KUBILAI KHAN DESTROYS THE SUNG DYNASTY
The summer and autumn of 1261 were passed very quietly. Arik Buga’s
horses recovered; he assembled large forces and set out for Kara Kurum,
the chief capital of Mongolia. To put Yessugka off his guard and lull
all suspicions, he sent a message announcing his visit and with it
submission. After that he appeared on a sudden and fell upon Yessugka’s
men, whom he crushed. Hurrying southward at once to strike Kubilai, he
met him at some distance northeast of Shang tu, on the eastern rim of
the great Gobi desert. Arik Buga was beaten and fled northward.
Kubilai, thinking his brother defeated most thoroughly, forbade to
pursue him, and turning, marched southward. Arik Buga on hearing of
this changed his course, followed quickly, and made a second and more
desperate trial. The battle was envenomed and lasted till night put an
end to it. Both parties withdrew from the field, and Arik Buga fought
no more that year, for just after this battle he learned of Algu’s
defection.
Algu, made Khan of Jagatai’s Horde by Arik Buga, took the government
from Organa, Kara Hulagu’s widow. His sway then extended from Almalik
to the Syr Darya, and soon he had an army of one hundred and fifty
thousand. Arik Buga, poor and weak after such numerous reverses, sent
three agents to Algu to levy a contribution in cattle, arms, and money.
The abundant proceeds of this levy tempted Algu. He seized Arik Buga’s
men, since, as he stated, they had made offensive discourses against
him. After that Algu met his advisers, who hinted that it would have
been better to counsel ere he moved against Arik Buga so actively, but
since it was late to retrieve the error, he must acknowledge Kubilai as
sovereign and take his side openly.
Algu put the three agents to death, seized all the wealth which they
had gathered, and gave the greater part of it to his army. Astonished
at this act, Arik Buga resolved to march against Algu at the earliest.
He went back to Kara Kurum, gave permission to the heads of the various
religions to accept Kubilai should the need come, and then he moved
westward very quickly.
Kubilai appeared soon after his brothers’ departure, received the
submission of people, and was about to pursue Arik Buga when couriers
brought tidings of trouble in China, hence he turned and marched back
to that Empire. Kara Buga, who commanded Arik Buga’s advance, met Algu
near the city of Pulad, and lost his life in the battle which followed.
Algu thought himself safe through this victory. He returned to his home
on the Ili and very foolishly dismissed his forces. But Assutai, at the
head of a second division, passed the Iron Gate, crossed the Ili,
captured Almalik, and seized even the private lands of Algu, who
retired toward Khodjend and Kashgar with his right wing, which thus far
had been idle. At this time appeared Arik Buga and took up winter
quarters on the Ili near Almalik while Algu was retreating toward
Samarkand. Arik Buga plundered ruthlessly all winter, and killed every
warrior of Algu’s whom he captured. When spring came vast numbers
perished from hunger. Arik Buga’s own officers were furious at his
treatment of prisoners and most of them joined Yurungtash. Yurungtash,
son of Mangu, the late Emperor, was leading at that time Kubilai’s
forces in the Altai. Only a handful of men were left Arik Buga, who,
knowing that Algu was ready to attack him, tried to make terms with
this enemy.
When Arik Buga arrived the year previous, Kara Hulagu’s widow, Organa,
came to his camp and declared that she had been dispossessed at his
order, and was then waiting for recompense. Thereupon Arik Buga sent
Organa with Massud Bey to effect an agreement with Algu. When Organa
appeared before Algu and told him the cause of her coming he married
her; Massud Bey he placed at the head of his finances. This minister
levied large contributions on Bokhara and Samarkand. Algu had great
need of money at that juncture, since Kaidu, the grandson of Ogotai,
aided by Berkai, the successor of Batu, was advancing to seize his
possessions. He now had the strength to repel him.
Arik Buga, left without friends, troops or resources, decided in 1264
to appeal to the mercy of his brother, and went to him. On appearing at
Kubilai’s tent men threw the curtain of the entrance around him; thus
covered he made his prostrations. Such was the usage in cases of that
kind. Admitted to the interior, he stood in the place given usually to
secretaries. Kubilai looked at him long, and, seeing that he wept,
could not repress his own tears and emotion. “Ah, my brother,” said he
at last, “who was right, thou or I?” “I at first, but to-day the right
is on thy side,” replied Arik Buga.
At this moment Atchigai, brother of Apishga, approached Assutai and
asked: “Is it thou who killed my brother?” “I killed him at command of
Arik Buga, at that time my sovereign. He did not wish that a prince of
our house should die by the hand of some common man. Kubilai is my
sovereign now; should he command, I would kill even thee in like
manner.”
Kubilai imposed silence, and added: “This is not the time for such
speeches.”
Togachar, a nephew of Jinghis, rose then and said: “The Khan desires no
mention to-day of the past. He wishes you to feel nothing but
pleasantness.” Turning to Kubilai then, he added: “Arik Buga is
standing; what place dost thou give him?” He was seated with Kubilai’s
sons and they passed that day in company. On the morrow, however, Arik
Buga’s officers were all put in irons, and Kubilai appointed a
commission of four princes and three generals to interrogate Arik Buga
and his partisans. Arik Buga declared that he alone was responsible,
that his officers were not guilty in any way. “How not guilty?” asked
Kubilai. “The generals opposed to Mangu drew no bow against him; still
it is known to thee how they were punished, simply for intentions. Ye
who have begun civil war and slain so many princes and warriors, what
are your deserts?” The officers made no reply. “My friends,” said Tuman
Noyon, the most aged among them, “do ye not remember, that in raising
Arik Buga to the throne we swore to die for his cause should the need
come? The moment has come to make good that promise.”
Kubilai praised this fidelity and asked Arik Buga again, who had roused
him to the enterprise. He declared at last that Alemdar and Bolga had
said to him: “Hulagu and Kubilai are on distant expeditions, and our
late sovereign has left you at the head of the principal ulus of the
Mongols. Why hesitate? Make yourself Grand Khan immediately.” He had
consulted with the other officers; all held that opinion together. The
officers present confirmed what Arik Buga had stated, and ten of them
were sentenced to pay the death penalty. But to judge Arik Buga himself
Kubilai wished the presence of Hulagu, Berkai, and Algu. After waiting
a long time for them, princes of the blood and generals then present in
Mongolia met to determine the fate of Assutai and Arik Buga. Through
regard for Kubilai they decided with one mind to grant life to both
princes. This decision was taken to Hulagu, Berkai and Algu for their
approval. Algu replied, that, since he held power and office with
Kubilai’s consent, he would give no opinion; the other two confirmed
the decision.
