VICTORY OF KUTUZ, SULTAN OF EGYPT
Hulagu received news now of the death of Mangu, the Grand Khan, and
deciding at once to return to Mongolia, he made Kita Buga commander of
the armies in Syria, and when departing ordered him to level the walls
of Aleppo and its citadel. A deputation of Crusaders came at this time
to Kita Buga.
It is said by historians, that Hulagu had resolved to take Palestine
from the Moslems, and give it to Christians, and that he was about to
do this when news came of Mangu’s demise in Mongolia. He turned
homeward immediately, intending to strive for his own elevation, but he
learned in Tebriz that his brother, Kubilai, was elected, and this
stopped his journey.
From El Arish Nassir had hastened on toward Kathia, but Kutuz, now in
Salahiyet, not desiring an Eyubite prince as a ruler for Egypt, wished
to render him harmless. He wrote to the chiefs under Nassir’s command,
among others the false Sheherzurians, and requested them to enter his
service, offering high places, and money as he did so. Seduced by these
offers the Turks and Kurds deserted Nassir. There remained with the
prince, but his brother and a very few other men. On reaching Kathia he
dared not go farther toward Egypt, so changing his road he went on by
the desert toward Shubek; when he arrived there, he and the men with
him had naught but their horses and two or three servants. He held on
farther toward Karak; the sovereign of that place sent horses, tents,
and all needed articles to Nassir with the statement that he might stay
with him or go to Shubek. Nassir would do neither; he continued his
journey to Balka, but, betrayed by two Kurd attendants who informed
Kita Buga of his whereabouts, he was seized near Lake Ziza by Mongols
and taken to their general, who was laying siege then to Ajalon. The
general forced Nassir to order the commandant to surrender that
fortress to the Mongols. The commandant obeyed after certain resistance
and Ajalon, that stronghold built by Iziz ud din, one of Saladin’s
emirs, was leveled to the ground. The Mongols had a short time before
taken possession of Baalbek and ruined that city and its citadel. Kita
Buga now sent Nassir to Tebriz with his brother and Salih, son of the
Hims prince. Mogith, Prince of Karak, sent his son Aziz, a boy six
years of age, with him. When they passed through Damascus Nassir was
greatly affected and when he saw the ruins of Aleppo he wept, unable to
restrain his grief.
Hulagu received Nassir well and promised to reinstate him in Syria when
he should subdue Egypt.
Egypt, up to that time a refuge for those who were fleeing from
Mongols, now felt the terror of a threatened invasion. The Mongols had
conquered all lands invaded by them thus far, hence most men felt
certain that they would take Egypt. The Africans living in Cairo
returned to their distant homes because of this conviction. Soon after
Hulagu’s departure for Persia envoys announced themselves in Cairo, and
summoned the Sultan to obedience; war was threatened in case of
refusal. Kutuz called a great council immediately to decide upon final
action. Nassir ud din Kaimeri, a Kwaresmian general who had just left
the service of Nassir, favored war and declared for it. “No one,” he
said, “could believe Hulagu who has broken faith with the Alamut chief,
with the Kalif, with Aké, commandant of Daritang, and with the Prince
of Erbil.” Beibars, the emir from Damascus, called for war also. After
some debate every chief present agreed with the Sultan. “It is well,”
said Kutuz. “We take the field. Victors or vanquished we shall do our
whole duty, and Moslems hereafter will never make mention of us as of
cowards.”
It was then decided that Hulagu’s envoys must die, hence they were
thrown into prison to await execution. The Sultan made immense efforts;
he levied tribute, illegal in Islam; he taxed revenues, he taxed heads,
but that was still insufficient; then he seized the goods of all who
had deserted Nassir for his sake. Nassir’s wife had to yield up a part
of her jewels; other women were forced to make similar sacrifices.
Those who did not part with their jewels willingly were ill-treated.
