“You are aware,” he writes from on board the _Asia_, “that a

treaty has been signed between England, France, and Russia for the

pacification of Greece. A declaration of the decision of the Powers

has been presented to the Porte, and a similar declaration has been

presented to the Greeks. The armistice proposed to each, in these

declarations, has been acceded to by the Greeks, whilst it has been

refused by the Turks. It becomes, therefore, the duty of the allied

naval forces to enter, in the first place, on friendly relations with

the Greeks; and, next, to intercept every supply of men, arms, etc.,

destined against Greece, and coming either from Turkey or Africa in

general. The last measure is that which requires the greatest caution,

and, above all, a complete understanding as to the operations of the

allied naval forces. Most particular care is to be taken that the

measures adopted against the Ottoman navy do not degenerate into

hostilities. The formal intention of the Powers is to interfere as

conciliators, and to establish, in fact, at sea the armistice which the

Porte would not concede as a right. Every hostile proceeding would be

at variance with the pacific ground which they have chosen to take, and

the display of forces which they have assembled is destined to cause

that wish to be respected; but they must not be put into use, unless

the Turks persist in forcing the passages which they have intercepted.

All possible means should be tried, in the first instance, to prevent

the necessity of proceeding to extremities; but the prevention of

supplies, as before mentioned, is to be enforced, if necessary, and

when all other means are exhausted, by cannon shot. In giving you this

instruction as to the duty which I am directed to perform, my intention

is to make you acquainted thoroughly with the object of our Government,

that you may not be taken by surprise as to whatever measures I may

find it necessary to adopt. You will still look to me for further

instructions as to the carrying any such measures into effect.”

On September 11th Sir Edward Codrington, with the _Genoa_

and _Albion_, arrived off Navarino, and beheld the whole of

the expedition from Alexandria at anchor in the harbour, where it

had arrived two days previously. The English squadron hovered off

this place for above a week, awaiting the coming of the allies.

On the 19th September Sir Edward Codrington notified the admiral

commanding the Ottoman force in the port of Navarino that he would

be prevented--by extreme measures, if necessary--from attacking

the Greeks. Notwithstanding, on the 21st a division of the Turkish

expedition got under way, and came out of the harbour. Their intentions

were clear, and the British ships cleared for action. What the issue

of this incident might have been it is difficult to say, had not the

sails of a strange squadron appeared upon the horizon to windward

whilst the English and Turks were still manœuvring near the land. The

vessels turned out to be the French fleet, under Admiral de Rigny, and

whatever might have been the intentions of the commander of the Ottoman

expedition, it retired back into the harbour immediately the strangers

were near enough for the French colours to be visible.

By the arrival of Admiral de Rigny at Navarino, not only was Sir

Edward Codrington’s force largely augmented, but he was relieved of

his isolated and critical responsibility by the certainty of a joint

action in whatever steps might now be taken. The Russian squadron

had not yet appeared; but the British and French admirals at once

commenced proceedings by interviewing Ibrahim Pacha, the commander

of the Turkish forces at Navarino, and clearly impressing upon him

the determination of the allied Courts to carry out the spirit of the

treaty, and the necessity imposed on them (the admirals) to enforce

the armistice referred to in their instructions. The interview was

a long one. Ibrahim said that the admirals must be aware he was a

soldier like themselves, and that it was as imperative for him to obey

orders as for them; that his instructions were to attack Hydra, and

that he must put them into execution, it being for him merely to act

and not to negotiate. The admirals replied that they quite sympathised

with the feelings of a brave man under such circumstances, and that

they congratulated him upon having a force opposed to him which it

was impossible to resist. They reminded him that if he put to sea in

defiance of their amicable warning they must carry their instructions

into execution, and that if he resisted by force the total destruction

of his fleet must follow, which, they added archly and significantly,

was an act of madness the Grand Seignior could not applaud. Amidst

a profusion of Oriental compliments, French politeness, and British

bluntness was this interview between the warlike Turk and the allied

admirals carried on; and, although in conclusion Ibrahim pledged his

word of honour to observe the armistice, yet the actual result of the

long palavar was to leave things very much in the same situation in

which they had been before.

Admiral Codrington’s description of Ibrahim, contained in a letter

written by him to his sister Jane shortly after the interview referred

to, is particularly interesting. After a very graphic description of

the Turkish camp and of Ibrahim’s tent, he proceeds:--“They first began

with the ceremony of introduction, which, as there were a good many

of us on either side, was proportionally long.... At length, however,

I got settled, and began to look around me again.... This tent also

was open, and from his sofa he looked down over the whole harbour,

and really the sight was beautiful, covered as it was by the ships

and boats of all sorts continually passing to and fro. His tent was

_outside_ the walls of Navarin; and, indeed, what force he had

with him appeared to be outside of the town. Altogether, I thought he

had chosen the coolest and most convenient place to pitch his tent in

that could be found. But to return thither. He is a man of about forty

years old, not at all good-looking, but with heavy features, very much

marked with the smallpox, and as fat as a porpoise. Though I had no

opportunity of seeing his height--as he was on his sofa, lying down or

sitting the whole time--I should not think him more than five feet

seven inches. He was, _for a Pacha_, plainly dressed, I think,

particularly as his followers and officers were covered with gold and

embroidery; and, for _a Turk_, I think his manners were very

good indeed. The conversation first began about the weather, and such

common-place things; for I learnt (from the interpreter) he does not

talk of business till _after coffee_.”

