On the 9th the camp was moved forward to the Siah Sung heights, a mile

eastward from the Balla Hissar (the palace and citadel of Cabul), to

dominate which a regiment was detached; and a cavalry regiment occupied

the Sherpur cantonment, the great magazine of which had been blown up,

and whence the regiments which had been quartered in the cantonment had

fled.

It was a melancholy visit which Sir Frederick Roberts made to the Balla

Hissar on the 11th. Through the dirt and squalor of the lower portion,

he ascended the narrow lane leading to the ruin which a few weeks

earlier had been the British Residency. The commander of the avenging

army looked with sorrowful eyes on the scene of heroism and slaughter,

on the smoke-blackened ruins, the blood-splashes on the white-washed

walls, the still smouldering _débris_, the half-burned skulls and

bones in the blood-dabbled chamber where apparently the final struggle

had been fought out. He stood in the breach in the quarters of the

staunch and faithful Guides, where the gate had been blown in after the

last of the sorties made by the gallant Hamilton, and lingered in the

tattered wreck of poor Cavagnari’s drawing-room, its walls dinted with

bullet-pits, its floor and divans brutally defiled. Next day, under the

flagstaff from which waved the banner of Britain, he held a durbar in

the audience chamber of the palace--in front and in flank of him the

pushing throng of obsequious sirdars, arrayed in all the colours of

the rainbow; behind them, standing immobile at attention, the guard of

British infantry, with fixed bayonets which the soldiers longed to use.

Promptitude of advance on the part of the force to which had been

assigned the supporting line of invasion by the Khyber-Jellalabad route

was of scarcely less moment than the rapidity of the stroke which

Roberts was commissioned to deliver. But delay on delay marked the

mobilisation and advance of the troops operating by the Khyber line.

There was no lack of earnestness anywhere, but the barren hills and

rugged passes could furnish no supplies; the country in rear had to

furnish everything, and there was nothing at the base of operations,

neither any accumulation of supplies nor means to transport supplies if

they had been accumulated. Communications were opened from Cabul with

the Khyber force and India, it was true, but no reinforcement came to

Roberts from that force until the 11th December, when there arrived the

Guides, 900 strong, brought up by Jenkins from Jugdulluck by forced

marches. Five weeks earlier, when the Kurum line of communication was

closed for the winter, Roberts had received the welcome accession of a

wing of the 9th Lancers, Money’s Sikh regiment, and four mountain guns:

his strength was thus increased to about 7,000 men.

For some weeks after Roberts’ arrival at Cabul, almost perfect quiet

prevailed in and around the Afghan capital, but the chief was well

aware how precarious and deceitful was the calm. When the impending

announcement of Yakoub Khan’s dethronement and deportation should be

made, Roberts knew the Afghan nature too well to doubt that the tribal

blood-feuds would be soldered for the time, that Dooranee and Baraksai

would strike hands, that Afghan regulars and Afghan irregulars would

rally under the same standards, and that the fierce shouts of “Deen!

deen!” would resound on hill-top and in plain. He was ready for the

strife, and would not hesitate to strike quick and hard, for Roberts

knew the value of a resolute and vigorous offensive in dealing with

Afghans. But it behoved him, above all things, to make timely choice

of his winter-quarters where he should collect his supplies and house

his troops and their followers. After careful deliberation the Sherpur

cantonment, a mile outside of Cabul, was selected. It was overlarge for

easy defence, but hard work, skilled engineering, and steadfast courage

would remedy that evil. And Sherpur had a great advantage in that,

besides being in a measure a ready-made defensive position, it had

shelter for all the troops and would accommodate also the horses of the

cavalry, the transport animals, and all the needful supplies and stores.

[Illustration: THE BRITISH RESIDENCY AFTER THE ATTACK.]

