KUBILAI’S ACTIVITY IN CHINA AND WAR WITH KAIDU
The struggle of Kubilai Khan against Arik Buga, his brother, has been
described in some detail already, as well as the downfall and death of
the latter. Next came Kaidu, a more dangerous opponent, who claimed
Mongol sovereignty through descent from his grandfather Ogotai. Ogotai
had been designated by Jinghis to the khanship of the Mongols, and when
this choice was confirmed at the first Kurultai of election the dignity
was fixed among Ogotai’s descendants. By the election of Mangu, a son
of Tului, this pact was rejected and broken. Long and stubborn
struggles and ruin were entailed on the Mongols by that change.
The war with Kaidu lasted from the death of Arik Buga to the end of
Kubilai’s life and somewhat beyond it. Before touching on this bloody
conflict it will be perhaps better to show what Kubilai Khan did after
conquering China (January 31, 1279).
No sooner had the Grand Khan ended the Sung dynasty than he turned to
Japan, which had paid tribute formerly to China. In 1270 he had invited
the Japanese monarch, through an envoy, to acknowledge as his suzerain
the master of the earth, who was also the son of Heaven, but the envoy
was given no audience. Other envoys, sent later, were put to death
promptly by the Japanese. Kubilai resolved now to conquer those eastern
islands, though his best counsellors tried to dissuade him. They saw
the perils of the enterprise and did not believe that success would in
any case pay for the outlay, but Kubilai was inflexible, and the order
was given to send an army one hundred thousand strong to conquer the
islands. The troops embarked at Lin ngan and Tsuen chiu fu toward the
end of 1280; the fleet bearing them sailed for Corea to be joined by a
contingent of that country composed of nine hundred ships, which
carried ten thousand warriors. This immense fleet with its forces was
struck near the Japanese coast by a tempest; the ships went ashore for
the greater part, and the men were taken prisoners. Sixty thousand
Chinese were seized and of Mongols thirty thousand were slain by the
Japanese. In the autumn of 1281 a feeble remnant and wreck of this
great army made its way back to China.
When the Sung family had fallen the King of Cochin China rendered
homage to Kubilai and sent him tribute. Not content with the tribute
thus brought him, Kubilai sent to that country a ruling council
composed of his own officers. After two years the heir of Cochin China,
indignant at the sight of foreign men ruling his country, moved his
father to arrest them. To punish this rebellion, as he called it,
Kubilai sent a fleet from South China with an army under General Sutu,
who landed in 1281 at the capital, which he captured. The king’s son
retired toward the mountains, and occupied Sutu with phrases of
submission. Meanwhile he was preparing to defeat him if possible. Sutu
learned shortly after that men were advancing from many directions to
cut him off from his vessels. He found it well for this reason to
return to Canton.
Western Yun nan was formed of two princedoms, Laï liu and Yung chang,
which must be brought to obedience, such was the order of the Emperor.
The King of Mien tien, the Burma of our day, to whom, as it seems, the
two princedoms paid tribute, set out in 1277 to drive back the Mongols.
He advanced with a force sixty thousand in number formed of horsemen
and infantry. His first line was of elephants bearing towers which held
archers.
At approach of this Burmese army, the Mongols, whose flank was
protected by a forest, rode out from behind their intrenchments to
charge on the enemy then advancing, but their horses ran in terror from
the elephants, and for some minutes no man could check the beast under
him. When the panic was over Nassir ud din commanded his men to
dismount, put their beasts in the forest, and, advancing on foot,
attack the first line of elephants with arrows. The elephants,
unprotected by armor of any kind, were covered with wounds very
quickly. Maddened by pain, they turned and rushed through the ranks
just behind them. Many fled to the forest, where they broke the towers
on their backs and hurled down the men who were in them.
Free of the elephants, the Mongols remounted, attacked the Burmese with
arrows, and next with their swords at close quarters. The unarmored
Burmese were put to flight promptly. Two hundred elephants were seized
by the Mongols, who pursued the enemy until intense heat drove them
back. After this brief and striking campaign Kubilai retained elephants
in his army. In 1283 Kubilai sent a large army under command of Sian
kur to force the king of Mien tien to submission, that is to become
tributary and permit Mongol officials to reside in the country. After a
short siege Tai Kung, the capital, was taken and the whole kingdom
agreed to pay tribute to Kubilai. The Kin shi, a people of Yun nan, who
till that time had been kept by the king from submission to the
Mongols, declared obedience.
The great Emperor planned now a second attack on the Japanese islands,
to repair the disaster which happened to the first one. Atagai was
named chief of the expedition. The Corean king was to give five hundred
ships to it. In Kiang nan, Che kiang and Fu kien, ships were built, and
new levies made, to the great harm of commerce in those places. Workmen
in the docks, and also sailors, forcibly levied, deserted in crowds,
and robbed on the highway, or became pirates along the coast regions.
The army was dissatisfied and most men in the Emperor’s own council
opposed the expedition, but Kubilai’s attention was soon drawn
elsewhere. The King of Cochin China after the withdrawal of Sutu in
1281 had sent ambassadors to appease Kubilai, but the Emperor refused
them an audience, and commanded Togan, his son, then governing Yun nan
of the East, to march through Tung king, and attack Cochin China; Sutu
was to aid in planning this action. Tung king had submitted to Kubilai
on his advent to power, and Ching koan ping, its ruler, had engaged to
pay once in three years a given quantity of gold, silver, precious
stones, and drugs useful in medicine, also horns of rhinoceros, and
ivory. At the same time an agent from Kubilai came to reside at the
capital. Ching koan ping had for successor in 1277 his son, Chin ge
suan, who hated the Mongols and was waiting to attack them. When Togan
on his way to Cochin China demanded provisions, Chin ge suan raised
false objections, and Togan, seeing his active hostility, knew that he
must first of all bring Tung king down to obedience. He entered the
country in 1285 during January and on rafts crossed the Fu liang River.
