lord C. J. Eyre would have done better to have forborne being present
at the preliminary inquiries before the Privy Council, the subjects
of which in the result might be, and afterwards in fact were, tried
before them; but the objection is not so much in my opinion that I
might be led to participate in the counsels of the Executive Government
upon questions connected with the criminal jurisdiction which I am to
exercise elsewhere (because from these I should of course invariably
withdraw myself) but because it might give a political cast and bias
to a judicial mind, might generate views of ambition, and destroy
that indifference and impartiality on all questions which is the
proper characteristic of a British judge, and even if it had not that
effect, it might be supposed by the world at large to produce it, which
very opinion of others would detract much from the public credit and
consequent usefulness of the person so circumstanced.
"The consideration of this objection at first gave my mind no small
degree of anxiety. I was conscious to myself that I had no views of
ambition to gratify. Those views, if I had entertained any such, would
have been better consulted by accepting the Great Seal, and with it a
highly efficient place in the public Councils--but which I had already
refused--indeed every view of that kind has been long since more than
satisfied. I lent myself at the earnest solicitation of others to the
great public object of forming a strong and united administration,
which, perhaps, without my consent to accept this situation could
not, from particular circumstances and difficulties which I am not at
liberty to state, have been formed.
"In accepting it I have stipulated that I should not be expected
to attend except on particularly important occasions, and on such
occasions some of my predecessors and particularly Lord Mansfield has,
I understand, been called upon for his advice, and indeed, in virtue
of my oath as Privy Councillor I am bound to give that advice when
required.
"Will you acquit me of vanity?--I hope you will, when I give one reason
more for my consenting to become for a time (I hope it will be a short
one) an ostensible member of his Majesty's select and confidential
Council. As I had, so I hoped I should be understood to have, no motive
of ambition or interest inducing me to take this place in his Majesty's
Councils. I had in general been supposed on most subjects to think
for myself. I had, I believe, been considered in general as a zealous
friend to the just prerogatives of the Crown. I had no particular stain
upon my private character: in the miscellaneous composition of every
administration, and of this, amongst others, I thought a person such
as I might be esteemed to be, and on the ground of that estimation
particularly, would be an ingredient not wholly without its use.
"So it appeared to some of my friends. So it did (I speak it in
confidence) particularly to Lord Sidmouth, as to the purity of whose
views and conduct in the formation of the present arrangement I can
bear the fullest testimony, and whose earnest request (I speak it still
in the same confidence) overcame my reluctance, and induced me to make
this sacrifice of private convenience and to incur the hazard which
your kind and honourable letter represents to me as greater than I had
thought it, of suffering in the good opinion of others. If, after this
explanation, unavoidably less perfect than I could have wished to make
it, you shall still retain your unfavourable opinion of the step I have
taken, I shall learn it from you (and I am sure in that case you will
have the frankness to tell me so) with inexpressible pain. As long as
I shall continue a member of his Majesty's Councils (and I hope the
necessity which induced my acceptance of the situation will not be of
long continuance) I will give a faithful, honest, and fearless opinion
upon the subjects under consideration, and, although it is possible
that good men may doubt of the prudence or propriety of my conduct in
accepting it, I am confident that no good man who shall have the means
of knowing the actual course I shall pursue in that situation will
have reason to blame it. The explanation I have given you is entirely
confidential. With an anxious wish consistently to perform all the
various duties which press upon me at this moment and to preserve the
good opinion of good men, and especially of one whom on many accounts I
have so long and so highly esteemed as yourself,
"I remain, my dear sir,
"Most sincerely and faithfully yours,
"ELLENBOROUGH."
In 1802, on the supposition that Lord Wellesley's resignation as
Governor-General of India was imminent, an idea had been entertained
that Lord Castlereagh should be offered the Governor-Generalship, and
Wilberforce had been asked to approach him on the subject. From Lord
Camden's letter to Wilberforce, given below, it will be seen that Pitt
had objected to an appointment that would take Lord Castlereagh from
the House of Commons, which he thought should be the theatre of his
future fame.
_Lord Camden to Mr. Wilberforce._
"_January 7, 1802._
"DEAR WILBERFORCE,--I lament extremely that Lady Camden and I have been
deprived of the pleasure we should have had in receiving you and Mrs.
Wilberforce here, and still more that you should have been confined
to London by the very anxious attendance you have undergone. I thank
you for communicating with me on the subject of Lord Castlereagh, and
I will explain to you all I know of his objects as connected with the
situation you have mentioned.