The deportation to India of Yakoub Khan and his three principal

ministers was the signal for a general rising. The Peter the Hermit

of Afghanistan in 1879 was the old Mushk-i-Alum, the fanatic chief

moulla (or priest) of Ghuznee, who went to and fro among the tribes

proclaiming the sacred duty of a religious war against the unbelieving

invaders. The combination of fighting tribes found a competent leader

in Mahomed Jan, a Warduk general of proved courage and capacity. The

plan of campaign was comprehensive and well devised. A contingent

from the Logur country south of Cabul was to seize the Sher Darwaza

heights, stretching southward from Cabul toward Charasiah. The northern

contingent from the Kohistan and Kohdaman was to occupy the Asmai

heights north-west of the city, while the troops from the Maidan and

Warduk territory away to the south-westward of the capital, led by

Mahomed Jan in person, should come in by Urgundeh across the Chardeh

Valley, take possession of Cabul, and rally to their banners the

disaffected population of the city and the surrounding villages. The

concentration of the three bodies effected, Cabul and the ridge against

which it leans occupied, the next step was to be the investment of

the Sherpur cantonment, preparatory to an assault in force upon that

stronghold.

The British general, through his spies, had information of those

projects. To allow the projected concentration would be fraught with

mischief, and both experience and temperament enjoined in Roberts a

prompt initiative. He resolved, in the first instance, to deal with

Mahomed Jan’s force, which was reckoned some 5,000 strong; the other

contingents might be disregarded for the moment. On the 8th of December

Baker marched out with a force consisting of 900 infantry, two and a

half squadrons, and four guns, with instructions to break up the tribal

assemblage in the Logur valley, march thence south-westward, and take a

position across the Ghuznee road in the Maidan valley, on the line of

retreat which it was hoped that Macpherson would succeed in enforcing

on Mahomed Jan. Macpherson was to move westward with 1,300 bayonets,

three squadrons, and eight guns, across the Chardeh valley to Urgurdeh,

where it was expected that he would find Mahomed Jan’s levies, which

he was to attack and drive southward to Maidan upon Baker. Should this

combination come off, the Afghan leader would find himself, it was

hoped, between the upper and the lower millstone, and would be punished

so severely as to hinder him from giving further trouble.

[Illustration: “HE HELD A DURBAR” (_p._ 235).]

It happened, however, as Macpherson was about starting on the

9th, that a cavalry reconnaissance found the Kohistanee levies in

considerable strength about Karez Meer, some ten miles north-west of

Cabul. It was imperative promptly to disperse them, and Macpherson,

on the 10th, had to alter his line of advance and move against the

Kohistanees, a divergence from the original plan which had the effect

of wrecking the previously arranged combined movement and bringing

about a very critical situation. After a sharp fight Macpherson routed

the Kohistanees, and halted on the ground for the night. In the hope

that the combination might still be effected, he was ordered to march

south-west toward Urgundeh on the morning of the 11th, where it was

hoped he would find Mahomed Jan and drive him towards Baker. Macpherson

had left his cavalry and wheeled guns at Aushar on the eastern edge

of the Chardeh valley; and he was informed that they would leave that

place at 9 a.m. of the same day, under the command of Brigadier-General

Massy, and move across the valley in the direction of Urgundeh, where

Macpherson, it was expected, would re-unite himself with them. Massy’s

orders were to proceed cautiously to join Macpherson, but “on no

account to commit himself to an action until the latter had engaged the

enemy.”

Macpherson marched from Karez Meer at eight a.m. of the 11th. Massy

left Aushar an hour later, and went across country instead of keeping

to the road. His force consisted of two squadrons 9th Lancers, a troop

of Bengal Lancers, and four horse artillery guns. Near Killa Kazee his

advance guard sent back word that the hills in front were occupied by

the enemy in considerable force. Massy halted when he saw some 2,000

Afghans forming across the road, and from the hills to right and left

broad streams of armed men pouring down the slopes and massing in the

plain. The surprise was complete, the situation full of perplexity.

There was no Macpherson within ken of Massy. If he retired, he probably

would be rushed. If, on the other hand, he should show a bold front,

and, departing from his orders in the urgent crisis face to face with

which he found himself, should strain every nerve to “hold” the Afghan

masses in their present position, there was the possibility that he

might save the situation and give time for Macpherson to come up.