At the other bank stood the enemy in order of battle, but they fled,
and their hostile King vanished. Togan thought the war ended, but the
enemy rallied and harassed his marches. The great heat of summer and
the rains brought disease to his northern warriors. The army was forced
to fall back on Yun nan and was harassed continually while retreating.
Li heng, who commanded under Togan’s direction, was wounded with an
arrow, and died very soon, for the arrow had been poisoned.
Sutu, who was twenty leagues distant from this army and had no account
of its trouble, was cut off by Tung king men, and perished in a battle
at the Kien moan River. Kubilai grieved much for the loss of so gifted
a general. To this loss was added the death of Chingkin, that son whom
he had declared his successor, a man of great wisdom, instructed in all
Chinese learning, esteemed for his probity and his love of justice.
Chingkin was forty-three years of age when he died. He left three sons:
Kamala, Dharma Bala, and Timur of whom we shall hear much hereafter.
In 1286 the Japanese expedition was still pending. All forces were
ready, however, and the ships were to meet in September at Hupu, the
great rendezvous. Meanwhile the president of the tribunal of mandarins
dissuaded the Emperor from so hazardous a project. He left Japan in
peace, but a new expedition was sent to Cochin China. Alihaiya was to
take troops from South China garrisons, and fall on Tung king with the
uttermost vigor. Prince Togan, who had command of this army, entered
Tung king in 1287 during February; he had under him the generals Ching
pong fei and Fan tsie. Meanwhile a fleet from Kuang tung bore a second
good army under Situr, a great Kipchak leader who brought with him
officers and warriors of his people.
Kubilai’s forces beat the Tung king men in seventeen engagements,
ravaged a part of the country, pillaged the capital, seized immense
wealth, and retired on Yun nan with rejoicing. The King, Chin ge suan,
had sailed away, no one knew whither, but now, when the Mongols had
gone, he appeared with large forces a second time.
Togan reëntered the country in 1288, and found the inhabitants armed
and ready for action. The campaign was continued till summer, which
brought much disease, and forced Togan to fallback on Kuang si for a
period. Chin ge suan now attacked him and strove to stop his retreat
altogether. Togan lost many men in various battles, among others the
generals Fan tsie and Apatchi, and was saved only by the valor of
Situr, who put himself at the head of the vanguard and opened a way for
the army.
Notwithstanding his victory the king thought it wise now to offer
submission; he begged Kubilai to forget past events and with his
prayers sent a gold statue. Kubilai, in punishment for defeat, took Yun
nan rule from Prince Togan, forbade him the palace, and assigned him
Yang chiu as a residence.
In 1285 Kubilai had charged Yang ting pie to visit the islands south of
China and inform himself secretly of the forces and the wealth on them.
The mission was successful, for in October of 1286 the ships of ten
kingdoms sailed into Tsuen chiu, a port of the Fu kien province,
bearing tribute, as was stated. It is quite likely, however, that these
ships brought simply presents.
The chief and perhaps the one reason why Kubilai dropped his campaign
against the Japanese islands was the menacing action of Kaidu, who had
struggled two decades to win headship in the Empire. Kaidu, the
grandson of Ogotai, claimed the Mongol throne as a right which no man
might question, or venture to take from him, since it came from the
will of Jinghis, and also from the solemn decision of the first Mongol
Kurultai. For many years, and under varying pretexts, Kaidu had avoided
appearing at Kubilai’s court and now he declared himself openly
hostile. The Emperor reckoned on the support of Borak, whom he had made
Khan of Jagatai, and whose dominions touched those of Kaidu on the
western border.
These two rulers did, in fact, begin war by a battle on the Syr Darya
or Yaxartes. Borak gained the victory through an ambush. He made many
prisoners, and took rich booty. Later on Kaidu got assistance from
Mangu Timur of the Golden Horde, a descendant of Juchi, who sent an
army commanded by Bergatchar, his uncle. With his own and these forces
Kaidu met Borak and defeated him in a murderous battle. The defeated
man then withdrew to Transoxiana and recruited his army, which he
welded together again through treasures obtained from Bokhara and
Samarkand, those famous old cities between the two rivers. He was
preparing for a second struggle when peace proposals were brought him
from Kaidu by Kipchak Ogul, a grandson of Ogotai, and friendly to both
these opponents. The proposals were agreeable to Borak, who immediately
accepted them. He formed an alliance then with Kaidu and each man
became to the other a sworn friend or “anda.”
This union gave control to Kaidu of the Jagatai country made up of
Turkistan and Transoxiana. Borak died in 1270, and his successor,
Nikbey, son of Sarban, and grandson of Jagatai, having taken arms
against Kaidu was attacked in 1272, and killed in a battle. Next came
Toga Timur; after his death Kaidu put on the throne Dua, son of Borak,
his own “anda.” In 1275 Kaidu and Dua invaded the country of the Uigurs
with an army a hundred thousand in number and laid siege to the
capital. These allies wished to force the Idikut to join in the war
against Kubilai, but at this juncture the Idikut received aid from the
Emperor’s troops, which appeared in that region.
That same year Kubilai sent westward a numerous army commanded by his
son Numugan, who had under him as general Hantum, a minister of State,
and a descendant of Mukuli, Jinghis Khan’s most beloved and perhaps his
most gifted commander. Guekji, Numugan’s brother, and Shireki, son of
Mangu, went also with his army, as well as Tok Timur and other princes
with their warriors. Numugan was appointed chief governor of Almalik at
the outset.