When ready for marching Kutuz took an oath of fidelity from his
generals, and set out from his castle called the Castle of the Mountain
July 26, 1260. His forces of a hundred and twenty thousand strong were
composed of the army of Egypt, of Syrians who had passed to his
service, of Arabs, and also of Turkmans. On the day of departure he had
the chief Mongol envoy and the three next in dignity beheaded, one in
each quarter of Cairo. The four heads were exposed at the gate of
Zavila; of the twenty-six envoys remaining he spared only one, a young
man whom he placed in a company of Mameluks. A summons was issued
throughout Egypt for every warrior to march in that struggle for Islam.
All had to go, if any man tried to hide himself the bastinado was used
on him without mercy.
Kutuz sent an envoy to demand aid of Ashraf of Hims, the chief governor
of Syria under Hulagu’s orders, and Saïd, who had been liberated from
prison in El Biret and had received Sebaibet and Banias as his portion.
Saïd abused the envoy, but Ashraf received him, and in private
prostrated himself in his presence through respect for Kutuz, who had
sent him, and added in answer to the message: “I kiss the earth before
the Sultan, and say to him, that I am his servant, and subject to his
orders. I am thankful that God has raised up Kutuz, for the succor of
Islam. If he combats the Mongols our triumph is certain.”
At Salahiyet Kutuz held a council; the greater part of the leaders
refused to go farther; they wished to wait at Salahiyet. “O chiefs of
Islam,” said the Sultan, “I march to this holy war, the man who is
willing to fight in it will follow me; he who is unwilling may return,
but God will not take his eye off that recreant. On his head will be
counted the dishonor of our women and the ruin of our country.” From
every leader who liked him he took an oath then to follow and next
morning he sounded the signal to march against the Mongols. The chiefs
who had wished not to go were borne away now by the example of others;
the whole army moved forward and entered the desert. Beibars, who
commanded the vanguard, had, with other Bahriyan chiefs, quitted Nassir
and joined Kutuz, who gave him the district of Kaliub as an income.
Beibars found the Mongols at Gaza, but they left the place straightway,
and he entered it unopposed. The Sultan made only a brief halt at Gaza,
and moved along near the coast line. Kita Buga, who heard at Baalbek of
this hostile advance, sent his family and baggage to Damascus,
collected his troops, and set out to encounter the forces of Egypt.
The two armies saw each other first on the plain of Ain Jalut (Fountain
of Goliah), between Baissan and Nablus. Before the battle Kutuz spoke
with great feeling to his generals, and strengthened them for the
conflict. He mentioned the peoples whom the Mongols had ruined, and he
threatened his hearers with the same lot unless they won victory. He
roused them to liberate Syria, and vindicate Islam; if not they would
earn Heaven’s wrath and dire punishment. Moved by his words they shed
tears, and swore to do all that was in them to hurl back the enemy.
The two armies met September 3, 1260. The Egyptians entered the battle
without confidence. At first they were timid and confusion appeared in
the left wing which turned to flee; at that moment the Sultan cried
out: “O God, give Thou victory to thy servant Kutuz.” He charged then
in person, cut into the thick of the enemy, and performed miracles of
valor. He charged again and again, encouraging others to meet death,
and fear nothing.
Meanwhile the left wing had rallied, re-formed, and reappeared on the
battlefield. These warriors fought now with invincible fury, and
stopped not till they had broken the ranks of the Mongols, who fled
after having lost most of their officers. Kita Buga was killed in the
action. A Mongol division entrenched on a neighboring height was
attacked, and cut to pieces. The emir, Beibars, surrounded the
fugitives, of whom only a very small number escaped. Some hid among
reeds near the battle-ground; Kutuz set fire to the reeds and all those
men perished. When the great battle was over the Sultan came down from
his horse, and returned thanks to God in a prayer of two verses. Prince
Saïd, who had fought on the side of the Mongols, came now to surrender.
On dismounting he went to the Sultan to kiss his hand, but Kutuz kicked
his mouth, and commanded an equerry to cut his head off immediately.