Arik Buga and Assutai were set at liberty to render homage to the Khan
and move about freely. One month later Arik Buga died of illness and
was buried near Jinghis and Tului (1266).
The death of Arik Buga, his brother, did not save the great Emperor
from civil war, and a long and terrible contest: Kaidu, a grandson of
Ogotai, had his claim to the headship of the Mongols. He brought that
claim forward and pushed it with such power, skill and resource that
Kubilai had not strength enough to suppress him.
This struggle between the descendants of Ogotai and Tului was the
greatest and by far the most striking event in the history of Jinghis
Khan’s family. Though Kubilai was able to conquer all China and Burma
he could not conquer Kaidu. He met him and held him in check,—he had
power to do that, and to found at the same time a dynasty in China, but
he could not crush him.
We will consider first the subjection of China, and then turn to Kaidu
and his exploits.
Kubilai, now Grand Khan, had decided to conquer all China and he began
that great work with seriousness. During 1260 he had sent an envoy
named Hao king to inform the Sung Emperor of his election. This envoy
was to see in addition that the treaty concluded at Wu chang fu with
Kia se tao was respected. As soon as the envoy set foot on Sung
territory he was cast into prison with all his attendants. This was
done at direction of Kia se tao, the real author of the treaty by which
the Sung Emperor was made a vassal of Kubilai. Kia se tao had removed
from this world every person who knew of that treaty and its various
provisions. He was the only man living at that time in China who knew
of it. The great point for Kia se tao was that the Sung Emperor must
continue in ignorance of his thraldom. This man, whose sacred duty it
was to explain the position, used his best power to conceal it, and
adhered to his own direful policy at all costs. No one knew the great
tragedy of China’s position save Kia se tao, first minister of the
Empire.
The arrest of his envoy called forth from Kubilai a statement in 1261:
“Since my coming to the throne,” declared he, “I have striven to secure
peace to my subjects, hence I sent an envoy to the court of the Sung
Emperor to make a firm agreement of amity. That court, little mindful
of the future, has become more incursive and insolent. There is no day
in which some of its warriors do not harass our borders. I commanded my
generals last spring to be ready, but, remembering the sad fruits of
warfare, and trusting that Hao king, my new envoy, would return with
the results which I hoped for, I waited. I found myself duped very
sorely. My envoy was arrested, against all the rules which exist
between sovereigns, and during six months I looked in vain for his
coming. Hostilities continue, and thus it is clear, that the Sung
government wishes no longer for peace with us. Ought a nation, which
for so many years has vaunted its wisdom and observance of the rules of
good government, to treat us in this way? Its conduct is little in
accord with the laws which it boasts of, and resembles that shade in a
picture which, giving contrast, brings out the light with more
brilliancy, and causes the shade to seem darker. Thus the beauty of
China’s laws is in contrast with its government; hence we see the bad
faith of the latter more clearly.” Then he notified all to prepare
horses and weapons for action, and added: “The truth of my intentions,
and the justice of my cause assure victory.”
But the war which the Grand Khan had to wage with his brother, forced
him to loiter in action against the Sung sovereign. Barely had he come
to Yen king after those two stubborn battles with Arik Buga on the
eastern edge of the desert when he heard that one of his commanders, Li
tan, had revolted. This general in Shan tung, seizing Se tian che and
Itu, slew Mongol garrisons in these and other cities, and declared for
the Sung Emperor. Kubilai sent Prince Apiche and General Se tian che
against Li tan. They invested him closely in Tsi nan, where the defence
grew most stubborn. When provisions were exhausted the besieged ate the
flesh of the citizens. After four months of bitter struggle Li tan
killed his wife and his concubines and then sprang into Ta ning, a
shallow lake, from which he was rescued, and immediately Se tian che
cut his head off. As was known, this revolt was upheld by the Sungs,
although timidly. Notwithstanding Sung action Kubilai delayed serious
war for a time.
When he had reigned forty years and lived sixty-two Li tsong, the Sung
Emperor, died, November, 1264. Having no son, he left the throne to his
nephew, Chao ki, who took the name Tu tsong when made Emperor.
It was only in 1267 that Kubilai moved against Southern China. In
planning the campaign he made use of the knowledge of Liu ching, one of
China’s best officers, who had left the Sung cause and gone over to the
Mongols. Liu ching had been governor of Lu chiu in Su chuan some time
previous and had been calumniated before Kia se tao, the chief
minister, by the Su chuan governor. Fearing for his life, he took
service with the Mongols. In 1261 he appeared before Kubilai, who made
him governor of Kwei chiu, a city on the Hu kuang and the Su chuan
border. War being decided, through his advice it was planned to begin
by the siege of Siang yang on the northern bank of the Han; the
possession of this city would facilitate the conquest of the great Yang
tse region.
Kia se tao, either wishing to win back Liu ching, or to discredit this
dignitary with the Mongols, made him prince of Yen, and sent him a gold
seal with the diploma and insignia of this office. Liu ching arrested
the official who brought the emblems, and went with him to the
residence of Kubilai, before whom he renewed his expressions of
fidelity. The Emperor treated him with honor and cut off the head of
the Chinese official.
At command of Kubilai, Liu ching and At chu, son of Uriang Kadai, went
with seventy thousand good men to besiege Siang yang in October, 1268.
She tian tse was made commander-in-chief of all forces directed against
the Sung Empire, and many men of distinction from various lands of the
great Mongol Empire, such as Uigurs, Persians, Arabs, Kipchaks and
others, offered their services to this renowned general.