Massy, for better or for worse, committed himself to the offensive,

and opened fire on the Afghan masses. But they were not daunted, and

the guns had again and again to be retired. The outlook was ominous

when Roberts arrived on the scene. He acted promptly, as was his wont,

directing Massy to retire till he found an opportunity to charge;

he sent General Hills back to Sherpur to warn its garrison to be on

the alert, and to order the despatch at speed of a wing of the 72nd

Highlanders to the village of Deh Mazung in the throat of the gorge of

the Cabul river, which the Highlanders were to hold to extremity.

The moment seemed to have come for the action of the cavalry. Colonel

Cleland led his lancers straight for the centre of the Afghan line.

Captain Gough, away on the Afghan left, eagerly “conformed,” crushing

in on the enemy’s flank at the head of his troop. There have been

few forlorner hopes than the errand on which, on this ill-starred

day, over 200 troopers rode into the heart of 10,000 Afghans flushed

with unwonted good fortune. Through the dust-cloud of the charge

were visible the flashes of the Afghan volleys and the sheen of the

British lance-heads as they came down to the “engage.” There was a

short interval of suspense, the din of the _mêlée_ faintly heard,

but invisible behind the bank of smoke and dust. Then from out the

obscurity of the battle riderless horses came galloping back, followed

slowly by broken groups of dismounted troopers. Gallantly led home,

the charge had failed. What other could have been the result? Sixteen

troopers had been slain, seven were wounded; two brave young officers

lay dead where they fell. Cleland came out with a sword cut and a

bullet wound, which latter gave him his death a few months later. The

Afghans pressed on. A gun had to be spiked and abandoned, its officer,

Lieutenant Hardy, remaining by it until killed; three other guns stuck

fast in a watercourse. All four were gallantly recovered by Colonel

Macgregor the same afternoon by a most skilful and daring effort, which

only he would have ventured upon. The retreat was stubborn and orderly;

but there was an anxious interval at Deh Mazung until the Highlanders

came through the gorge at the double; when, after a short interval of

firing, the Afghans climbed the slopes of the Sher Derwasa heights,

and occupied the summit of the Tahkt-i-Shah. Macpherson, marching

in, struck and broke the Afghan rear. On the 12th, Baker fought his

steadfast way back to Sherpur. The casualties of the 11th were not

light--thirty men killed and forty-four wounded. The Afghans were

naturally elated by the success they had achieved, and it was clear

that Mahomed Jan had a quick eye for opportunities and some skill in

handling men.

From the Sher Derwasa heights Macpherson, with barely 600 men,

attempted, on the morning of the 12th, to carry the rocky summit of

the Tahkt-i-Shah, but after a prolonged and bitter struggle it had to

be recognised that the direct attack by so weak a force, unaided by a

diversion, could not succeed. Macpherson remained on the ground he had

actually won, informed that on the following morning he was to expect

Baker’s co-operation from the south. The casualties of the abortive

attempt included three officers, one of whom--Major Cook, V.C., of the

Goorkhas, than whom the British army contained no better soldier--died

of his wounds.

The lesson of the result of attempting impossibilities had been

taken to heart, and the force which Baker led out on the morning

of the 13th was exceptionally strong, consisting as it did of the

92nd Highlanders and the Guides infantry, a wing of the 3rd Sikhs, a

cavalry regiment, and eight guns. Marching in the direction of the

lateral spur stretching out from the main ridge eastward towards Beni

Hissar, Baker observed that large masses of the enemy were quitting

the plain villages in which they had been spending the winter night,

and were hurrying upward to gain and hold the summit of the spur,

which constituted the main defensive position of the Afghan reserve.

His opportunity flashed upon the ready-witted Baker. By gaining the

centre of the spur he would cut in two the Afghan mass, holding its

continuous summit, and so isolate and neutralise the portion of that

mass in position from the centre of the spur to its eastern extremity.