In the rage of that terrible battle the young Mongol placed by Kutuz
among Mameluks found a chance, as he thought, to avenge his father; but
one of those near him seized his hand in time to turn aside the missile
which, missing Kutuz, killed the horse on which he was riding.
The camp of the Mongols, their women, and children, and baggage fell
into the hands of the conquerors. Hulagu’s commandants were slaughtered
wherever the Moslems could seize them. Those in Damascus were able to
save themselves. News of the Mongol defeat arrived there September 8 in
the night between Saturday and Sunday. The commandants rushed off
immediately. Seven months and ten days had they occupied Damascus.
September 9 the Sultan sent from Tiberias a rescript to Damascus,
announcing the victory which God had given Islam. This news caused a
joy all the greater since Moslems had despaired of deliverance from the
Mongols, deemed until that day invincible. Their delight was unbounded,
hence they rushed straightway to the houses of Christians where they
pillaged and slew all unhindered. The churches of Saint James and Saint
Mary were burned. Jew shops were plundered most thoroughly, and the
houses of that people with their synagogues were saved only by armed
forces. Next the turn came to Moslems who had been partisans and agents
of the Mongols; these too were massacred without pity.
Kutuz arrived at Damascus with his army, and entered the city two days
later. He hanged a number of Moslems, who had favored the Mongols,
among others the Kurd who had betrayed Nassir; he hanged also thirty
Christians and forced the remainder to contribute one hundred and fifty
thousand drachmas.
Beibars, who was sent to pursue the fleeing Mongols, hurried forward to
Hamath. The fugitives, when almost overtaken, abandoned their baggage,
let their prisoners go free, and rushed toward the seacoast, where they
were captured, or slain by the Moslem inhabitants. Noyon, who was
powerless to resist the Egyptians, withdrew to Rūm with the remnant of
his warriors.
Kutuz, who had saved Egypt and become master of Syria as far as the
Euphrates, was the only man of that period who could have turned back
the tide of Mongol conquest. He now gave fiefs and rewards to whomever
his good-will selected. He gave the government of Damascus to Sindjar;
and of Aleppo to Mozaffer, a son of Bedr ud din Lulu; Prince Mansur was
confirmed in possession of Hamat; Ashraf, Prince of Hims, Hulagu’s
chief lieutenant in Syria, asked grace of the Sultan and got it. When
he had named all his lieutenants in Syria Kutuz left Damascus for Egypt
Oct. 5th. Beibars, who had shown immense valor in battle, asked for the
government of Aleppo, and failing to get it, conceived such resentment
that with six other malcontents he formed a plot to assassinate the
Sultan.
Between Koissem and Salahiyet the Sultan left his road for a short
hunting trip; the conspirators followed till they found him unattended.
Beibars then approached Kutuz and begged for a favor which was granted;
he took the Sultan’s hand to kiss it; that moment one of the six struck
Kutuz on the back of the neck with a sabre, a second man pushed him
down from the horse, a third pierced his body with an arrow, and
Beibars with a last blow took life from the Sultan, October 25, 1260,
The assassins left the body of Kutuz where he died and hastened on to
his camp at Salahiyet. They entered the Sultan’s pavilion and
immediately set about enthroning Bilban, an emir, the most considerable
person among them. Fari ud din Aktai, the Atabeg, ran in and asked what
they were doing. “Taking this man for Sultan,” said they as they
pointed at Bilban. “What is the Turk usage in cases of this kind?”
inquired Aktai. “The slayer succeeds,” was the answer. “Who slew the
Sultan?” “That man,” said they pointing to Beibars. The Atabeg took
Beibars by the hand and led him to the throne of the Sultan. “I seat
myself here in the name of the Highest,” said Beibars, “now give your
oath to me.” “It is for thee to swear first,” said the Atabeg, “to
treat them with loyalty and give them advancement.” The new Sultan made
promises in that sense and swore to them, the others then gave their
oath of allegiance.