It was decided that the city could sustain a long siege, and that they
must reduce it by famine. All communication by land was cut off, but
the Chinese had a numerous flotilla and could receive arms and
reinforcements by the river. The besiegers constructed fifty great
barges on which warriors were exercised daily at warfare on the water;
still they could not prevent a well manned flotilla which was laden
with arms and provisions from reaching the city in the following autumn
(1269) during very high water. At chu punished the Chinese while they
were nearing Siang yang, and on their way back he seized five hundred
boats from them.
After a blockade of one year the Mongols saw the need of investing Fan
ching, on the opposite side of the river. The cities were connected by
bridges of boats; both sides of the river were dotted with posts and
intrenchments, while the river was barred with strong chains and armed
barges. Siang yang seemed abandoned to its fate, for Kia se tao did
nothing to succor it, but he took immense pains all this time to hide
from his sovereign what was happening in the Empire. Despite his
precautions the Emperor heard in 1271 that the Mongols were besieging
Siang yang, that being the third year of the investment. He demanded
information; the chief minister declared that the siege had been
raised, and the enemy was retreating. The minister at first was unable
to learn who had enlightened the Emperor, but later on he discovered
the man and had him put to death for some other cause. Still the
Emperor’s questions roused the minister from torpor, and he sent an
army under Fan wen hu to relieve the two cities.
On his part Kubilai assembled troops to strengthen the besiegers. He
opened the prisons of North China, and thus obtained twenty thousand
new warriors. These men gave good service and some of them reached high
positions. They marched in three corps and by different routes, and met
on the bank of the Han below the point where the flotilla of the Sungs
had been stationed. These new troops joined both banks by a boat
bridge, and captured nearly all the flotilla. At chu came upon the army
of a hundred thousand led by Fan wen hu and sent by the minister. The
two vanguards met, and that of the Chinese was cut to pieces, or
scattered.
This check spread such a terror among the Sung warriors that the whole
army fled, leaving standards and baggage behind it. Still the besieged,
whose chiefs were not cast down by reverses, stood firm, and at the end
of four years the city was still well supplied with provisions, though
salt and a few other articles were needed. The commandant of Ngan lo, a
town twenty leagues lower down on the river, undertook to supply what
was lacking. He had boats built in a side stream of the Han and he held
forth high rewards to all men who would handle them. Three thousand
came forward to enter the city of Siang yang, or perish in trying. The
boats went in threes; one boat was laden, and a second and a third tied
firmly to each side of the laden one. These two were filled with armed
warriors, who shot blazing arrows, and with small engines hurled stones
and burning coals. They passed both divisions in this manner, breaking
through every obstacle by fighting, and entered Siang yang amid endless
shouts of delight from the people.
This new flotilla was commanded by Chan shun and Chang kwe, two very
brave warriors. Chan shun was killed before reaching the city. Chang
kwe in returning to Ngan lo was met by the Mongols, and a desperate
hand to hand conflict resulted; every man near Chang kwe was killed,
and he was seized. All wounded and blood-covered, he would not
acknowledge the Mongols. They slew him immediately and sent four
prisoners back to Siang yang with his body. Engineers of great skill in
constructing ballistas appeared now in action. These men had been
summoned from Persia by Kubilai, and in 1273 they raised engines which
breached the walls quickly. The Mongols took the suburbs after terrible
slaughter, and then burned the bridge which connected the cities; that
done, they turned on Fan ching and stormed it. Fan tien chun, the
commander, killed himself, saying that he would die a Sung subject. His
colleague, Niu fu, took a company of desperate followers, and fought in
the streets against terrible odds, setting fire to the houses, while
driven gradually back; the time came when covered with wounds, he threw
himself into the flames which his own hands had kindled. The men who
fought with him died as he died.
The Mongols master Fedan ching during February, 1273. Kia se tao now
offered to lead men himself and give aid to the cities, but, through
the Emperor, he commanded himself to remain, declaring his presence at
court indispensable. Kao ta, a great enemy of Liu wen hoan, was
appointed to lead instead of the wonderfully adroit minister.
The catapults were turned on Siang yang, but the attack began only in
November. The machines made a terrible noise; the enormous stone
missiles crushed all that they fell upon. The besieged rushed away from
exposed spots in terror. Fear spread through the city. Liu ching, who
knew Liu wen hoan, the commandant, asked now for parley, and got it,
but the two men had barely begun to converse when Chinese warriors sent
arrows from the fortress and Liu ching was saved only by the goodness
of his armor.
The Mongols, indignant at this action, wished to storm the place
straightway, but were stopped by the generals, who informed the
besieged that a message had just come to them from Kubilai. It was read
in a loud voice and its import was as follows: “A splendid defence, of
five years, covers you with great glory. Each faithful subject should
serve his own sovereign with his life blood, but to sacrifice thousands
of people through stubbornness, only think, is that reasonable or
proper, especially for you who are exhausted, without aid, or even hope
of it? Submit and no harm will meet any one. We promise to give each of
you honorable employment. Ye will be satisfied. We pledge our true word
of an Emperor that ye will be satisfied.”
Liu wen hoan accepted these promises, and surrendered the city. He went
with Alihaiya then to Kubilai, who showed him clear marks of esteem and
named him commandant of troops in Siang yang. The officers under him
were given good places in the armies of Kubilai.
The defection of Liu wen hoan produced a colossal sensation. His family
was one of the best in the Empire, and many of his relatives sent in
their resignations since they had the evil fate to be connected by
blood with that traitor. Kia se tao, who was a friend of the family,
did not present even one resignation to the Emperor.
Kubilai, exercised by the war in his own family, was inclined to cease
action on the Yang tse for the present, but his generals explained the
great value of the capture of Siang yang in continuing the struggle and
urged that he strike his enemies while the advantage was on his side.
The Emperor, Tu tsong, had just died, August, 1274, and had left all
affairs to Kia se tao, and others as indifferent as that minister to
the interests of China. The chief men wished to put on the throne Chao
she, eldest son of Tu tsong, but Kia se tao considered that he himself
would hold power more completely, and longer, by choosing the second
son, Chao hien, a child of four years. This boy was chosen. The new
Emperor received the name Kong tsong, and the Empress Siei shi, a widow
of Tu tsong’s father, was raised to the regency.