In 1277 Tok Timur, dissatisfied with Kubilai, proposed to put Shireki,
son of Mangu, on the throne of the Mongols. Shireki accepted the offer;
Kubilai’s two sons and the general, Hantum, were seized in the night
time. Both princes were delivered to Mangu Timur, the sovereign of
Kipchak; Hantum was given to Kaidu. Sarban, son of Jagatai, was won for
the cause somewhat later, and other princes of this branch as well as
that of Ogotai. At this juncture Kubilai summoned Bayan from South
China and put him at the head of an army to crush the above
combination. Bayan found his foes well entrenched on the Orgun. He cut
off their supplies and they, dreading hunger, accepted the wager of
battle. The conflict on which such great interests depended was
stubborn to the utmost. For hours it raged with equal chances, till
Bayan’s skill turned the scale finally. Shireki was defeated and
withdrew toward the Irtish. Tok Timur fled to the land of the Kirghis,
where Kubilai’s forces surprised him and seized all his camp goods. He
sent to Shireki for succor, but Shireki failed to give it. Tok Timur
took revenge for this by offering the throne of the Mongols to Sarban.
Shireki tried to conciliate him, but Tok Timur gave answer as follows:
“Thou hast not the courage for this dignity, Sarban is more worthy.”
Shireki was forced to give way, and had even to send his own envoys
with those of other princes to Mangu Timur and to Kaidu to declare that
Sarban had been chosen.
Tok Timur now wished to force Yubukur to acknowledge the sovereign just
created. Yubukur assembled his forces to oppose, but before he had a
chance to begin battle Tok Timur’s warriors deserted to his enemy. Tok
Timur, thus abandoned, took to flight, but was seized and given to
Shireki, who had him killed at Yubukur’s order. Tok Timur was renowned
for splendid bravery and for skill as a bowman; he always rode a white
horse during battle, and said that men choose dark horses lest blood
from wounds might be apparent on their bodies, but to his mind the
blood of the horse and the rider ornamented the latter, as rouge does
the cheeks of a woman.
Sarban, who was now without effective aid, went to Shireki, and begged
to be forgiven for letting Tok Timur wheedle him. Shireki took Sarban’s
troops and soon after sent the man under an escort of fifty warriors to
Kotchi Ogul, a grandson of Juchi, but while passing the district of
Jend and Ozkend he was rescued by his own men, who were quartered just
then in those places. Putting himself at the head of them, he advanced
on Shireki. When the two forces met Shireki’s men deserted to Sarban,
who captured him. Yubukur, who had come to give aid to Shireki, was
also abandoned by his own troops and captured by Sarban, who, giving
each of these princes to a guard of five hundred, set out on a visit to
Kubilai. Yubukur, while passing near the Utchugen’s land, sent gifts of
silver and jewels to the prince who was ruling at that time and begged
for deliverance. Sarban was attacked on a sudden by the Utchugen’s
descendants and his force taken captive. He himself escaped unattended,
and made his way to the Emperor, who gave him both lands and warriors
in sufficience, but Shireki, when taken to Kubilai, was sent to an
island where the climate was pestiferous and he died in due season.
Yubukur, after serving a time with Kaidu, made his peace with the
Emperor and later on Kubilai’s son, Numugan, who had been seized by
Shireki was set free.
Ten years after these struggles Kaidu formed a new league against the
Emperor. This time he drew to his side men descended from Jinghis
Khan’s brothers, namely: Nayan, fifth in descent from the Utchugen,
youngest brother of Jinghis Khan; Singtur, descended from Juchi Kassar;
and Kadan, who was fourth in descent from Kadjiun, also a brother of
Jinghis. These princes were all in the present Manchuria. Nayan had
forty thousand men under him and was waiting for Kaidu, who had
promised to bring one hundred thousand picked warriors. To prevent the
meeting of these forces the Emperor sent Bayan to the west, where he
was to hold Kaidu in check while Kubilai himself was crushing Nayan and
the others.
Kubilai, who had sent forward provisions by sea to the mouth of the
river Liao, moved on Nayan by forced marches, and found him near that
same river, at some distance south of Mukden in Manchuria. The Emperor
had sent scouts far ahead of his forces so that no knowledge of his
movements might reach the man against whom he was marching. Kubilai
divided his army into two parts, one composed of Chinese, under Li
ting, a Manchu, the other of Mongols, under Yissu Timur, a grandson of
Boörchu, one of Jinghis Khan’s four great heroes.
After consulting his astrologers, who promised a victory, the Emperor
gave the signal for action. He had thirty regiments of cavalry, in
three divisions. Before each regiment were five hundred infantry with
pikes and sabres. These foot-soldiers were trained to mount behind
horsemen and thus advance swiftly; when near the enemy they slipped
down, used their pikes and next their sabres. If the cavalry retreated,
or moved to another part those footmen sprang up behind them. Kubilai’s
place was in a wooden tower borne by four elephants; these beasts were
covered with cloth of gold put on above strong leather armor. The
Imperial standard with the sun and the moon on it waved over this
tower, which was manned and surrounded by crossbowmen and archers.
When the two armies were drawn up in order of battle the whole space
which they occupied, and a broad belt around it, was filled with a
great blare of trumpets and the music of many wind-instruments. This
was followed by songs from the warriors on both sides, and then the
great kettledrum sounded the onset. The air was filled with clouds of
arrows; when the opponents drew nearer spears were used deftly, and
they closed finally with sabres and hand to hand weapons. Nayan’s army
showed great resolution, fighting from dawn until midday, but at last
numbers triumphed. Nayan, when almost surrounded, strove to escape, but
was captured. Kubilai had him killed on the field without waiting; he
was wrapped in a pair of felt blankets and beaten to death without
bloodshed. It is said that he was a Christian and bore on his standard
a cross in contrast to the sun and moon of the standards of Kubilai.