To effect this stroke it was, however, necessary that he should act

with promptitude and energy. His guns opened a hot fire on the Afghan

bodies holding the crest of the spur. His Sikhs, extended athwart the

plain, protected his right flank; his cavalry on the left cut into

the groups of Afghans hastening to ascend the eastern extremity of

the spur. With noble emulation the Highlanders and the Guides sprang

up the rugged slope, their faces set towards the centre of the summit

line. Major White, who had already earned many laurels in the campaign,

led on the 92nd; the Guides, burning to make the most of their first

opportunity to distinguish themselves, followed eagerly the gallant

Jenkins, the chief who had so often led them to victory on other

fields. Lieutenant Forbes, a young officer of the 92nd, heading the

advance of his regiment, reached the summit accompanied only by his

colour-sergeant. A band of Ghazees rushed on the pair, and the sergeant

fell dead. As Forbes stood covering the body, he was overpowered and

slain. The sudden and bloody catastrophe staggered for a moment the

soldiers following their officer, but Lieutenant Dick Cunyngham rallied

them immediately and led them forward at speed. For his conduct on this

occasion Cunyngham worthily received the Victoria Cross.

With rolling volleys the Highlanders and the Guides reached and won the

rocky summit. The Afghans momentarily defended the position, but the

British fire swept them away, and the bayonets disposed of the Ghazees,

who fought and died under their standards. The severance of the Afghan

line was now complete. A detachment was left to maintain the isolation

of some 2,000 of the enemy who had been cut off; and then swinging to

their right with a cheer Baker’s regiments swept along the spur towards

the main ridge and the Takht-i-Shah. As they rushed forward they rolled

up the Afghan line, and the enemy fled in panic flight. Assailed from

both sides, for Macpherson’s men were climbing the north side of the

peak, and shaken by the fire of the mountain guns, the garrison of the

Takht-i-Shah evacuated the position. Baker’s soldiers toiled vigorously

upward towards the peak, keen for the honour of winning it; but that

honour justly fell to their comrades of Macpherson’s command, who had

striven so valiantly to earn it on the previous afternoon, and who had

gained possession of the peak and the standards left flying on its

summit a few minutes in advance of the arrival of White’s Highlanders

and Jenkins’ Guides. As the midday gun was fired in the Sherpur

cantonment, the flash of the heliograph from the peak told that the

Takht-i-Shah was won.

While the fight was proceeding on the mountain summits, another was

being fought on the Siah Sung upland springing out of the plain, within

artillery range of Sherpur. On this elevation had gathered masses

of Afghans from the turbulent city and from the villages about Beni

Hissar, with intent to hinder Baker’s return march. The Sherpur guns

shelled them, but they held their ground, and the cavalry galloped

out from the cantonment to disperse them. The Afghans showed unwonted

resolution; but the British horsemen were not to be denied. Captains

Butson and Chisholme led their squadrons against the Afghan flanks,

and the troopers of the 9th Lancers swept their fierce way through

and through the hostile masses. But in the charge Butson was killed,

and Chisholme and Trower were wounded; the sergeant-major and three

men were killed, and seven men were wounded. Brilliant charges were

delivered by the other cavalry detachments, and the Siah Sung heights

were ultimately cleared. The Guides’ cavalry attacked, defeated, and

pursued for a long distance a body of Kohistanees marching north

apparently with intent to join Mahomed Jan. The casualties of the

day were sixteen killed and forty-five wounded--not a heavy loss,

considering the amount of hard fighting. The Afghans were estimated to

have lost in killed alone from 200 to 300 men.

The operations of the 13th were successful so far as they went, but

the actual results attained scarcely warranted the belief that the

Afghans had suffered so severely that they would now break up their

combination and disperse to their homes. The General, indeed, was

under the belief that the enemy had been “foiled in their western and

southern operations.” But the morning of the 14th effectually dispelled

the optimistic anticipations indulged in overnight. At daybreak large

bodies of Afghans, with many standards, were discerned on a hill

about a mile northward of the Asmai heights, from which hill and

from the Kohistan road they were moving on to the Asmai crest. They

were presently joined there by several thousands climbing the steep

slopes rising from the village of Deh Afghan, the northern suburb of

Cabul. It was estimated that about 8,000 men were in position on the

Asmai heights, and occupying also a low conical hill beyond their

north-western termination. The array of Afghans displayed itself

within a mile of the west face of the Sherpur cantonment, and formed a

menace that could not be brooked. To General Baker was entrusted the

task of dislodging the enemy from the threatening position, with a

force consisting of about 1,200 bayonets, eight guns, and a regiment

of native cavalry. Baker’s first object was to gain possession of

the conical hill already mentioned, and thus debar the Afghan bodies

on the Asmai heights from receiving accessions either from the hill

further north or by the Kohistan road. Under cover of the artillery

fire, the Highlanders and Guides occupied the conical hill after a

short conflict. A detachment of all arms was left to hold it, and

Colonel Jenkins, who commanded the attack, set about the arduous task

of storming from the northward the formidable position of the Asmai

heights. The assault was led by Brownlow’s brave Highlanders of the

72nd, supported on their right by the Guides operating on the enemy’s

flank, and the Afghan position was heavily shelled from the plain and

the cantonment.