[Illustration: ZANTE.]

Ibrahim proved treacherous. He disregarded his own word of honour to

accept the armistice, and there followed a long series of negotiations,

in which the attitude of the allied admirals gradually grew more

threatening and that of the Ottoman leader proportionately defiant.

On the 2nd of October, in the midst of a heavy thunderstorm, the

Turkish fleet boldly put to sea. This was a direct breach of the

parole which had been passed, and the Honourable Captain Spencer, in

the _Talbot_, was instructed to inform the Turkish admiral that

he would not be permitted to proceed, and that if he allowed a single

gun to be fired at the English flag the whole of his fleet would be

destroyed. This message speedily caused the Turks to bring their ships

to the wind, and the second in command, Halhil Bey, came on board

the _Asia_. He admitted that he had been present at Sir Edward

Codrington’s interview with Ibrahim Pacha, when the latter bound

himself in honour not to send any of his fleet out of the port, but

pretended to believe that it had been sanctioned for a Turkish squadron

to go to Patras. The British admiral bluntly informed Halhil that,

having broken their faith with him, he would not trust them henceforth,

and that if they did not put about and return to Navarino he would make

them. This message was accompanied by the _Asia_ firing a gun and

filling her main-topsail; on which the Turkish fleet, by a signal from

their admiral, swung their yards afresh and stood back towards the

harbour.

This little incident confirmed Sir Edward Codrington in his intention

of summarily enforcing the treaty he had been despatched to uphold.

Admiral de Rigny, on his part, showed no less a degree of determination

to maintain the pledge which his nation had conjointly given to the

Greeks. Down to this period, however, the Russians had not appeared

upon the scene; but on the 15th of October their squadron, under

Count Heiden, joined the French and British fleets off Zante. Sir

Edward Codrington, from seniority of rank, was commander-in-chief of

the combined fleet. On the 18th of October the three admirals held a

conference for the purpose of concerting the measures of effecting the

object specified in the Treaty of London--namely, an armistice _de

facto_ between the Turks and Greeks. They considered: “That Ibrahim

Pacha having violated the engagement he entered into with the admirals

on September 25th for a provisional suspension of arms, by causing his

fleet to come out and proceed towards another point in the Morea; that

since the return of the fleet, owing to meeting Admiral Codrington near

Patras, the Pacha’s troops had carried on a warfare more destructive

and exterminating than before, killing women and children, burning

habitations, etc., for completing the devastation of the country; and

that all endeavours to put a stop to these atrocities by persuasion

and conciliation, by representations to the Turkish chiefs, and advice

given to Mehemet Ali have been treated as mockeries, though they could

have been stopped by a word: Therefore the admirals found that there

remained to them only three modes of action:--

“1st. The continuing throughout the whole of the winter a

blockade--difficult, expensive, and perhaps useless, since a storm

might disperse the squadrons, and afford to Ibrahim the facility of

conveying his destroying army to different parts of the Morea and the

islands;

“2nd. The uniting the allied squadrons in Navarin itself, and securing

by this permanent presence the inaction of the Ottoman fleets, but

which mode alone leads to no termination, since the Porte persists in

not changing its system;

“3rd. The proceeding to take a position with the squadrons in Navarin,

in order to renew to Ibrahim propositions which, entering into the

spirit of the Treaty, were evidently to the advantage of the Porte

itself.”

Having taken these three modes into consideration, the admirals

unanimously agreed that the last method was best calculated, without

bloodshed, but simply by the imposing presence of the squadrons, to

produce the desired end. Sir Edward Codrington had a considerable

difficulty to contend with in the jealousy which existed between the

Russian and French admirals, and it called for no small exercise of

tact on his part to maintain harmony in the combined fleet. The allied

force was as follows:--

English: Three line-of-battle ships, four frigates, four brigs, one

cutter.

French: Three line-of-battle ships, one double-banked frigate, one

frigate, two cutters.

Russian: Four line-of-battle ships, four frigates.

In all twenty-four ships of war.

The Ottoman force was as follows:--Three line-of-battle ships,

four double-banked frigates, thirteen frigates, thirty corvettes,

twenty-eight brigs, six fire brigs, five schooners, forty-one

transports.