While preparing to continue the conquest of China most effectively,
Kubilai, to explain and to justify his action, issued a rescript
declaring that Jinghis, Ogotai and Mangu had striven to establish firm
peace with the Sung Empire, and that he himself when only a prince and
commander of armies had made a treaty with the Sung court, but that the
court broke every promise as soon as he had withdrawn his forces. On
ascending the throne he had sent an envoy to reinforce peace and good
feeling, but the envoy had been seized and imprisoned with all his
attendants, and was held in confinement till that day.
After this declaration had been made, Kubilai appointed She tian tse
and Bayan to command all the armies invading Hu kwang and he gave them
as lieutenants At chu, Alihaiya, and Liu wen hoan. Another army was to
act in Kiang nan under Polo hwan and four other commanders. These two
great groups of warriors reached perhaps two hundred thousand. She tian
tse died soon after his appointment and the whole command of that first
group was given to Bayan, the best leader among all the Mongols.
Bayan was of the Barin tribe. He had passed his youth in Persian
regions, and had come on an embassy from Abaka the Ilkhan. Kubilai was
so pleased with Bayan’s speech and bearing that in 1265 he took the man
into his service, and made him Minister of State very quickly.
From Siang yang, Bayan sailed down the Han toward Ngan lo with a
numerous flotilla, but the river was blocked firmly with chains, with
piles lashed together, and with barges on which were large forces of
warriors well armed and using ballistas. Moreover Ngan lo itself was
protected by walls of stone strong and massive in structure. Bayan
judged that he could not take such a place without losing much time and
many warriors, hence he pondered well over the problem. A Chinese
prisoner showed a way out of the trouble, and Bayan took the city. The
Mongols made track of strong beams from the river to Lake Teng into
which they dragged all their vessels and barges. From this lake they
sailed to the Han by an outlet, thus passing Ngan lo without battle.
Having taken Sin hing chau and Sha yang, two cities on the right bank
of the Han, they sailed down to its mouth, where in command of Hia kwe
a strong flotilla was posted to guard the great river. Bayan attacked
this line of boats and feigned to force on the left flank a way at all
costs through it, but while the battle was raging on that side he
seized Sha fu kwe on the other flank, took one hundred war barges, and
reached the Yang tse on its north bank, taking nearly all his boats
with him. He sent at once a strong fleet across the Yang tse under At
chu. Hia kwe, the Chinese general, fearing lest he might be cut off,
sailed down with all his flotilla, thus leaving Bayan perfect freedom
of action.
Yang lo on the north bank was captured. Han yang surrendered. Bayan
crossed the great river with his army, and was preparing a siege for Wu
chang fu when Chang yen kien and Ching pong, the commandants of that
city, surrendered and passed with their men to the service of Kubilai.
Bayan left a strong garrison under Alihaiya and moved toward the east
with the rest of his forces.
Ching pong had been charged by Bayan with effecting the submission of
Chin y, the Hoang chiu commandant. Chin y demanded a good office. Bayan
promised to make him chief inspector of lands along the Yang tse. Chin
y then opened the gates of Hoang chiu to the Mongols; he induced the
governor of Ki chiu to join also and surrender his city. Many
commandants along the Yang tse had served under Liu wen hoan, or men of
his family, and these surrendered without waiting for a summons. Chin
yen, a commandant in Kiang nan, and son of Chin y, followed the example
of his father. The governor of Kiu kiang opened his gates to Bayan, who
received in this city the surrender of Nan king, Te ngan fu, and Lu
ngan. The kindly reception given by Bayan to all Chinese facilitated
his conquests immensely.
Kia se tao, now master of the Sung Emperor, had collected meanwhile a
great army, and brought to Wu hu, or to a point near it, a great river
fleet which was joined by Hia kwe’s large flotilla. The first minister
sent now to Bayan a Mongol captive as envoy, bearing presents of
beautiful fruits and proposals of peace on the basis of his first
treaty with Kubilai at Wu chang in 1260. Bayan answered by letter that
Kia se tao should have spoken before he (Bayan) had crossed the Yang
tse, that if he wished peace with sincerity he should seek it in
person. This letter was left without answer.
Chi chiu on the Yang tse had also surrendered to the Mongols, and Kia
se tao commissioned Sun hu chin to occupy with large forces an island
lower down than that city, and give two thousand five hundred boats to
Hia kwe to bar the Yang tse to the Mongols. He chose for himself, and
the bulk of his army, a position still nearer the sea.
Bayan moved down both banks of the river with infantry and cavalry, but
when he was opposite Sun hu chin’s island he opened on the Chinese with
ballistas, and ordered an attack by some of his warriors. The Chinese
fled in great haste to their vessels, but storms of missiles from both
banks sank many of their barges and killed such a large number of men
that their blood reddened the river.
This triumph gave immense booty to the Mongols. Kia se tao, informed of
the issue by Hia kwe, sailed down the river with all his flotilla. He
stopped at the island Kin sha, where he counseled with Sun hu chin and
Hai kwe. Nothing could be done, they declared, with warriors who
trembled at sight of the Mongols. Kia se tao retired down the river
still farther to gather new forces, but in vain; all had lost courage
and no man would serve the vile minister. As a result of this last
defeat many cities in Kiang nan, whose governors had fled from them,
were seized by the Mongols; others were surrendered by the commandants.
At the approach of Bayan, Wan li sin, who was governor then of Nan
king, despaired of his country, and wishing to die still a Sung
subject, invited his relatives and friends to a banquet at which he
took poison; the city then fell to the Mongols.
As the time of great heat was approaching, Kubilai wished to spare
Mongol forces and instructed Bayan to desist till the autumn. But Bayan
expressed his conviction that when one has an enemy by the throat it is
not the time to give him a breathing spell. Hao king, Kubilai’s envoy,
was still in confinement, and the man’s brother had been sent to obtain
his release from Kia se tao. The mission succeeded; Hao king and his
suite were set free, but he fell ill on the road, and died after
reaching Yen king (Pekin), the capital of the Empire.
Kubilai sent an embassy soon after this to make new peace proposals.
Lien hi kien, the chief of this embassy, stopped at Nan king, Bayan’s
headquarters, and obtained five hundred men as an escort. Bayan forbade
hostile acts on the part of his army, and thus avoided all pretexts for
violence to the embassy. In spite of this, Lien hi kien was attacked on
the way by Chinese troops, who wounded him and killed his colleague.