The Emperor returned to Shang tu after this great encounter and
triumph. The princes Singtur and Kadan were still in arms, hence
Kubilai sent his grandson, Timur, against both with the generals Polo
khwan, Tutuka, Yissu Timur and Li ting shi. After a toilsome campaign,
which took place in the following summer, Timur defeated Singtur and
Kadan, and received the submission of Southern Manchuria.
The chief enemy who had raised the whole conflict remained in the West,
and against him the Emperor now turned his efforts. To guard western
frontiers most surely, Kubilai gave Kara Kurum to Bayan as
headquarters. This great commander received power without limit, since
he was to watch all home regions and hold them securely. Before Bayan
had arrived at the army Kamala, a son of Chingkin, led a corps in
advance and tried to stop Kaidu from crossing the mountains of Kang
kai. Kamala, Kubilai’s favorite grandson, was defeated and surrounded
near the river Selinga. He was barely rescued by Tutuka and his Kipchak
warriors.
Affairs now seemed so serious that the Emperor, despite advanced age,
thought it best to march forward in person. He sent for Tutuka to act
with him, and praised the recent exploit of that general. Kubilai left
Shang tu for the West July, 1289, but returned without meeting Kaidu,
or coming near him.
For four years now Bayan held Kaidu in check, till at length being
accused of inaction, and even of connivance with the Emperor’s rival,
Kubilai recalled the great general, and gave command to Timur, his own
grandson. But before Timur came to take over the office Bayan had gone
forth to meet Kaidu and had defeated his army. On returning to
headquarters he yielded command and gave Timur a banquet at which he
made him rich presents. Bayan then departed for Tai tung fu, assigned
him already as a residence. On arriving he found there an order to
stand before Kubilai. The Emperor, who had shaken off all his prejudice
in the meanwhile, received the famed leader with every distinction,
praised him in public, exalted his zeal and his services, made him
first minister and commander of the guards and other troops in both
capitals (Shang tu and Ta tu).
Kubilai liked to send envoys to various countries south of China whence
ships came in large numbers bearing rare objects as presents. He sent
once a Chinese minister to visit the sovereign of a land called Kuava
(Java). This ruler for some unknown reason had the minister branded on
the face, and sent him home with great insult. Kubilai felt the
outrage, and all his officers demanded sharp vengeance. In 1293 a
thousand ships with thirty thousand men on them and provisions for a
twelvemonth set sail for Kuava. Chepi, a Chinese, who knew the language
of Java, commanded this squadron. The King of Kuava gave pretended
submission and persuaded Chepi to conquer Kolang, a near kingdom at war
then with Kuava. Chepi won a great victory over the King of Kolang whom
he seized and killed straightway. The King of Kuava tried now to get
rid of the Chinese, and strove to cut them off from their vessels.
Chepi reached the fleet, thirty leagues distant, with difficulty, after
some serious encounters in which he lost three thousand warriors,
though he brought away much gold and many jewels. On arriving at court
he gave these to the Emperor, but Kubilai, enraged because Chepi had
not conquered the kingdom of Kuava, condemned him to seventy blows of a
stick, and took one third of his property.
On coming to the throne Kubilai had confided his finances to Seyid
Edjell, a Bukhariote, and an adherent of Islam, a man who had a great
reputation for probity. This minister died in 1270. Next came Ahmed, a
native of Fenaket, a city on the Syr Darya. Ahmed’s good fortune came
from his intimacy with Jambui Khatun, the first and favorite wife of
the Emperor; this intimacy began when Jumbui was still in the house of
her father, Iltchi Noyon, a chief of the Kunkurats. Ahmed became
attached to the court of the Empress, and adroit, insinuating, rich in
expedients, he had the chance of winning favor from Kubilai, who after
the death of Seyid Edjell put the wealth of the Empire into his
keeping.
Kubilai needed money at all times, he needed much of it, and Ahmed
found means to get money. Invincible through the Emperor’s favor, he
exercised power without limit; at his will he disposed of the highest
offices in the Empire. He brought down to death whomsoever he accounted
an enemy, and no man, whatever his rank or position, had the courage to
brave Ahmed’s hatred. He amassed boundless wealth by abuses of all
sorts; no man obtained any office without giving great presents to this
minister. He had twenty-five sons, all holding high places. No woman of
beauty was safe from his passion; he left no means unused to satisfy
his greed and ambition and lust.
For twelve years this man proved invincible, though his secret enemies
were an army in number, and he was hated by the people for his endless
abuses. Those learned Chinese who were intimate with the Emperor strove
in vain to open his eyes to the real character of Ahmed. At last they
were able to expose him to Chingkin well and clearly and Chingkin
became Ahmed’s most resolute enemy. This son of Kubilai was so angry
one day at the minister, that he struck him on the face with his bow,
and laid his cheek open. Kubilai, seeing the minister wounded, inquired
what the cause was. “I have been kicked by a horse,” replied Ahmed.
“Art thou ashamed to tell who struck thee?” asked Chingkin, who was
present. Another time Chingkin pummeled him with his fists before the
eyes of the Emperor.
At last, in 1282, appeared Wang chu, a Chinese, a man of high office in
the ministry. Wang chu resolved to deliver the Empire from this
greatest of miscreants. To carry out his plan he chose the time when
Kubilai and Chingkin were at Shang tu, their residence in summer. As
Ahmed had remained in the capital for business of his ministry Wang chu
brought in one day the false news that Chingkin was coming. All the
great functionaries hastened to the palace to greet him. Ahmed went at
the head of the mandarins; just as he was passing the gate Wang chu
struck him down with a club and thus killed him. At news of this deed
Kubilai was terribly enraged. He had Wang chu and his associates
seized, judged, and executed. A large sum of money was assigned for a
funeral of great splendor, and Kubilai commanded all his most
distinguished officers to be present. But grief at the tragic death of
his favorite was followed soon by furious anger. Seeking to find a
large diamond for his own use, as an ornament, he discovered that some
time before two merchants had brought him a stone of rare size and
quality which they had left for delivery with Ahmed. This same stone
was now found in possession of the principal wife of the late minister.