[Illustration: CABUL.]

In the face of a heavy fire the Highlanders and Guides climbed the

rugged hillside leading up to the Afghan breastworks, on the northern

edge of the summit. The British shrapnel fire had driven many of its

defenders to seek shelter down in Deh Afghan; but the Ghazees in the

breastworks fought desperately, and died under their standards as

the Highlanders carried the defences with a rush. The crest--about

a quarter of a mile long--was traversed under heavy fire, and the

southern breastwork on the Asmai peak was approached. It was strong,

and strongly held; but a cross-fire was brought to bear on its

garrison, and then the frontal attack, led gallantly by Corporal Sellar

of the 72nd, was delivered. After a hand-to-hand grapple, in which

Highlanders and Guides were freely cut and slashed by the Ghazees, the

position, which was full of dead, was carried, but with considerable

loss. The Afghans streamed down from the heights, torn as they

descended by shell-fire and musketry-fire: when they took refuge in Deh

Afghan that place was heavily shelled. The whole summit of the Asmai

heights was now in British possession, and it seemed for the moment

that a decisive victory had been won.

But scarcely had Jenkins found himself in full possession of the

Asmai position, when the fortune of the day was suddenly overcast. A

great host of Afghans, estimated to number from 15,000 to 20,000, had

debouched from the direction of Indiki into the Chardeh valley, and was

moving swiftly northward with the apparent object of forming a junction

with the masses occupying the hills to the north-west of the Asmai

heights.

[Illustration: “COLONEL CLELAND LED HIS LANCERS”

(_p._ 238).]

Cavalry scouts galloping from the Chardeh valley brought in the tidings

that large bodies of hostile infantry and cavalry were hurrying

across the valley in the direction of the conical hill, which was

being held by Lieutenant-Colonel Clark, with only 120 Highlanders and

Guides. Baker, recognising Clark’s weakness, reinforced that officer

with four mountain guns and 100 bayonets--a reinforcement which

proved inadequate. The guns, indeed, opened fire on the Afghan bodies

crossing the valley and drove them out of range; but these bodies

coalesced dexterously with the host advancing from Indiki, and then

the great Afghan mass, suddenly facing to the right, struck the whole

range of the British position, stretching from near the Cabul gorge

on the south to and beyond the conical hill on the north. The most

vulnerable point was about that eminence. Baker sent Clark a second

reinforcement, and 200 Sikhs doubled out from Sherpur to further

strengthen him. But the Afghans, swarming up from out the Chardeh

valley, had the shorter distance to travel, and were beforehand with

the hurrying reinforcements. As the Afghan front and flank attacks

developed themselves, they encountered from the garrison of the conical

hill a heavy rifle fire, and shells at short range tore through the

loose rush of Ghazees; but the bhang-maddened fanatics sped on and

up without wavering. As they gathered behind a mound for the final

onslaught, Captain Spens with a handful of his Highlanders, charged

out on the forlorn hope of dislodging them. A rush was made on the

gallant Scot; he was overpowered and slaughtered after a desperate

resistance, and the charge of the infuriated Ghazees swept up the

hillside. In momentary panic the defenders yielded the ground, carrying

downhill with them the reinforcement of Punjaubees which Captain Hall

was bringing up. Two of the mountain guns were lost, but there was a

rally at the foot of the hill, under cover of which the other two were

extricated. The Afghans refrained from descending into the plain, and

directed their efforts towards cutting off the British troops still in

position on the Asmai heights.

[Illustration:

ROBERTS’

BATTLES ABOUT

CABUL.

December, 1879.]

Battles of the nineteenth century, vol. 1 of 7 · 第 33 / 52 段