They took him to Lin ngan, where he died of his injuries. The Sung
court sent an officer to Nan king in all haste with a letter declaring
that the attack had been made without its knowledge; that the authors
of the violence would be discovered and punished; that the Emperor was
ready to declare himself Kubilai’s vassal.
Bayan was distrustful, and received all these statements very coolly.
He sent to Lin ngan with the bearer of this letter Chang yu, his own
officer, to treat for peace formally, but really to see the condition
of the capital. Chang yu was assassinated on the journey. Bayan,
indignant at such treachery, demanded permission of Kubilai to continue
hostilities. The Grand Khan, in answer, recalled him at once to the
North to take command against Kaidu, who at that time was pressing him
sorely.
Kao shi kie, governor of Yu chau in Hu kwang, planned an attack on Wu
chang fu. He manned several thousand large boats and seized the straits
of King kiang. Alihaiya, the Wu chang commandant, advanced with a fleet
against Kao shi kie, who, fearing the risk of a battle, raised anchor
and retired to the great Tong ting lake, where he made his boats ready
for action. Alihaiya formed his fleet into several squadrons, which put
the Chinese to flight with great promptness. They seized Kao shi kie’s
boat, took him prisoner and then cut his head off. The head was fixed
on a lance point and shown beneath the walls of Yu chau, which
surrendered when summoned.
Alihaiya now attacked Kiang ling. The governor of this city, Kao ta,
was among the best officers in China. Dissatisfied with the court which
had put other men above him irregularly, he surrendered his city. After
some days he wrote to commandants within his jurisdiction advising
surrender, and soon fifteen of them yielded. Alihaiya left all who
surrendered in command of their cities. Alihaiya was a favorite of
Kubilai, who now sent this general a letter of thanks for his action,
and gave Kao ta that same office which the Sung government had refused
him.
Southern Su chuan was still unconquered, but now Wang liang chin, the
Mongol governor, defeated Tsan wan chiu, the Sung general commanding,
and besieged him in Kia ting, his capital. Tsan wan chiu surrendered,
giving also an account of every place in his province. He was retained
then in office. Still Su chuan did not submit altogether till 1278. The
great question now for the government was to be rid of Kia se tao, who
had grown odious to all men, and in 1274 the regent deprived him of
office. This did not sate public hatred, however. Ten accusations were
leveled against this vile minister, but the regent whom he had created
could not make up her mind to destroy the man, so she confiscated his
property, and assigned Fu kien to him as a place of life exile. An
official whose father the minister had banished was given the task of
conducting the condemned man. This official made it his pleasure to
torment the fallen minister as he traveled, and finished by killing him
near the end of the journey. For this act he was put to death
straightway.
At chu resolved now to attack Chang shi kie, who had a vast fleet of
boats on the river. In front of his own fleet he arranged his largest
boats and placed upon them one thousand crossbowmen who discharged
blazing arrows to fire the opposing flotilla. He followed closely
behind to sustain them.
The Mongol fleet bore down with all force on the Chinese. The thousand
bowmen sent burning arrows in every direction, and soon the great river
was covered with blazing barges and boats. To avoid being burned or
taken captive by Mongols many Chinese hurled themselves into the river
and perished. Chang she kie fled, leaving more than seven hundred boats
in the hands of the Mongols.
Bayan saw the Grand Elan at Shang tu, and convinced him that harm alone
could result from stopping operations in China for even a short time.
Bayan was sent back to his office and the plan of campaign was fixed
promptly. Bayan was to march straightway (1275), and take the Sung
capital. His assistants were to operate on the right and the left in
the Hoai nan and Kiang si provinces. His own army was divided into
three parts and its action repeated in some sense the movements of the
combined Mongol forces. The part of this army in which Bayan, the great
chief, was present marched through Chang chan; Liu wen hoan led its
vanguard.
The Sung court sent corps after corps to succor the city. Bayan crushed
all that he met in the field, and then summoned Chang chau to
surrender. When both threats and promises proved useless he destroyed
the suburbs, and raising a rampart to the height of the walls, he then
captured the city. Of the four chiefs who commanded three fell, while
the fourth fled and saved himself. The inhabitants were put to the
sword without pity. Bayan’s generals, Argan and Tong wen ping, carried
everything before them; people were fleeing to Lin ngan in thousands;
there was panic in all parts, and terror in the capital. Chin y chong
the first minister forced to the ranks every male above fifteen years
of age. The Empress sent an envoy to Bayan to explain that the evil
done had been done by Kia se tao, whom she had punished, that the
sovereign was still in tender years, and that all would be remedied.
Bayan answered that Kia se tao had not murdered Lien hi hien, and bade
her remember that when the Sung dynasty won its dominion, the last of
the Cheu line, from which the Sungs had snatched Empire, was also an
infant. “Think it not strange if your infant is treated as you treated
that one.”
Bayan advanced farther. The same envoy appeared from Chin y chong and
the Empress to declare that the young Emperor would agree to call
himself the nephew of Kubilai, and pay tribute. This too was rejected.
Now the Empress sent to say that the Emperor would own himself a
subject of Kubilai, and pay yearly tribute. This offer was made without
the knowledge of Chin y chong, who wished the court to remove to
southern regions and fight to the end there with valor. The Empress
would not hear of this project. Bayan was approaching the capital
irresistibly; nothing could stop him. The Sung princes advised now to
send Ki wang and Sin wang, the Emperor’s half-brothers, to more remote
regions, and preserve in this manner the dynasty. The Empress consented
and, changing the title of Ki wang to Y wang, and Sin wang to Kwang
wang, sent them both to Fu kien, but to different places in the
province.
Bayan was met near Lin ngan by the two other parts of his army. In sign
that she submitted the Empress now sent him the grand seal of Empire,
which he transmitted to Kubilai immediately. Next he summoned Chin y
chong to discuss terms of settlement, but this minister, who was
opposed to the Empress, hurried off southward. Chang shi kie retired
also with his troops to Ting hai, and when Bayan sent an officer of
distinction to invite him to surrender Chang shi kie cut the man’s
tongue out, and hacked him to pieces. The Empress now made Wen tien
siang her first minister, gave him U kien as a colleague, and sent the
two men to Bayan on a mission.