The Emperor’s wrath was so excited by this and by other disclosures,
and intensified by Chingkin’s strong speeches, that he ordered that
Ahmed’s body be dug up immediately, and the head cut from it and
exposed as a spectacle. When all this was done the body was hurled to
the dogs to be eaten. That one of Ahmed’s widows who had worn the
diamond was put to death with her two sons; his forty other wives and
four hundred concubines were distributed as gifts to various people.
Ahmed’s property was confiscated, and his clients to the number of
seven hundred suffered variously in proportion as they had shared in
his abuses, and assisted him in deceiving the Emperor.
The ministry of finance was given now to an Uigur named Sanga, whose
brother was the principal Lama. Sanga had occupied his dignity eight
years, following closely the example of Ahmed, when one of Kubilai’s
officers undertook to expose the evil deeds of the minister. In time of
a hunt he spoke with the Emperor about Sanga. Kubilai thought him a
vilifier and had the man beaten. Later on the Emperor tried to force
from this officer a confession that he was serving the hatred of men
who were envious of Sanga. The officer declared that he was in no way
opposed to the minister and was only trying to render service to his
sovereign, and benefit the country. Kubilai found on inquiry that the
officer had spoken the truth, and if no one before him had reported the
evil doings of Sanga, it was because people dreaded the merciless
revenge of that minister. At last Sanga was destroyed in the mind of
the Emperor.
One day Kubilai asked pearls of the minister; the latter declared that
he had none. A Persian who was favored by Kubilai, and who detested the
minister, made haste to declare that he had seen a great quantity of
pearls and precious stones in possession of Sanga, and if the Emperor
would deign to occupy Sanga some moments he would bring those same
pearls from that minister’s mansion. The Emperor agreed, and in a short
time the Persian returned, bringing with him two caskets filled with
pearls of great value. “How is this?” cried the Emperor to Sanga; “thou
hast all these pearls and art unwilling to give me even a few of them?
Where didst thou find such great riches?” The minister answered that he
got them from various Mohammedans who were governors of provinces in
China. “Why have these men brought me nothing?” asked Kubilai. “Thou
bringest me trifles and for thyself keepest all that is most precious.”
“They were given me,” said the minister. “If it is thy wish I will
return them to the donors.”
Kubilai in his rage had Sanga’s mouth filled with excrement and
condemned him to death without waiting for further inquiry. His immense
fortune was seized and the Emperor, incensed at those functionaries
whose duty it had been to expose the excesses of the minister, demanded
of the censors of the Empire what punishment they had merited. By
decision of the censors they were stripped of office. Two Mohammedan
governors lost their lives, as did many others involved in the recent
abuses.
Thus after the death of Seyid Edjell, for about one fifth of a century
the chiefs of finance in China were men from other countries, as were
most of their agents. These persons kept themselves in power by
revolting exactions. Kubilai, ever greedy of money since he needed
endless sums of it, chose as agents in finance men who were ready to
increase the state income if physically possible, and gave power to
persons who stopped before nothing. Extortion, false witness,
confiscation, and even murder were means used by them frequently.
Oldjai followed Sanga as minister.
Kubilai died in 1294 during February, in Ta tu, the Pekin of the
present day. He was eighty years old at the time of his death and
sovereign over the largest domain ever ruled by one person.
Besides building his beautiful city Kubilai did much to improve the
general condition of China. Among other great public works which he
carried out was the building of the Grand Canal which joined his
capital with the more fertile districts of the country. He also
extended an excellent post system. According to Marco Polo all the
principal roads met at Ta tu. Along those roads at intervals of
twenty-five or thirty miles were well equipped post houses, at some of
which four hundred horses were kept, two hundred for immediate use and
two hundred at pasture. Three hundred thousand horses were engaged in
this service, and there were ten thousand post stations.
Two systems of carriers were maintained by the government. The foot
messengers wore belts with bells attached and were stationed at
intervals of three miles apart. When the bells announced the approach
of a runner a fresh man prepared to take his place at once. Each man
ran at his greatest speed. The mounted couriers by a similar system of
relief could travel four hundred miles in twenty-four hours, the
distance covered at night being much less than that during day, for at
night footmen with torches accompanied the mounted courier.
Kubilai built his capital near the ancient capital of the Kin Emperors.
Marco Polo states that it was twenty-four miles in circuit. Its
ramparts were fifty feet in width and fifty feet high; at each corner
was an immense bastion and on each side were three gates, each gate
garrisoned by one thousand men. The palace itself was surrounded by two
walls, the outer one being a mile square and ornamented with battle
scenes painted in bright colors. Between the two walls were parks and
pleasure grounds through which were paved roads raised two cubits above
the level of the ground. In the center of the enclosure rose the
magnificent palace.
His summer palace was at Shang tu and was similar to the one in Ta tu.
In a grove not far from the palace was a beautiful bamboo dwelling
supported by gilt and lacquered columns, a resort for the Emperor
during the warmer days. This bamboo palace was stayed by two hundred
silk ropes and could very easily be put up and taken down.
Kubilai enjoyed hunting. In March of each year a great hunt was
organized. Marco Polo says that there were two masters of the hunt,
each having under him ten thousand men, five thousand dressed in red
and five thousand in blue. These men surrounded an immense space and
drove in the animals. When everything was ready the Khan set out with
his ten thousand falconers. He traveled in a palanquin carried by four
elephants. This palanquin was lined with gold and covered with lion
skins. Ten thousand tents were erected near the hunting ground. The
Emperor’s great tent where receptions were held accommodated one
thousand persons. Near by was his private tent and the tent in which he
slept. Each one of these Imperial tents was covered with lion skins and
lined with ermine and sable. There were many ropes to these tents and
all were of silk.