After this unexpected enthronement Beibars started for Cairo where he
arrived just at midnight. The city had been adorned at all points for
Kutuz, the deliverer of Islam. The people were waiting and expecting to
see their famed ruler, and rejoice at the victory of the faithful. What
was their wonder and amazement when heralds at daybreak passed through
all Cairo and shouted: “O people, implore divine favor for the soul of
El Mozaffer Kutuz, and pray for Ez Zahir Beibars your new Sultan.”
All were in great consternation for they feared the Bahriyans and their
tyranny. Beibars, a man of the Kipchak, or Polovtsi Turks, had been
sold at Damascus for eight hundred drachmas, but the purchaser found a
white spot on his eye and broke the bargain. He was bought then by Emir
Eidikin Bundukdar; following Mameluk usage he called himself Beibars el
Bundukdari. In 1246 the Eyubite Sultan, Salih, disgraced Eidikin, took
his Mameluk, and advanced Beibars until he became one among the highest
Bahriyans.
Beibars now made his old owner a general, and gave him the government
of Damascus. Hulagu had given Damascus and its province to Prince
Nassir, and had sent him from Hamadan, with an escort of three hundred
Syrians, on the eve of the day when news came that the Mongols were
crushed at Ain Jalut. It was suggested to Hulagu then by a Syrian that
Nassir on getting Damascus would join Kutuz surely. Thereupon Hulagu
sent three hundred Mongols on horseback to follow Nassir. They came up
with the prince in the mountains of Salmas where they killed him, and
spared no man of his suite except the astrologer, who gave the
historian Bar Hebraeus the details of this slaughter. Hulagu was
impatient to avenge the defeat of Ain Jalut, but, occupied greatly by
the death of Mangu, he could not begin an expedition at that time.
As we have stated, Mayafarkin had been summoned to surrender and then
besieged by Yshmut while his father, Hulagu, was advancing on Aleppo.
Prince Kamil of Mayafarkin gave this answer to the summons: “I have
learned from the fate of other sovereigns to put no trust whatever in
Mongols and will fight to the utmost.” Inflaming the courage of his
people, he opened all his supplies and every treasure, not wishing, as
he said, to act like the Kalif of Bagdad who lost life and an Empire
through avarice. He began by a sortie, in which he slew many besiegers.
He had in his service a man of rare skill in hurling great stones with
catapults. This man did immense harm to the assailants; they too had a
man of much art in this matter whom they got from Bedr ud din Lulu,
late prince of Mosul. It is said that once the two men discharged their
engines at the very same instant and the two stones from their
catapults met in the air and shivered each other to fragments. Two
champions of wonderful strength came out of Mayafarkin each time with a
sortie, and never retired till they had left on the plain many Mongols.
The siege turned in time to a blockade, and with the blockade appeared
famine. The besieged were forced to eat dogs, cats, shoes, and at last
they ate people. After the blockade had continued a full year and
resistance was exhausted, the inhabitants sent to Yshmut declaring that
there were no more defenders in Mayafarkin. He sent Oroktu Noyon, who
found only seventy half famished people. The Mongols rushed in to
pillage. The two champions went to a house top whence they killed men
as they passed them; surrounded at last they refused to surrender and
died fighting desperately. In the spring of 1260 the famous old town of
Mayafarkin was in the possession of Mongols. Prince Kamil and nine
Mameluks were captured, taken to Telbashir, and led into the presence
of Hulagu, who put Kamil to death in a horrible manner: bits of flesh
were torn from his body and thrust down his throat until life left him.
His head, cut off and fixed on a lance, was borne from Aleppo to
Hamath, and taken finally to Damascus. There it was carried through the
streets and tambourines and singers moved before it. At last it was
tied to the wall next the gate El Feradis (Paradise) where it hung till
Kutuz made his entry after the victory of Ain Jalut. The Sultan had
this head placed in the mausoleum of Hussein, son of Ali.