The minister told the great general that if the Northern Empire wished
China to be on the footing of other kingdoms subdued by the Mongols, he
would ask him to retire, at least to Kia hing, where they would settle
on the tribute in silver and silk to be paid every year, and on the
places to be occupied. “But if your plans,” added he, “are farther
reaching, and you think to destroy the Sung dynasty, be assured that
the road to your object is long, and you will fight many battles ere
you reach it. The south is not in your power yet. We shall defend
ourselves; the issue of arms is ever changing. Who knows that the whole
position will not be reversed utterly?”
Bayan dismissed U kien and detained Wen tien siang under pretext of
arranging a peace with him; the minister protested against this. Seeing
Chinese officers who had gone over to the Mongols, he reproached them
for their infamy very sharply, not sparing even Liu wen hoan among
others. Bayan sent him to Kubilai, but the minister escaped from his
guards on the way.
To govern Lin ngan Bayan now appointed a council of Mongols and
Chinese, under presidence of Man hu tai and Fan wen hu; he charged also
Ching pong to obtain from the Empress an order to all governors of
provinces to submit to the Mongols, and, to render this more emphatic,
the great functionaries signed it at his instance. All obeyed except
one, Kai hiuen hong, whom no threats could intimidate.
Four Mongol officers, at command of Bayan, took the seals of
departments, and seized every register book, historical memoir, and map
in each archive; these were all carefully placed under seal. Troops
were stationed in every part of the capital and exact order continued.
Bayan, whom the Emperor and Empress demanded to see, excused himself
under pretext that he knew not the right ceremonial on such an
occasion, and next day he left the city. Two Chinese dignitaries were
charged with watching the palace, for no reason whatever were they to
lose sight of the Empress. This was done under guise of showing
boundless respect for her.
Very soon after, Atahai, a general, with a large suite of officers,
appeared at the palace. His first act was to abolish all etiquette
observed with the Emperor and Empress. Meanwhile he invited the Emperor
and his mother to set out for Kubilai’s court in Shang tu, without
waiting. After this notice had been given, the Empress with streaming
eyes embraced her little boy, lately heir to the Empire: “The son of
Heaven spares thy life,” said she. “It is proper to thank him.” This
heir of seven years, a creation of the dead Kia se tao, fell on his
knees at the side of his mother; their faces were turned toward the
north, toward Shang tu; nine times did they strike the floor with their
foreheads in saluting Kubilai the Grand Mongol.
The son and mother were then placed in an equipage and left Lin ngan
and their Empire forever. With them went a great company containing all
the princes and princesses of the Sung family who were in the capital
at that time, besides ministers, high functionaries, men of letters of
great note and marked influence. All these took the road northward, and
surely a mournful procession followed the Emperor.
The regent, the Emperor’s grandmother, fell ill and was left in Lin
ngan for recovery. A number of Chinamen, desperate at seeing their
Emperor led captive with the chief men of the government and some of
the best minds of China, made efforts to save them. Twice did they rush
at the escort of Mongols which was led by Atahai and Li ting, but the
escort was too strong to be broken; the Mongols repelled the Chinese
after a desperate encounter in each case.
When the young Emperor was reaching Shang tu, Kubilai sent his first
minister to meet him. Orders had been given to treat all captives
properly. The Emperor was reduced to be a kong, or prince of the third
order; Hiao Kong was the title accorded him. The Empress mother and the
regent were stripped of their titles. Jambui Khatun, the Grand Khan’s
chief wife, tried to soften the lot of the mother by delicate
attention.
Lin ngan, the capital of the Emperor, is said to have been very large
and magnificent. It was built amid lagoons and had twelve hundred
bridges, some having piers of such great height that vessels of two
hundred tons could sail under the bridge. In the city was a beautiful
lake surrounded with palaces and mansions. On the islands of this lake
were pleasure houses where marriage feasts were held and great banquets
given. There were three thousand baths in Lin ngan, each large enough
to accommodate one hundred persons at a time. Marco Polo states that
the Emperor’s palace was the largest in the world. It contained twenty
halls, the most capacious of which was used as a state banquet room;
aside from these there were one thousand chambers richly decorated in
gold and colors. The city contained ten large markets; 1,600,000 houses
and seven hundred temples. The inhabitants dressed richly, all, except
the lowest class of laborers and coolies, wearing silk.
The Grand Khan had received the gold, silver and other precious objects
taken in Lin ngan from the palace. The princes and princesses of
Kubilai’s court gazed with delight on these spoils of a mighty dynasty,
but Jambui Khatun could not keep back her tears as she turned to the
Grand Khan and said to him: “It has come to my mind at this moment that
the Empire of the Mongols also will finish in this way.”
South China remained still unconquered. While Bayan was moving on Lin
ngan invincibly, Alihaiya was advancing through Hu kuang and had laid
siege to Chang cha. He attacked with such vigor that after some days
the city suffered excessively. The Mongols delivered a general assault,
won the rampart, and the fate of the place was decided; a part was on
fire, and the fall of the whole was a question of hours at the utmost.
At this juncture an official from a city of importance, who chanced to
be there with two sons who had just come of age, made those sons put
hats on their heads (the hat being a symbol of manhood). That done, he
cast himself into the flames with them and his household; Li fu, the
governor of Chang cha, honored greatly the memory of this visitor, and
feeling sure that every official would be true to the dynasty, he
summoned a certain Chin tsong and said to him: “I will not dishonor my
blood by surrender; I ask you to despatch all my family, and then show
to me the same service.” In vain did Chin tsong strike the earth with
his forehead, in vain did he beg of the governor to relieve him from
such a terrible service. Li fu was unbending, and as he insisted, Chin
tsong, weeping bitterly, agreed to obey him. Wine was given all who
were ready to die, and while under its influence death touched them
easily. When Li fu presented his head it was swept from him with one
blow of a sabre. Chin tsong set fire to the palace immediately; then he
ran to his house, where he slew his own wife and children; that done,
he killed himself. All the officials, save two, and a great number of
officers and people followed the governor; some sprang into wells,
others hanged themselves, or took poison. On entering Chang cha the
Mongols were astonished to find the place almost deserted.