"Amongst the many unpleasant circumstances attending our secession
from office I have considered Lord Castlereagh's actual situation as
one peculiarly awkward to himself, and I have also thought that in the
present dearth of men of spirit and sense who _can_ take office it was
unfortunate for the country that he should be excluded. With a view of
relieving him, if possible, from such exclusion, I contrived that he
should meet Pitt here about a month ago, and have a full and explicit
conversation with him and me relative to the future views of the one
and the future prospects of the other. (I confess I was not indifferent
at the same time to the consideration of the line I may myself
hereafter think it right to adopt.) In a previous conversation I had
with Pitt respecting Lord Castlereagh, he expressed his anxiety that
he should take office, and he is desirous of contriving it if possible
with credit to him; and amongst the objects to which Lord Castlereagh
might look, he took notice to me of an idea which he knew had been
entertained of sending him to the East Indies as Governor-General. He
(Pitt), however, expressed an objection to this appointment, as it
would take him from the House of Commons, which _he_ thought should be
the theatre of his future fame, and where, whenever Lord Hawkesbury
is removed, he will be much wanted. In preparing Lord Castlereagh for
his conversation with Pitt I mentioned to him the idea which had been
entertained of his going to India, but I took notice of it as a mere
floating idea that had not been matured, and in the short conversation
upon that part of the subject which ensued, his impression appeared to
be an unwillingness to banish himself from his country and to withdraw
for ever (as he should conceive he did, by now abandoning it) from
the situation he had a right to look for in the House of Commons. In
the subsequent conversation with Pitt at which I was present, not a
word passed on this subject, and I should therefore conceive that Lord
Castlereagh has never had the subject fairly before him. I am convinced
he would have communicated with me if he had; and although I should
conceive it very doubtful if the event might turn out as you wish, if
the proposition were made to him, I yet think if the directors of the
East India Company have really thought of him, he ought to have the
opportunity of weighing a subject of this great importance in his mind
before he has been understood to decline the offer. By way of apprising
Lord Castlereagh upon the subject I will enclose him your letter (if
you have no objection), which I think will give him the opinion of
a person indifferent to everything concerning him except his public
character, and open the business in as advantageous a manner as it can
be done.
"Believe me,
"Ever most sincerely yours,
"CAMDEN."
In 1803 the tardiness of our military preparations had been accentuated
in a debate on the second reading of the Army Reserve Bill. Windham,
of whom Wilberforce says that "he had many of the true characteristics
of a hero, but he had one great fault as a statesman, he hated the
popular side of any question," gives as his opinion in the next letter,
that he saw no impossibility in two armies of from twenty to thirty
thousand men being landed in different places, and being opposed only
by yeomanry and volunteers they might advance to London or wherever
else they pleased. "Government acknowledge that there is an utter want
of firearms."[35] Windham's hope was that Buonaparte might, for some
reason or other, not come; though he confesses that he did not know of
any foundation for such hope.
_Right Hon. William Windham to Mr. Wilberforce._
"BEACONSFIELD,
"_August 18, 1803_.
"DEAR WILBERFORCE,--The breaking up of Parliament, advanced as the
season is, I can hardly help regretting on another account. One wants
a means of publishing the abominable backwardness in which things are
with respect to defence: so as literally to put us in the situation,
described by some writer in the _Moniteur_, namely that if fifty
thousand men can anyhow get on shore, they must conquer the island.
What shall we say to the fact, that at the end of now more than five
months since the King's message not a single ball cartridge (I suppose)
has been fired from one end of the country to the other, unless
perhaps a few that I have desired to be fired just by me in Norfolk,
and some that I hear Grey has been using upon the same principle in
Northumberland?--that the corps, which have been raising, such as they
are, remain to this moment for the greater part without arms?--that
excepting, I am afraid, a very few thousand men to the army of reserve,
not the smallest addition has been or can be made to a force truly
regular, such as can alone be opposed upon equal terms to the troops
by which we shall be invaded?--and that the whole assistance, that
would be to be received from works, of whatever sort, is all yet to
be begun, and even settled? When men talk of the difficulties and
impracticability of invasion, of the impossibility of conquering a
country such as this, they say what may be true, but which is certainly
not so for any reasons which they can, or at least which they do,
give. It is all a kind of loose, general vague notion founded on what
they have been accustomed to see and to conceive, to which the answer
is that so was everything which we have seen successively happen for
these last fourteen years. Considering things not in much detail, but
upon principles somewhat less general than those which I have been
alluding to, I can see no impossibility in the supposition of two
armies landing in different places of from twenty to thirty thousand
men each, of their beating, severally, the troops immediately opposed
to them, and that having nothing then to encounter but volunteers and
yeomanry, and other troops of this description, in the midst of all the
confusion and panick which would then prevail, that they might advance
to London or wherever else they pleased. What the further consequences
might be, one has no pleasure in attempting to trace; but I should be
obliged to anyone who would show me some distinct limits to them. The
persons to do this are, I am sure, not those who talk so glibly of
crushing and overwhelming, and smothering, and I know not what all;
without the least idea how any of these things are to be done, while
the persons attacking us know how these things are, sometimes at least,
not done, by the example of the numerous countries which they have
overrun in spite of all such threatened opposition. I shall go from
here, that is from London, as soon as I have settled some necessary
business, and see whether I can be of any use in Norfolk, though I do
not perceive how with the aid of only a single regiment of militia (all
our present force) we are to stop a body of even one thousand men, or
how for the present, anything at all can be done, when there is not
as yet a provision for even the delivery of arms. All the firelocks
which they have as yet got immediately about here have been sent down
at my own expense. My chief hopes are I confess that Buonaparte may,
for some reason or another, not come, or at least for some time; but
what foundation there is for any such hope I confess I do not know.