In all, one hundred and thirty sail of vessels. The Turks had in

addition to this imposing force an army of 35,000 Egyptian troops in

the Morea, of whom 4,000 were on board the transports.

On the 19th of October Admiral Codrington issued his instructions to

his colleagues as to the manner in which the combined fleet was to be

disposed on entering the port of Navarino.

“It appears,” runs the order, “that the Egyptian ships in which the

French officers are embarked are those most to the south-east.[8] It

is, therefore, my wish that his excellency Rear-Admiral Chevalier

de Rigny should place his squadron abreast of them. As the next

in succession appears to be a ship of the line with a flag at the

main, I propose placing the _Asia_ abreast of her, with the _Genoa_

and _Albion_ next to the _Asia_; and I wish that his excellency

Rear-Admiral Count Heiden will have the goodness to place his squadron

next in succession to the British ships of the line. The Russian

frigates in this case can occupy the Turkish ship next in succession to

the Russian ships of the line; the English frigates forming alongside

such Turkish vessels as may be on the western side of the harbour

abreast of the British ships of the line; and the French frigates

forming in the same manner, so as to occupy the Turkish frigates,

etc., abreast of the French ships of the line. If time permits, before

any hostility is committed by the Turkish fleet, the ships are to moor

with springs on the ring of each anchor. No gun is to be fired from the

combined fleet without a signal being made for that purpose, unless

shot be fired from any of the Turkish ships, in which case the ships so

firing are to be destroyed immediately. The corvettes and brigs are,

under the direction of Captain Fellows, of the _Dartmouth_, to remove

the fire vessels into such a position as will prevent their being

able to injure any of the combined fleet. In case of a regular battle

ensuing, and creating any of that confusion which must necessarily

arise out of it, it is to be observed that, in the words of Lord

Nelson, ‘no captain can do very wrong who places his ship alongside

that of an enemy.’--Edward Codrington, Vice-Admiral.”

The combined fleet made an attempt to stand into Navarino on the 19th

of October, but the wind was too light and the current too strong to

enable them to effect their purpose. On the following day, however, at

about two o’clock in the afternoon, the allied squadrons passed the

batteries at the entrance to the harbour to take up their anchorage.

The Turkish ships lay moored in the form of a great crescent, with

springs upon their cables, the large ones presenting their broadsides

towards the centre, and the smaller craft filling up the intervals

between them. The allied fleet was formed in the order of sailing in

two columns, the British and French forming the starboard or weather

line, and the Russian the lee column. Sir Edward Codrington, in the

_Asia_, led in, closely followed by the _Genoa_ and _Albion_, and

anchored in succession close alongside a line-of-battle ship flying

the flag of the Capitana Bey, another ship of the line, and one of the

large double-banked frigates, each thus having her proper opponent in

the front line of the enemy’s fleet. The four ships to windward, which

formed a portion of the Egyptian squadron, were allotted to Admiral

de Rigny’s vessels; and those to leeward, in the bight or hollow of

the crescent, were to mark the stations of the whole Russian squadron,

the ships of their line covering those of the English line, and being

followed by the frigates of their division.

Admiral Codrington had been very express in his instructions that no

gun should be fired until some act of open hostility was committed

by the Turks, and this order was strictly carried out. The three

English ships were permitted to pass the batteries, and proceeded to

moor in their respective stations with great celerity. But upon the

_Dartmouth_ sending a boat to one of the six fire vessels lying

near the entrance to the harbour, Lieutenant Fitzroy and several seamen

in her were killed by a volley of musketry. This immediately produced a

responsive fire of musketry from the _Dartmouth_ and likewise from

_La Syrène_, the flagship of the French admiral, followed almost

at once by the discharge of a broadside gun from one of the Egyptian

ships, and in a breath almost the action became general.

The _Asia_ was ranged alongside the ship of the Capitana Bey, and

equally close to that of Moharem Bey, the commander of the Egyptian

squadron. As neither of these ships opened upon the British flagship,

notwithstanding the action was raging briskly to windward, Sir Edward

Codrington withheld his fire. No interchange of hostilities between

the vessels took place, therefore, for a considerable while after the

_Asia_ had returned the first volley of the Capitana; and, indeed,

it was evidently the intention of the enemy to try and avoid a regular

battle, for Moharem sent a message that he would not fire at all. Sir

Edward Codrington, equally willing to avert bloodshed, sent the British

pilot, Peter Mitchell, who also acted as interpreter, to Moharem with

a message to the effect that it was no desire of his to proceed to

extreme measures. As the boat went alongside, a discharge of musketry

from the Egyptian ship killed Mitchell, and at the same time she opened

fire upon the _Asia_. Upon this Admiral Codrington opened his

broadside in real earnest, and so furious was the fire from his ship

that in a very little while the ship of the Capitana Bey and that of

Moharem were reduced to total wrecks, and went drifting away to leeward.