The magnificence and luxury of the Mongol court would be remarkable
even in our time. On his name-day Kubilai held a reception and received
many presents. On New Year’s Day also was held a festival when gifts
were presented to the Grand Khan. If possible a multiple of nine, the
sacred number, was chosen for the number of the articles given. On one
of these great feast days Kubilai was presented with a hundred thousand
horses with rich coverings. During the day his five thousand elephants
were exhibited in their housings of bright colored cloth on which birds
and beasts were represented. These elephants bore caskets containing
the Imperial plate and furniture and were followed by camels laden with
things needful for the feast.
Only the princes and higher officers assembled in the hall, other
people remained outside. When every one was seated an official rose and
cried: “Bow and pay homage!” All then touched the ground with their
foreheads. This was repeated four times. A similar obeisance was made
before an altar on which was a tablet bearing the great Khan’s name.
At the banquet the table of the Khan was raised above the others and so
placed that he sat facing the south. At his left hand sat his chief
wife and on his right princes of the Imperial family, but lower down,
so that their heads would not be above the level of the Emperor’s feet.
Lower still sat the chief officers. Ordinary guests and warriors seated
themselves on the carpet. Two large men stood at the entrance of the
hall to punish those who were so unfortunate as to step on the
threshold, such offenders were immediately stripped and beaten severely
with rods. Various household officials moved about to see that the
guests were properly served. Near the Khan’s table was a magnificently
carved stand in which was inserted a golden vessel holding an enormous
quantity of spiced wine. Besides this there were many golden vessels,
each holding wine for ten persons. There were large wine bowls on the
tables with handled cups from which to drink. One of these bowls was
placed between every two persons. The men who served the Khan had their
mouths and noses covered with delicate napkins of silk and gold, that
their breath might not offend him. Whenever he raised the wine cup to
his lips the musicians began to play, and princes and officials went
down on one knee.
Kubilai had five principal wives the chief of whom was Jambui Khatun.
Each wife had her own court and was attended by not fewer than three
hundred damsels as well as by many pages and eunuchs. The Kunkurats
were celebrated for the beauty of their women and supplied most of the
wives and concubines of the Khan. Officials were often sent to select
several hundred girls and pay their parents for them, estimating their
value according to their beauty. The girls were sent to the court and
examined by a number of matrons. Polo states: “These women make the
girls sleep with them in turn to ascertain that they have a sweet
breath and are strong of limb.” The few who passed this examination
attended the Khan, the rejected married officers or became palace
employees.
It is stated by chroniclers of that time that Kubilai became, through
the influence of Jambui Khatun, a Lamaist. Still, to secure good
fortune, he prayed to Christ, Mohammed, Moses and Buddha, whom he
revered as the four great prophets of the world.
Kubilai was a man of medium stature. He had a fair complexion and keen
black eyes, and was of a kindly disposition. He had designated as heir
his fourth son, Numugan, but while that prince was a prisoner in the
war with Kaidu he chose Chingkin, his second son, as successor. Some
time after this Numugan was set free, and as he criticized the
appointment of his brother he incurred Kubilai’s wrath, and was
banished. He died soon after. Chingkin died also before his father.
In 1293, eight years after the death of Chingkin, his widow, Guekjin,
urged the great general, Bayan, to remark to the Emperor that he had
not named a successor. Thereupon Kubilai appointed his grandson, Timur,
whom he had sent to Kara Kurum as its governor, and charged Bayan to
announce to that prince his appointment, and install him as heir with
due festivals and ceremonies.
After Kubilai’s death, February, 1294, a Kurultai of election was held
at Shang tu, the summer capital. Timur went to that city from his army
and, though he was formally heir, his elder brother, Kamala, aspired to
the Empire. The princes of the family wavered for a time, but the
generals and the Chinese officials gave Timur their adherence. At last
Bayan, who by character and office had the greatest influence in that
meeting, took his sabre and declared that he would suffer no man on the
throne save him whom Kubilai had selected. This ended debate, and
Kamala knelt to his brother; the other princes followed his example,
and Timur was proclaimed then Grand Khan of the Mongols.
The first work of Timur was to give Imperial rank to his parents, and
next to rear a monument to Kubilai, Jambui, the late Empress, and
Chingkin, his own father. Kamala was made the chief governor of
Mongolia with Kara Kurum as his residence. Guekdju and Kurguez, Timur’s
brothers-in-law, received command over troops opposed to Kaidu and Dua
on the northwestern border. Timur’s cousin, Prince Ananda, was made
governor of Tangut, that region west of the Yellow River. Bayan
Fentchan kept the ministry.
Bayan, the chief commander and greatest general of Kubilai’s reign,
died early in 1295, at the age of fifty-nine years. He and Ye liu chu
tsai, Ogotai’s faithful adviser, were renowned for lofty character and
justice beyond all men in the history of Mongols. Both tried to spare
human blood, and both were endowed with rare modesty.
Only two events of note came to pass in Timur’s time: a war in the
regions which lie between China and India, and a war in the west
against Kaidu.
Once on the throne, Timur made peace with the King of Ngan nan and
opened communication with India, which had been stopped by the war and
operations against Java. For several years Titiya, King of Mien tien
(Burma), had failed to send tribute, and Timur was preparing large
forces against him when Titiya’s son, Sinhobati, came with both homage
and tribute in the name of his father. Through a patent Timur then
declared Titiya king, with his son Sinhobati as successor, and gave to
the prince a square seal with the figure of a tiger. Mongol generals on
the borders of Burma received the command to respect that vassal State
and protect commerce between it and the Empire.
