Then a line of blue and silver, and curving sabres and brown busbies,

tore out of the concealment, gathered up the retiring pickets, and

rushed upon the Chasseurs. There was slashing and shouting and riding

down, and the French squadrons returned through the fords again at full

gallop, leaving fifty-five killed and wounded, and seventy prisoners.

They re-formed on their own side, and for a moment it was thought they

would charge us, but a couple of guns put them to the right-about, and

their leader remained in our hands.

Private Levi Grisdale, of the 10th, saw him riding for the river, in a

green frock, with a hat and feather, and, spurring after him, dodged a

pistol-ball and cut him over the left cheek.

Grisdale was promoted, although the 3rd Germans claimed that a private

of theirs, named Bergmann, had taken the general; but the uniforms

of the two regiments were very similar then, both being in blue with

yellow facings and white braid, and it is difficult to distinguish

things accurately in the hurry of a combat.

Desnouettes lived at Malvern and Cheltenham, where he made many

friends, until May, 1812, when, breaking his parole, he escaped to

France, only to be taken again at Waterloo, where Grisdale also fought

as a sergeant, and the unlucky general was eventually drowned off the

Irish coast in 1822.

At Benevente the 3rd Hussars alone lost forty-six men and twenty-two

horses, with forty-seven more wounded; but we had checked the Guard

and shown our teeth; and when the night winds were howling among the

porcelain friezes and broken porphyry columns of the old castle on the

hill, we withdrew cautiously in a thick fog and continued our retreat.

Captain Darby and seventeen privates of the 10th died of fatigue during

the march to Bembibre, and they shot sixty horses that could go no

farther.

Deep snow lay on the ground, rutted and trampled by the passage of

the guns and bullock carts; this had frozen like iron, and then been

concealed by another snowstorm, so that men and horses stumbled and

lamed themselves at every stride.

One officer lost a boot among the ruts on Christmas morning, and

marched all day without it!

Every regiment had received a new blanket per man and a hundred and

fifty new soles and heels, but the execrable roads quickly wore out the

leather.

Astorga was found to be full of miserable Spanish soldiers, who had

eaten up most of the stores, and whose condition was summed up in their

own words: “Very hungry--very sick--very dry!”

[Illustration:

BATTLE OF

CORUNNA.

JAN. 16, 1809.]

A number of women and children followed the army, and their sufferings

were truly terrible. Soldiers began to fall out, unable to keep up

with the columns, and the rear-guard passed scores of poor wretches

frozen to death in the snow, while at Bembibre, where there were

large wine-vaults, discipline began to relax its hold, and shameful

drunkenness stained the hitherto excellent record of the troops.

Meanwhile, Napoleon made the most strenuous efforts to overtake us.

He insisted on marching from Benevente to Astorga in one short winter

day, a distance of thirty odd miles, under an icy rain, the infantry

being obliged to strip five or six times and scramble through the

streams, holding their clothing and ammunition above the water.

So exhausted was his army that three veteran grenadiers of the Old

Guard blew out their brains, unable to go on, and knowing that the

sullen peasants in their sheepskin _capas_ would murder them if

they lagged behind.

Napoleon was much affected, but he still pushed forward, and late at

night, drenched to the skin, and attended only by Lannes, the staff,

and a hundred Chasseurs, he dashed into Astorga. Had Paget, who was

only six miles off, learned this, he might have swooped down with the

Hussars and changed the future fate of Europe by capturing the Emperor

himself. Napoleon had marched two hundred miles in ten days with 50,000

troops in the depth of winter, but for all his haste, we had eluded him

and gained the mountains, and at Astorga the Emperor handed the reins

to Soult, reviewed his legions, and returned to Valladolid, leaving the

Marshal Duke of Dalmatia to drive us into the sea.

The features of the retreat now underwent a change: our columns began

to ascend into a wild and dreary region, the road winding along the

mountain sides halfway between the summits and the rushing water in the

valleys below.

Here and there a solitary cottage showed its slate roof; at intervals

the weary leagues were marked on stone pillars by the way; the droning

hum of the axles of the bullock carts could be heard for a great

distance, and slanting rain beat on the tired stragglers, whose numbers

were by this time terribly increased.