Forgive my running on at this rate. The importance of the subject would
certainly warrant me if I had anything new to say.
"Yours very truly,
"W. WINDHAM."
Lord Chatham[36] at that time Master-General of the Ordnance, writes on
the same subject: at any rate there were "one hundred thousand pikes
ready for the defence of the country, but there was an indisposition to
take them."
_Lord Chatham to Mr. Wilberforce._
"ST. JAMES' SQUARE,
"_September 2, 1803._
"I had certainly felt it my duty (as only following up the plan
proposed before I came to the Ordnance) to endeavour to restore at
the Peace, and with such improvements as could be suggested, the
manufacture of the old Tower musquet, which our troops used to have,
but which the necessities of the late war, and the naked state of
our arsenals at its commencement, had obliged us to depart from, and
to have recourse to an inferior arm. I found of course considerable
opposition to any improvement, not only from the manufacturers, but
from all the inferior servants of the Ordnance. This was, however,
nearly surmounted, and the manufacture of the better sort of arm on the
point of taking place, when this sudden and unprecedented demand for
arms took place. I ought here to state that had it not been with a view
to improvement, and intending gradually to dispose of those of inferior
quality through the medium of the India Company, we should not have
been, previous to the war breaking out, carrying on any manufacture
of arms, our arsenals being overflowing, calculating on the most
extended scale the Department had ever been called upon to furnish. I
have, however, in consequence of the extraordinary calls of the present
crisis, determined to use every effort to meet it, and directions have
been given to the Board of Ordnance to revert to the same arm as was
made last war, and to manufacture to the utmost possible extent the
musquet of the India pattern. You will easily believe I must have felt
some reluctance in being obliged to take this step after all the pains
I have bestowed, but I hope I have judged for the best. I have great
satisfaction in thinking that the stock of arms we possess will enable
us in the first instance, to arm to a considerable extent perhaps all
that is really useful, and as arms come in, which with the exertions
of the manufacturers they will do quickly, and with the aid of what we
expect from abroad the remainder will be provided before long. We have
already one hundred thousand pikes, and can increase them rapidly, but
in general there is an indisposition to take them. I should like much
to talk over with you, not only the subject of arms, but the whole
question of volunteering which I contemplate as a most serious one.
Excuse great haste with which I have written, and with Lady Chatham's
very best remembrances to you,
"Believe me, yours very sincerely,
"CHATHAM."
Henry Bankes, the old friend of both Pitt and Wilberforce, writes on
the political situation in 1807 as follows:--
_Mr. Bankes to Mr. Wilberforce._
"KINGSTON HALL,
"_January 1, 1807_.
"MY DEAR WILBERFORCE,--Upon perusing the French papers I am well
satisfied with the conduct of our Government. The tone is firm and
uniform, and the demands such that we might have felt extremely happy
to have made peace if we could have obtained them. There is somewhat of
a blundering about the basis, which you will recollect Lord Malmesbury
wrote so much ingenious nonsense about upon a former occasion, and it
is to be lamented that Mr. Fox (whose letters upon the whole do him
great honour) laid down an indistinct and indefinite basis in general
terms of loose construction instead of binding that Proteus, his friend
Talleyrand, to whom in his first address he professes the most perfect
_attachment_ (what a word from a Minister not born in the days of
Charles II.!) to the sense in which he meant to interpret, fairly as I
think, his words, and the words of his master.