Three years later on Titiya was dethroned, and then killed by Asankoye,
his brother. His son went to beg the assistance of China. Timur sent
this command to Seitchaur, then governing in Yun nan for the Empire:
“March into Mien tien; seize and bring me Asankoye.” Seitchaur met many
checks and returned to Yun nan, spreading meanwhile the statement that
he had quelled all rebellion, but a number of his officers were
punished with death because they had been bribed by the rebels; this
had been proven. The Emperor degraded Seitchaur and seized all his
property.
While the war in Mien tien was progressing Timur learned that Pape si
fu, which lies west of Yun nan, had refused China’s calendar, and would
not obey that great Empire. He took the advice of Li yu chin, whom he
sent with a force of thirty thousand to bring all to obedience. This
army was reduced very soon to one third of its numbers by difficult
marches and the tropical climate. Demands in Yun nan for provisions and
horses roused revolt among hill tribes, whom the Chinese called
barbarous. Song long tsi, a chief among these people, put himself at
the head of their forces, surrounded Li yu chin, the Imperial
commander, and would have cut his whole army to pieces had not the
viceroy Hugatchi, Timur’s uncle, marched very quickly from Yun nan and
saved him.
The Emperor at this juncture commanded his generals Liu kwe kie and
Yang sai yu pwa to assemble all troops available in Su chuan, Yun nan
and Hu kuang and advance to support Li yu chin, who, pressed by Song
long tsi most unsparingly, was retreating, or rather, fleeing to a
place of protection. He had abandoned his baggage and lost many
warriors.
The revolt spread now on all sides, and many new tribes joined it.
Detached bands plundered towns, and ravaged loyal places. Liu kwe kie
held his own till fresh men came by swift marches to strengthen him;
with these new forces and his own he pushed into the country of the
rebels, and defeated them. Large numbers were captured, and among them
Che tsi we, a woman who had led mountain men from the first in that
struggle. She was killed without hesitation or pity.
In the North the long war continued. The Imperial troops led by
Chohaugur, who in 1297 succeeded his father Tutuka, won advantages over
Kaidu and Dua, who in their turn gained a victory, thanks to neglect on
the other side. A division of Dua’s army attacked the cordon which
stood against him and his ally. This cordon was of cavalry placed on a
line from southwest stretching northeastward; contact between the
groups was kept up by couriers. When an enemy was sighted mounted men
dashed away to notify the next group. One night the commanders of three
posts met for a drinking feast. News came at midnight that the enemy
was approaching, but they were too drunk to mount, rush away, and give
notice. Kurguez, the general in charge, did not know of this and
marshalled his warriors, six thousand in number. The attack was a
fierce one, Kurguez fought as best he was able, but waited in vain for
assistance; he fled at last, was pursued and taken captive. “I am the
Emperor’s brother-in-law,” said he. With these words he saved his life,
for they spared him. Timur had the three men, who had failed through
their drinking, put in irons, but the loss caused by their feasting
soon found a recompense. Wishing, as they said, to serve the Emperor,
two princes, Yubukur and Ulus Buga, with one general, Durduka, taking
twelve hundred men with them, abandoned Dua. These same three had
deserted the Empire in Kubilai’s day, hence Timur, distrusting such
persons, sent troops, who arrested them.
Ulus Buga from Kara Kurum sent his men out to pillage and was seized
for such action. Friends saved him, however, from punishment, but Timur
would not give him employment. Yubukur, on the contrary, was treated
with kindness by the Emperor. Durduka, who had deserted twice before,
received this time a death sentence. He wept while defending his
action, and declared in reply to this sentence, that fear had forced
him to go from the service of Kubilai, that he had never raised arms
against that sovereign, that seeing Timur on the throne he had
persuaded the two others who were with him to rally to the Emperor,
that he had brought back more troops than he had taken, and had brought
them to march against Timur’s opponents.
Timur pardoned Durduka and sent him with an army against Dua. Yubukur
was permitted to go with him. These two men, who knew Dua’s strength
well, wished to win distinction by crushing it. After his recent
triumph Dua was marching home by slow stages. He intended to fall on
the troops of Ananda, Achiki and Chobai when he came to them, disposed
as they were along Tangut on the border as far as Kara Kodja toward
Uigur regions. But while Dua’s troops were preparing to pass a certain
river, Durduka, coming up on a sudden, defeated them and slew or
drowned a great number.
In 1301 Kaidu was leading the largest army that he had ever assembled.
With him went Dua and forty princes descended from his grandfather and
from his grand-uncle Jagatai. Khaishan, Timur’s nephew, who had come a
short time before to learn war under Yuetchar and Chohaugur, summoned
promptly the five army corps stationed in that region and gave battle
between Kara Kurum and the Tamir River. The historian Vassaf describes
the battle as resulting in victory for Kaidu, who died while his troops
were marching homeward, but this westward march seems to prove that the
victory, if there was one, could not have been on his side decisively.
Kaidu had assumed the title Grand Khan, thus claiming the headship of
the Mongols, which belonged to him by the will of Jinghis, and the
solemn oath of the earliest Kurultai. Could he have lived some years
longer he might have obtained the great primacy, since after Timur the
Mongol sovereigns of China deteriorated and became not merely paltry
but pitiful and wretched, while Kaidu was a genius and also a hero. He
was loved in the West very greatly, and his veterans were renowned even
among Mongols. Kaidu was exalted by his people for magnanimity and
kindness. His boundless bravery and strength of body roused admiration
and wonder. He had forty sons and one daughter, named Aiyaruk (Shining
Moon), whom Marco Polo states was famous for beauty and still more
famous for the strength of her body; she surpassed every warrior of
that day, not only among Mongols, but all surrounding nations. This
young princess declared that she would marry no man save him who could
conquer her in wrestling. When the time came notice was given to every
one that Kaidu’s only daughter would marry the man who could throw her
in wrestling, but if he were thrown by the princess he would lose a
hundred horses. Man after man came till the princess had thrown a
hundred suitors and won ten thousand horses. After this hundred came
the best man of all, a young hero from a rich remote kingdom, a man who
had never met an equal in any land. He felt sure of victory, and
brought with him a forfeit of not one hundred, but one thousand horses.