Bembibre, when the Reserve entered it on New Year’s Day, was full

of drunken soldiers from Baird’s divisions; officers and men grew

careless, and thought only of themselves, and it was found necessary to

flog and hang to restore some semblance of order, with an active enemy

on our very heels.

The light troops had marched for Vigo, whither Sir John Moore intended

to follow, but at Orense a message overtook them, bidding them send the

transports round to Corunna, and Captain Heisse, after a hard gallop

through the snow, was just in time to despatch the vessels before an

unfavourable wind set dead into the harbour mouth.

At Calcabellos, while Lord Edward Paget was haranguing the Reserve on

the subject of the growing insubordination, two plunderers were caught

in the act. The troops were instantly formed in hollow square round a

tree to witness their execution, when a hussar dashed in with news that

the enemy were upon us.

“I don’t care if the entire French cavalry are here,” roared the

general; “I’ll hang these scoundrels!”

They were lifted in the arms of the provost-marshal’s men, the ropes

were adjusted, and in another moment they would have dangled in

mid-air, when a second hussar came up, and carbine shots rang out from

the 3rd Germans at the bridge.

[Illustration: “A HUSSAR DASHED IN WITH THE NEWS THAT THE

ENEMY WERE UPON US!” (_p._ 356).]

“Soldiers,” cried Lord Edward, “if I pardon these men will you

promise better behaviour for the future?”

“Yes,” was the unanimous reply.

“Say it again!”

“Yes, yes!” from a thousand throats.

“A third time!”

It was done with a cheer, the men were released, and the troops went

off at the double towards the firing.

Colbert attacked us there with a large body of cavalry, and our

Rifles, posted in a vineyard, emptied a score of saddles as the French

dragoons and light horse tore up the road to the bridge-head. Colbert

was not only a splendid soldier, but a good man, in an army where,

unfortunately, virtue was at a low ebb, and two days before, at the

review, Napoleon had said to him, “General, you have proved in Egypt,

Italy, and Germany that you are one of my bravest warriors: you shall

soon receive the reward due to your brilliant successes.”

“Make haste, sire,” replied Colbert, “for, while I am not yet thirty, I

feel that I am already old.”

At Calcabellos, an Irishman of the 95th, named Tom Plunkett, ran out

and threw himself on his back in the snow. Passing the sling of his

rifle over his foot, he sighted and fired, and Colbert fell from his

horse. Jumping up Plunkett cast about and reloaded, firing again and

killing the aide-de-camp who had rushed to his general’s assistance,

after which the lucky marksman rejoined his comrades in safety (only

to be discharged some years afterwards, without promotion, a victim to

drink, that curse of our Peninsular armies).

Wherever the danger was pressing, Sir John Moore was to be

found--nothing could exceed his personal exertions on the retreat.

At Villa Franca, romantically situated in a deep valley, with the

pointed turrets of a Dominican convent rising against a background of

bare hills, and where the ferocious Duke of Alva once had a castle,

the army committed great disorders, and Sir John had a man shot in the

market-place as a warning to the others.

Although we checked the enemy wherever the rear-guard faced about, the

march had not been resumed long when their horsemen were again riding

among the stragglers, cutting them down without mercy--man, woman, and

child!

The 28th, with its brown calfskin knapsacks, taken from the French

stores in Egypt, toiled over the snow, and the handsomest man of the

Grenadier company, named McGee, fell lame and dropped behind, his

comrades carrying his pack and musket for him, but two French troopers

came up, and, unarmed as he was, slashed him to pieces almost in sight

of his company.

Misery and disorder increased; the cavalry were sent on ahead, with

the exception of a part of the 3rd Hussars, and the rear-guard fought

every yard of the way until they reached Lugo, where Sir John drew up

in order of battle, and discipline was again restored.

All day, in the drenching rain, we waited for the French to attack, but

Soult was too wary; and at night, leaving the fires burning, the army

continued its retreat, gaining several hours’ start before the enemy

became aware of it.

The pay-waggons, heavily laden with silver dollars, were abandoned, as

the oxen were quite used up, and Lieutenant Bennet stood with a drawn

pistol and orders to shoot any soldier who lingered there.