The French and Russian squadrons played their part gallantly and well.

“The conduct of my brother admirals, Count Heiden and the Chevalier

de Rigny, throughout,” wrote Sir Edward to the Duke of Clarence,

“was admirable and highly exemplary.” In the British division the

_Genoa_ and _Albion_ took their stations with magnificent precision,

and maintained a most destructive fire throughout the contest. The

_Glasgow_, _Cambrian_, and _Talbot_ followed the example set by the

intrepid Frenchman who commanded the _Armide_, which effectually

destroyed the leading frigate of the enemy’s line and silenced the

batteries ashore. Captain Fellows, in the _Dartmouth_, succeeded in

frustrating the designs of the fireships stationed near the mouth of

the harbour, and preserved the _Syrène_ from being burnt. The battle

was maintained with unabated fury for above four hours, and owing to

the crowded formation of the Ottoman fleet, and the close quarters

at which the allied ships engaged them, the havoc and bloodshed were

prodigious. As the Turkish vessels were one after another disabled,

their crews set them on fire and deserted them, and the lurid scene

was rendered infinitely more terrible and weird by the flaming ships

and incessant explosions among the huddled and shattered craft. The

resistance of the enemy then began to sensibly slacken. By the time

that night had closed down upon the scene, the Turkish fleet was so

crippled as to cease any longer to be a menace to the violation of

the Treaty. “When I found,” wrote Sir Edward Codrington, “that the

boasted Ottoman’s word of honour was made a sacrifice to wanton, savage

destruction, and that a base advantage was taken of our reliance upon

Ibrahim’s good faith, I own I felt a desire to punish the offenders.”

And most terribly punished they were. Never did British arms bear part

in a more complete and decisive victory. When the dusk of the Oriental

evening, obscured into a pall-like gloom by the dense banks of smoke,

descended over the terrific spectacle, the enemy’s cannonade had grown

feeble and scattered, and presently ceased altogether. Their vessels

continued to blaze and to explode. Out of the proud fleet which in

the noontide of that day had floated serenely upon the blue waters of

Navarin harbour sixty ships were totally destroyed, and the remainder

driven ashore in a shattered condition, with the exception of the

_Leone_, four corvettes, six brigs, and four schooners, which remained

afloat after the battle. The carnage was frightful. According to the

statistics furnished by Monsieur Letellier, the French instructor

to the Egyptian navy, to Commander Richards, of the _Pelorus_, the

enemy’s losses amounted to 3,000 killed and 1,109 wounded. The defeat,

indeed, practically amounted to annihilation. At ten o’clock on the

night of the battle, Sir Edward Codrington was writing an account of

the victory to his wife: “Well, my dear, the Turks have fought, and

fought well too, and we have annihilated their fleet. We have lost poor

Smith, Captain Bell, R.M., and many good men.... I am entirely unhurt,

but the _Asia_ is quite a wreck, having had her full allowance of the

work.” The admiral, however, had a succession of marvellous escapes,

and, indeed, almost seems to have borne a charmed life throughout the

battle. Mr. Lewis, the boatswain of the _Asia_, while speaking to him

early in the action, was struck dead. Mr. Smith, the master, was also

shot down whilst talking with him. Sir Edward was a tall man, and in

his uniform must have made a conspicuous figure upon the _Asia’s_ deck.

Instead of his cocked hat he wore a round hat, which afforded better

shade to his eyes; this was pierced in two places by bullet-holes. His

coat-sleeve, which chanced to be rather loose, had two bullet-holes

in it just above the wrist. A ball struck the watch in his fob and

shivered it, but left him uninjured. Tahir Pacha afterwards admitted to

Mr. Kerigan, on board the _Blonde_, that he himself posted a company of

riflemen to aim at the British admiral and shoot him if they could.

[Illustration: Battle of NAVARINO.]

The combined fleets quitted the harbour of Navarino on the 25th of

October, having tarried awhile, unmolested, to repair damages. They

were suffered to depart by the Turks without the firing of a single

shot, although it had been quite expected that the batteries would open

upon them as they passed the harbour mouth. On the 3rd of November they

arrived at Malta. Here they spent some considerable time in refitting.

For his services Sir Edward Codrington received the Grand Cross of the

Bath; the King of France conferred upon him the Grand Cross of the

Military Order of St. Louis; and the Emperor Nicholas of Russia, in

an autograph letter, bestowed upon him the rare honour of wearing the

second class of the Military Order of St. George.

[Illustration: “THE BATTLE WAS MAINTAINED WITH UNABATED

FURY FOR ABOVE FOUR HOURS” (_p._ 368).]

Battles of the nineteenth century, vol. 1 of 7 · 第 51 / 52 段