Kaidu and the young lady’s mother were charmed with this suitor when
they saw him, and, being the son of a great and famous sovereign,
begged their daughter to yield in case she were winning in the
struggle, but she answered: “I will not yield unless he can throw me.
If he throws me, I will marry him.” A day was appointed for the
meeting, and an immense audience came to witness the trial. When all
the great company was ready the strong maid and the young man came into
the courtyard and closed in the struggle. They wrestled with great
skill and energy and it seemed for a long time that neither could
conquer the other, but at last the damsel threw the young hero. Immense
was the suitor’s confusion as he lay in the courtyard, but he rose and
hurried off with all his attendants, leaving the one thousand horses
behind him as forfeit.
Kaidu’s warriors mourned the death of their ruler with loud intense
wailing. Dua, to whom he had told his last wishes, proposed to the
princes who stood round the bier of the sovereign to choose as
successor the eldest among the dead man’s forty sons, namely, Chabar,
who was then absent. Dua on his part owed much to Chabar. When, after
the death of Borak, the members of his family repaired to the court of
Kaidu, as custom commanded, Dua, though not the eldest of Jagatai’s
descendants, obtained his succession through the influence of Chabar.
All present agreed with Dua, and each of the princes sent officers to
attend Kaidu’s body to its resting-place.
Chabar arrived very soon, and the princes, with Dua at the head of
them, rendered him homage as Kaidu’s successor. When Chabar was
installed in Ogotai’s dominion, Dua proposed to acknowledge
overlordship of Timur, grandson of Kubilai, and thus end the strife
which had raged for three decades in Jinghis Khan’s family. This advice
was accepted by Chabar and all other princes, and they sent envoys
immediately to offer submission. This pledge of peace was received with
great gladness by Timur, who now saw his authority recognized by every
member of his family.
But this agreement was short-lived. In the year following, disputes
burst forth between Chabar and Dua which involved the two sides of
Jinghis Khan’s family. In 1306, at Dua’s persuasion, Timur, who was
watchful, of course, and suspicious, attacked Chabar, the son of Kaidu
his recent opponent. Chabar was deserted immediately by most of his
adherents. He turned in distress then to Dua to support him. Dua
treated his guest with distinction, but took that guest’s states from
him, and joined Turkistan to Transoxiana. He thus reëstablished
well-nigh in completeness the dominions of Jagatai, which Kaidu had
dismembered.
So Chabar, the successor of Kaidu of Kuyuk and of Ogotai, was the last
real sovereign descended from Ogotai, son of Jinghis; that Ogotai to
whom the great conqueror had given supreme rule in the world of the
Mongols; Ogotai, whose descendants, despoiled by Batu, son of Juchi,
had won for themselves immense regions through the fruitful activity
and genius of Kaidu.
Dua, son of Borak, died in 1306; his son, Gundjuk, who succeeded him,
held power one year and a half only. After Gundjuk’s death supreme
power was next captured by Taliku, who through Moatagan was descended
from Jagatai. Taliku had grown old in combats; a Mohammedan by
religion, he strove to spread his belief among Mongols.
Meanwhile two princes, descended from Jagatai, insisted, weapons in
hand, that the throne belonged by right to a son of Dua; these two were
vanquished. Many others were preparing to avenge the defeat which these
men had suffered when Taliku was killed at a banquet by officers who
wished to raise a son of their former sovereign, Dua, to dominion. The
conspirators then proclaimed Dua’s youngest son, Gebek (1308). This
prince was barely installed when Chabar, leagued with other princes
descended from Kaidu, attacked him. Chabar being vanquished in this
struggle, crossed the Ili. Only a few followers went with him, and he
and they found a refuge in the lands of the Emperor. After this victory
over Chabar, which destroyed every hope among Ogotai’s descendants, the
Jagatai branch held a Kurultai at which they chose Issen Buga, a
brother of Gebek, as their ruler. This prince, who was then in the
territory of the Grand Khan, came for the sovereignty, which Gebek gave
him with willingness. After Issen Buga’s death,—we know not when it
happened,—Gebek received power and used it.
Bloody quarrels of this kind brought ruin to Turkistan regions and to
Transoxiana. Prosperity could not exist long with such sovereigns. When
the fruit of any labor grew evident it was pounced upon straightway.
The whole life of that land was passed in confusion, bloodshed and
anarchy.
Timur, the Grand Khan at Ta tu, was forty-two years of age when he died
in 1307, after a reign of thirteen years. During his last illness a
decree was issued forbidding the killing of any animal for forty-two
days; still he died. He was a sovereign well liked by the Chinese, who
praised his humanity and prudence. Humane he seems to have been to some
extent. Princes and princesses of the Jinghis Khan line had held
boundless power over vassals and people who served them till Timur
declared that no prince whatever should put to death any one without
his confirmation. He founded an Imperial College at Ta tu and built a
magnificent palace in honor of Confucius.
Before he mounted the throne Timur, like so many men of his family and
race, had been an unrestrained, boundless drinker; his grandfather,
Kubilai, reprimanded him frequently and bastinadoed him thrice for his
conduct. At last physicians were sent to see that he ate and drank
within reason, but an alchemist, whose duty it was to attend him in the
bathing house, filled his bath tub with wine or other liquor instead of
water. Kubilai heard of this trick, and when Timur clung to his
favorite, Kubilai had the man exiled and then killed on the journey.
But Timur, when made Emperor, forsook his intemperance and became as
abstemious as he had been irrestrainable aforetime.