Hugo, of the 3rd Hussars, gave an equal proportion to each man of his

detachment, and it was carried in their corn-sacks to Corunna and

delivered to the Commissariat; but the rest--£25,000 worth--was pitched

over into the valley, the barrels breaking on the rocks and sending a

silver cascade far down beyond the reach of the marching army.

The stragglers crowded round and fought for the money spilled on the

road, one woman--wife of Sergeant Maloney, of the 52nd--making her

fortune for life; but, stepping from the boat on to a transport at

Corunna, she slipped, and the weight of the stolen treasure took her to

the bottom of the harbour, never to rise again!

While the miserable wretches were scrambling in the snow, the enemy

came up and slaughtered without mercy, stopping in their turn to gather

up the spoil, and giving us a little breathing-time.

Farther on we met some Spanish troops discharging their muskets

briskly, as though skirmishing, and it was feared that the French

had intercepted us, but on getting closer we were told that the

contemptible riff-raff were “_only firing to warm their hands_!”

At Lugo Sir John Moore had issued an order in which he said: “It is

evident that the enemy will not fight this army, notwithstanding the

superiority of his numbers, but will endeavour to harass and tease it

on its march.... The army has now eleven leagues to march; the soldiers

must make an exertion to complete them. The rear-guard cannot stop, and

those that fall behind must take their fate!”

Many of the troops were now barefooted, and all were more or less in

rags. Far too many camp-followers had been allowed to accompany us, and

all were starving in a wild and sterile country, where a yellow fowl

was often the only result of a plundered cottage.

The 28th found nothing at Villa Franca but one piece of salt pork,

which Major Browne tied to his holsters--to lose it in the night-march

to Herrerias.

The same officer, on embarking, exchanged his horse for a pig, but in

the confusion the major was shipped on board one transport and the pig

on to another!

Small wonder that the “Slashers,” on finding some Spaniards frozen to

death among the _débris_ of two bread-waggons, moved the corpses

to hunt ravenously for the crusts among which they were lying!

At length it was the custom to stop all stragglers and take from them a

proportion of the food they carried, and by that means they collected

sufficient to serve out a ration to every man of the rear-guard!

At Nogales--where the country reminds one of Glencoe--a private who

had been sent on ahead found a quantity of potatoes, which he boiled,

and as the 28th filed past the house he distributed three or four to

officer and man alike, without distinction; and at the same place some

officers of the “Slashers” went into a cottage where there was a fire,

and where they stripped to dry their clothes.

A Spanish general was sleeping snugly in an inner room, well wrapped in

furs, and his two aides-de-camp were standing by the fire.

One of the “Slashers” laid his valuable watch down, and, returning from

the door, where he had been directing some stragglers, found that one

of the aides-de-camp had walked off with it!

“I cannot be held responsible for all the people about me,” was the

grumpy remark of the Spanish general. What could be expected from an

army whose officers were thieves?

The last halt was made at Betanzos, and while the rear-guard covered

the partial destruction of the bridge there, the army marched in column

to Corunna, only to find the Atlantic roaring on the rocks, but not a

sail in sight!

The French were in great force at Betanzos, and furious at our

continued escape. One sergeant charged _alone_ in advance of his

squadron, to the centre of the bridge, but a private of the 28th, named

Thomas Savage, stepped out and shot him, securing his cloak before the

others came up.

The Engineers bungled the bridge, and blew up one of their officers

with it, while we had to fall back on Corunna before it was properly

destroyed.

Fine weather now dried our rags. On the 11th January the Guards were

quartered in the town, the Reserve near St. Lucia, and the other

regiments posted in strong positions. Vast stores were meanwhile

destroyed in Corunna, and two hundred and ninety horses of the German

Legion shot in the arsenal square at St. Lucia, amid the tears of the

brave troopers.

The 12th proved damp and foggy, and no trace of the fleet could be

seen. The French still held back, our officers exchanging pot-shots

with them until Paget put a stop to it; and on the 13th a terrific

explosion from 4,000 powder-barrels caused something very like a panic

in both armies. Corunna was shaken, its windows smashed, and a rain of

white ashes fell for a considerable time.