Alihaiya then summoned the other cities of Southern Hu kuang; nearly
all of them surrendered without raising a weapon to defend themselves.
At the same time in Kiang si Sung tu kai made great progress. Eleven
cities of this province submitted, and Fu chau also was taken. Bayan
had been summoned to appear at Shang tu immediately. Sung tu kai told
him at parting, that the Sung princes had assembled many troops in Fu
kien and Kuang tung, and that they intended to enter Kiang si. Bayan
enjoined on Argan and Tong wen ping, whom he left in command near Lin
ngan, to leave those princes no time to strengthen their armies.
When the Sung princes, brothers of the Emperor, came to Wen chau from
Lin ngan, the officers who followed or joined them, made Y wang, the
elder, chief governor of the Empire, and associated with him his
brother Kwang wang. These brothers entered Fu kien, where the two
leading cities were on the point of submitting to Hoang wan tau, whom
Bay an had made governor of that province very recently. The new
governor had guaranteed to reduce the whole province. The Sung
partisans seized arms immediately. The Mongol governor was defeated and
driven out of the province; his troops deserted and joined the Sung
forces.
The two princes arrived at Fu chau, the capital, and Y wang, who was
nine years of age, was made Emperor with all needful ceremony. The
sovereign had a numerous army divided into four corps, which were to
operate in the south and along the Yang tse, on both sides of that
river. At this juncture appeared Wen tien siang, who had escaped from
the Mongols during the second attack on the men who were taking the
young Emperor to Shang tu. To him was now given the conduct of the
struggle, and he strove to rally the Chinese, and rouse their love of
country. A proclamation of the young Emperor stirred up the nation, and
great levies were made, which disquieted the Mongols.
When Bayan obtained a command from the Empress, the Emperor’s mother,
requiring every Sung subject to submit to the Mongols, At chu sent a
copy to Li ting shi, who had tried to rescue the Emperor and who was
defending Yang chiu with great stubbornness. Li ting shi answered from
the ramparts, that he knew no command save that to defend the place
assigned him by the Empress through a document from her own hand. At
chu obtained a new command in still stronger language, and addressed to
Li ting shi directly. Li ting shi discharged arrows at the man bringing
this document.
At chu redoubled his efforts to cut off supplies from his opponent. In
despair that he could not conquer one city, while Bayan had reduced a
whole province so quickly, and with it the capital of the Empire, he
tried other methods. He sent Li ting shi a letter in which Kubilai
promised to grant every wish of his. Li ting shi burned this letter,
and cut off the head of the man who had brought it. All other cities
besieged in those regions had fallen by famine, if not conquered
otherwise; hunger was reaching Yang chiu, but how closely was not known
to the Mongols at that time.
At At chu’s request Kubilai wrote to Li ting shi as follows: “If you
will obey even at this hour, I am willing to carry out former promises,
and pardon the murder of my envoy.” Li ting shi would not receive this
new letter, and learning that Y wang was Sung Emperor, he left the
defence of Yang chiu to Chu hwan and set out with his colleague, Kiang
tsai, and seven thousand men to join his new sovereign. Barely had he
gone from the city when Chu hwan surrendered.
At chu sent a strong corps of cavalry to hunt down the two fleeing
commanders. One thousand Chinese were slain in this labor, and Li ting
shi was forced into Tai chiu, where he was surrounded immediately. Two
leading officers in that city betrayed it to the Mongols. Li ting shi,
seeing that his last hour was near, sprang into a pond which proved to
be very shallow. He was dragged out of it promptly and with Kiang tsai
hurried back to Yang chiu. At chu left nothing undone to win these two
men to Kubilai, but since both were unbending he killed them.
Tong wen ping and Argan made progress in Che kiang. They won a victory
over the Sung army in Chu chiu, and in Fu kien took a fortress, called
Sha u. These Mongol successes were followed by Chinese defections and
the surrender of cities. This constrained the Sung court to think of
its safety. Chin y chong and Chang shi kie assembled a very large
fleet, and a considerable army. The Emperor embarked with his court and
the army and sailed away southward to Tsuen chiu (the Zaitun of Marco
Polo). This port was the seat of much commerce; the harbor was crowded
with vessels at all times. The commanders now seized certain ships
which they needed. These, as it seemed, belonged mainly to the
governor, a very rich merchant. The governor was so greatly enraged at
this action that he attacked all who landed, and even forced the fleet
to sail out of the harbor; that done, he delivered his city to the
Mongols.
Alihaiya had laid siege for three months, with great vigor, to Kwe lin
fu, the capital of Kuang si, but failing to conquer the desperate
resistance of the governor Ma ki, he tried softer methods. He obtained
from Kubilai a diploma appointing Ma ki commander-in-chief of Kuang si,
and sent him the document by an officer. Ma ki burned the diploma, and
cut down the officer. Kwe lin fu, built at the meeting of two rivers,
was exposed at one side alone, where the whole garrison could face any
enemy. The Mongol general dug out new beds for the rivers and turned
them; the city was assailable now upon every side and he stormed it.
His army swept over the walls like a torrent, but Ma ki met the foe
worthily. He fought from street to street, from one square to another,
till at last, when covered with wounds, and bleeding his life out, that
brave man was captured, but died shortly afterward. All the inhabitants
were put to the sword without pity.
The capital taken, Alihaiya divided his army into various detachments,
which he sent to seize the chief cities of that province.
Ki wang, or Y wang, the young Emperor, sailed to Hweï chiu, not far
from the present Hong Kong, and sent one of his officers to Sutu, the
Mongol commander, with a letter for Kubilai, in which he offered
submission. Sutu sent his son to Shang tu with the bearer of this
letter. Meanwhile operations continued, and soon the whole province of
Kuang tung, attacked the year previous, had submitted.