At last, on the afternoon of the 14th, the transports hove in sight,

and as soon as they were anchored we began to embark the wounded and

the guns, the cavalry being ordered to ship thirty horses per regiment

and shoot the rest as there was not time to get them on board with a

heavy sea running. The 15th Hussars brought four hundred to Corunna,

and landed in England with thirty-one! The 10th--the Prince of Wales’s

particular regiment, and the first in our service to wear the showy

Hungarian dress, which its hussar troop had adopted in 1803 and the

entire corps two years later--began the campaign with six hundred

handsome chargers and took thirty home again.

The greatest confusion took place among the camp-followers, but by

degrees the embarkation proceeded, our gallant tars going in some cases

two days without food in their noble efforts to help us.

There was a little skirmishing, but no very decided movement, until the

16th--in fact, French officers were seen picking up shells on the sands

at low water within range of our muskets--but at last the infantry

alone remained on shore, and the 28th, among others, was ordered to

fall in at two o’clock on the 16th to march down to the boats.

Scarcely had they mustered when, a violent cannonade being opened

upon us, and a forward movement being observed, they went off at the

double towards the enemy again. They had done eighty miles in the last

twelve days, standing several nights under arms in the snow; they had

repulsed the French seven times, and the 28th alone had lost more than

two hundred men; yet, when the battle of Corunna began, the Reserve had

fewer men missing than any other division!

[Illustration: CORUNNA.]

Some of the generals wished Moore to come to terms with Soult, but

nothing was farther from the brave Scotchman’s thoughts.

Circumstances had compelled us to retreat, but it was no part of a

British soldier’s training to shirk a battle at the last moment;

consequently, the low hills behind Elvina were soon echoing to the

rattle of musketry as our black-gaitered infantry opened fire on the

French columns.

There was little or no manœuvring during the engagement: Soult advanced

in three masses, driving our pickets out of the village of Elvina.

Baird, of Seringapatam fame, held the right of our line, Sir John Hope

formed the centre and left with his division, while Paget and Fraser

were in reserve before Corunna: 14,500 men in all, facing 20,000.

Sir John Moore sent the 50th and 42nd to retake Elvina, which was

rendered formidable by sunken lanes and stone walls, but after a brave

scrimmage which lasted half an hour, the French were driven out and the

Guards advanced to take up the position originally occupied by the two

regiments.

The Black Watch having exhausted their cartridges fell back, thinking

the Guards were marching to support them, and the enemy returned in

force and entered the village again.

Sir John rode up to the 42nd, and learning that their ammunition

was expended, said, “You have still your bayonets, my brave

Highlanders--remember Egypt!” and with a yell the Black Watch rushed

forward once more.

While Sir John Moore was watching the struggle, a round shot struck

him on the left breast and dashed him out of the saddle; but without a

groan, he sat up, resting on his arm and for a moment gazed intently at

the Highlanders driving the French steadily back.

Then, as a happy look came into his handsome face, the staff crowded

round him and saw the shocking state of his wound. The shoulder was

completely shattered, and the left arm hung by a piece of skin; the

ribs over the heart were broken and bared of flesh, while the muscles

of the breast were torn into shreds and strips, among which the hilt of

his sword had got entangled.

“I had rather it should go out of the field with me,” said the dying

hero, as Hardinge made an attempt to disengage it.

Men of the 42nd and Guards carried him tenderly in a blanket, taking an

hour to reach Corunna, the general frequently making them halt and turn

him round.

Like Wolfe at Quebec, his anxiety was for the success of the army, and

like Wolfe his last moments were cheered by the knowledge that we had

beaten the French.

Soult had fallen back, General Baird was badly wounded, and Hope

carried out Sir John’s original plans for the embarkation.

“I hope the people of England will be satisfied,” said the dying

man. “I hope my dear country will do me justice. Oh, Anderson!” he

whispered to his friend, “you will see my friends at home; tell them

everything--my mother----” then he broke down.

He was believed to be devotedly attached to Lady Hester Stanhope,

eldest daughter of the third Earl Stanhope, famous alike for his

eccentricity and his study of the electric fluid; and Moore’s last

recorded words were in remembrance of her, addressed to her brother,

his aide-de-camp.

[Illustration: DEATH OF SIR JOHN MOORE.]

He passed away very quietly in his forty-eighth year, and England lost

one of her most chivalrous soldiers.

His burial, in the citadel at night by some men of the 9th, has been

described in a poem which does immortal honour to the Irish clergyman

who penned it, and the gallant enemy flew the tricolour halfmast

high on the citadel and fired a salute over his grave, Marshal Soult

afterwards erecting a tomb to his memory.

Our loss at Corunna was 800, the French, from their own accounts, 3,000.

Six cannon, 3-pounders, sent on without Sir John’s orders, had been

abandoned during the retreat, and nearly 4,000 men left their bones

to whiten the plains of Leon and the rugged roads of Gallicia; but

the retreat won praise from Wellington and Napoleon alike, and not a

regimental colour remained in the enemy’s hands.

The 95th was the last regiment to enter Corunna, the 23rd the last to

leave it.

Great confusion existed on board the vessels, and an attempt to

transfer the men to their respective ships was prevented by the enemy

opening fire from St. Lucia. The cables were cut, and the three hundred

transports put to sea on the 17th, convoyed by several men-of-war, the

old _Victory_ amongst them, and after cruising about in the offing

for two days, they put helm up for England, where the army landed in a

wretched condition.

All the clothing of the Rifles was burned behind Hythe barracks, in a

state that spoke volumes for the misery undergone.

The _Smallbridge_ went ashore near Ushant, and over two hundred of

the German Legion were drowned. Then the newspapers began to raise a

disgraceful outcry against the whole expedition, and the good name of

Sir John Moore was placed under a cloud by men whose information was

false, and whose opinion was of no more value than a spent cartridge.

We have learned the true state of things since then, and ample justice

has been rendered to Moore’s noble character in the subsequent

histories of that glorious period.

The last survivor of Corunna, Thomas Palmer, of the 23rd, died at the

great age of a _hundred_, and was buried at Weston-super-Mare,

with full military honours, in April, 1889--_eighty years_ after

his chief was laid to rest “with his martial cloak around him.”

[Illustration: THE BURIAL OF SIR JOHN MOORE.

“We buried him darkly at dead of night,

The sods with our bayonets turning,

By the struggling moonbeams’ misty light,

And the lanterns dimly burning.”

REV. CHARLES WOLFE.]

[Illustration:

NAVARINO

BY HERBERT RUSSELL]

The immediate causes which led to the battle of Navarin, or Navarino,

are of a romantic and dramatic character. On the 6th of July, 1826--the

Greeks having risen in revolt against the oppression of the Turks

in 1820--a treaty had been signed in London on the part of Great

Britain, France, and Russia, having for its object the pacification

of the Levant by intervention between Turkey and Greece. Through the

indiscretion of some unknown official the treaty found its way to the

_Times_, which published it in its issue of July 12th, 1826--six

days after its signature. It thus became fully known to all concerned

before the official instructions which it rendered necessary could be

delivered. As a result, Sir Edward Codrington, the British admiral in

the Mediterranean, found himself in a situation of perplexity, and was

directed to consult with the French and Russian admirals, and arrange a

plan of action with them.

The instructions of the three admirals in question definitely required

an armistice between Turkey and Greece, and limited the period for its

acceptance to one month. If the result of negotiations should be--as

was, of course, anticipated--acceptance by Greece and rejection by

Turkey, the admirals were instructed to enter into friendly relations

with the former country, and unite their fleets to prevent all Turkish

or Egyptian reinforcements or warlike stores from being transported

for employment against the Greeks. Each of the allied admirals had

particular instructions to take care, if possible, that any measures

they might adopt in restraining the Ottoman navy should not wear the

aspect of open hostilities. They were directed to endeavour to carry

their arguments rather by a display of force than by the employment of

it. This, briefly, is a review of the situation whose climax was the

battle of Navarino.

Sir Edward Codrington, the British admiral in the Levant, as we

have already said, found himself in a situation of perplexity on

the publication of the treaty. The French squadron was at Milo, and

the Russians had not yet arrived. But with that instant resolution

which has always been such a fine characteristic of the British naval

officer’s spirit, Sir Edward determined to take the initiative, and

with three sail of the line he placed himself before Hydra to oppose,

“when all other means are exhausted, by cannon shot” the whole of the

Turkish and Egyptian fleet. The “general order,” which he issued to all

his captains on September 8th, 1827, well illustrates the policy which

the English commander-in-chief resolved to adopt.

Battles of the nineteenth century, vol. 1 of 7 · 第 50 / 52 段