At this juncture Kubilai summoned Bayan from South China, directing him
to leave there only those who were needed to guard conquered places. Li
heng would command troops of that kind. All others were to strike in
the North at his enemy Kaidu. After Bayan’s departure the Sung party
attacked and retook many cities in the four southern provinces. Chang
shi kie made great levies in Fu kien, equipped a large fleet and laid
siege to Tsuen chiu, but Sutu forced him afterward to raise it. Sutu
declared that the Chinese were not to be trusted, and fell back on the
old Mongol method of slaughter. City after city was put to the sword
without mercy or favor. Since many southern cities had been retaken by
Sung forces Kubilai in 1278 sent fresh troops to that part of the
Empire, and ordered Ta chu, Li heng, and Liu se kwe to cross the Ta yn
ling mountains, while the fleet, under Sutu and others, would attack
the Sung squadron.
Sutu now swept all things before him till he reached Chao chiu, where
he met firm resistance. Not wishing to delay, lest he be late in the
south, he sailed on, and joined the land forces near Canton, which
surrendered. After this success he returned to Chao chiu and laid siege
to it regularly. The place was built strongly, and Ma fa, the
commandant, was so active and resolute that after battering it for
twenty days and storming it repeatedly Sutu could show only small
progress. Then the commandant made a sortie in which he burned the
battering engines of the Mongols, but surrounded at last by greater
forces, he perished in a murderous struggle. His men broke and fled to
the city; the enemy ran with them, rushed in throngs to the gates,
swept through them after the Chinese, took the place, and put all to
the sword without exception.
The young Emperor had no port in which to anchor his vessels with
safety. Hence he wandered about on the sea without a resting-place,
till in May, 1278, at the age of eleven, he died, on Kang chuen, a
desert island. Most of the officials and high personages who followed
him were averse to this wandering existence, and were ready to submit
to Kubilai, but Liu sin fu opposed them with the uttermost vigor. “We
have,” said he, “a son of Tu tsong with us yet and we must make him the
Emperor. We shall find warriors and officers in plenty. If Heaven has
not decreed ruin to the Sungs, do ye doubt that it can raise their
throne to its former magnificence?”
These words roused the chiefs; they placed Kuang wang on an earth
mound, knelt, and rendered homage. Ti ping was the name given the new
Emperor. Liu sin fu and Chang shi kie were his ministers. The Chinese
headquarters were mainly on water, their fleet was very great, and
carried large forces. This fleet retired to straits in the Gulf of
Canton which lay between the mountain Kiche and the island of Ya i. The
position, as it seems, was a good one. In every case it was the last
refuge and stronghold of the Sung dynasty. Chang shi kie had built on
the summit of the island a modern palace for the Emperor, and barracks
for the warriors. He worked with great zeal to revictual the vessels
and provide all that was needful for every one. Provisions came from
Canton and other places, from cities which were subject to the Mongols,
as well as the Chinese. Wen tien siang, in spite of his losses,
recaptured Canton, and held it, at least for a season.
At this time Chang hong fan explained to Kubilai in a letter that to
end the great struggle successfully Kuang wang must be mastered.
Kubilai sent him a sword set with jewels, and made him
commander-in-chief of the armies appointed to subdue the new Emperor.
The first act of the general was to crush the land forces; as these
were mainly new levies and the Mongols were veterans, they fled at the
earliest onset and their officers were taken captive. Among them were
Wen tien siang, chief commander, with Liu tse tsiun and Tsiu fong. The
last of these killed himself and the second was burned to death over a
slow fire. Wen tien siang begged for death earnestly, but Chang hong
fan would not grant it. After asking him in vain to give homage by
bowing northward, Chang hong fan sent him to Kubilai, and freed all his
friends and relatives who were captive.
The armies of the Sung Emperor were destroyed. The last blow remained,
that against the sea forces. Chang hong fan put his army in ships and
sailed in past the island called Ya i. The Chinese land troops were
intrenched on the island very firmly, and the Chinese fleet seemed
secure from attack on the north side, since the water in that part was
too shallow, as they thought, for the large Mongol vessels.
Chang hong fan reconnoitred his opponents, and saw that their vessels
were unwieldy, so he took a number of his light boats, filled them with
straw soaked in oil and ignited them. Favored by a strong southern
wind, he sent these burning boats forward to strike on the Chinese. But
Chang shi kie had covered all his front barks and their rigging with
mud, hence they were not fired and the attack proved fruitless.
Canton had been taken by the Mongols a second time and occupied. Chang
hong fan now received thence a reinforcement of men, and also of
vessels. These latter he posted north of Ya i, and prepared to attack
the Sung fleet, which was west of the island, between it and the
mountain. Attacks were made on the north and the south simultaneously.
The battle continued all day. The Chinese were unbroken in the evening,
but in the fleet there was something approaching a panic; the
commanders had lost control for the greater part. Chang shi kie and his
colleague determined to reach the open sea under cover of a mist which
was present in every place. The Chinese emerged from the straits with
sixteen bulky vessels and there formed the front of the squadron. Liu
sin fu boarded the Emperor’s vessel to save him; that ship was larger
than others and more difficult to manage. They sailed on, however, till
they came to the mouth of the channel, which was blocked by Mongol
barges lashed one to another securely. There was no chance to move
forward and to return was impossible.
Liu sin fu, seeing this, had his children and wife hurled into the
water. Then, telling Ti ping that a Sung sovereign should prefer death
to captivity, he put the boy Emperor on his shoulders and sprang into
the sea with him. Most of the dignitaries followed this example, and
drowned themselves.
More than eight hundred ships fell into the power of the Mongols. Later
on Chinese corpses in thousands were floating on those waters. Among
them was that of Ti ping, and on it was found the seal of the Empire.
When Chang shi kie heard that his sovereign was dead he went to the
ship of the Empress and tried to induce her to aid him in choosing some
relative of the Sung family and making him Emperor. But when she
learned of the death of her young son she sprang into the sea without
further discussion, and was followed by the ladies of her service.
Chang shi kie found her body and buried it on the mainland. He then
sailed away for Tung king, where he had faithful allies with whom he
intended to return and install a new Emperor if possible. But in
crossing the Gulf of Tung king, Chang shi kie was met by a terrible
tempest, and perished.
Meanwhile Su liu i, his colleague, fell, slain by his own men. When he
was dead all people in China submitted, and Kubilai Khan found himself
master of an Empire, for which the Mongols had been fighting for more
than five decades. Thus the Sung family vanished after ruling three and
one-fifth centuries over China.