Of the nine Mameluks in Mayafarkin eight were put to death. The last
man was spared because he had been chief hunter for the Prince of
Mayafarkin, and Hulagu took him into his service.
Yshmut now attacked Mardin at command of his father. Hulagu had invited
Saïd of Mardin to come to him, but Saïd was distrustful, and sent his
son Mozaffer, to render homage at Aleppo; Hulagu sent him back to
Mardin and said: “Tell thy father to come; prevent his revolt and thus
save him.” The father would not listen and imprisoned Mozaffer; then
Hulagu sent troops against Mardin. The place was on a height beyond
reach of projectiles, and the attackers were forced to blockade it. At
the end of eight months an epidemic and famine had produced fearful
ravages; Prince Saïd died of the malady or, as some historians state,
of poison administered by his son. Mozaffer was set free then and
surrendered; Hulagu gave him Mardin which he kept till his death in
1296.
After the capture of Bagdad and the destruction of the Kalifat Abul
Kassin Ahmed, an uncle of the Kalif Mostassim, had succeeded in
escaping and had found a refuge among Beduins in Irak till 1261, when
he went to Damascus attended by Arabs. Beibars sent orders at once to
treat this descendant of Abbas with distinction, and conduct him to
Egypt. When Kassin Ahmed approached Cairo, June 19, 1261, the Sultan
went out to meet him with a great suite of military leaders, also
cadis, ulema and an immense throng of people, followed by Jewish Rabbis
bearing their Scriptures, and Christian priests bearing with them the
Gospels.
Four days later the chief functionaries and the ulema assembled in the
palace, and Ahmed’s genealogy was established. Taj ud din the chief
justice gave him the oath of allegiance, next the Sultan pledged his
homage and faith in case the new Kalif acted always according to the
Divine law of Islam, and all traditions of the Prophet, commanded what
the law commands, forbade what the law forbids, and walked in the ways
of the Almighty. Also that he received legally in the name of God the
contributions of the faithful and gave them to those who had the right
to receive them. The Kalif then invested Beibars with the sovereignty
of countries submitted to Islam, and those which God might permit him
to free from unbelievers. This act of investiture was fixed in a
diploma, which was given to the Sultan. Then every man present pledged
faith to the Kalif, now called Al Mostansir Billahi, and gave him
homage. The Sultan sent an order to every prefect in the provinces to
have the new Kalif recognized, his name mentioned in public prayers and
stamped on new coinage. The Kalif gave the Sultan a mantle of the House
of Abbas. Some days later this successor of Mohammed rode forth in
public on a white steed with black trappings. He wore a black turban, a
violet mantle, a collar of gold, and the sabre of a Beduin. On the day
of installation the Kalif invested the Sultan with robes of office, and
put a gold chain on his neck. After that the vizir read the diploma
conferring sovereign power upon Beibars. The Sultan now mounted and
rode through the city with great pomp and the utmost solemnity,
preceded by the vizir and the grand marshal, who carried alternately
above their heads the diploma given by the Kalif. All houses were
decorated, and the Sultan’s horse walked on the richest of stuffs which
had been spread on the streets of his passage.
The following Friday the Kalif preached in the mosque of the citadel;
the Sultan, uncertain of the effect which he might produce, and to be
sure of results in every case, so arranged as to shower gold and silver
coins from above on his person, and thus interrupt the discourse which
he was giving.
Beibars now formed for the Kalif a household with all the officers,
horsemen and servants which were requisite. He added one hundred
Mameluks, each having three dromedaries and three horses; he gave also
two thousand mounted warriors, and a body of Beduins.
The Sultan and the Kalif left Cairo for Damascus September 4th, 1262.
On the 10th of October the Kalif took the road for Bagdad, attended by
the generals Seïf ud din Bilban and Sonkor of Rūm who had been deputed
to go with him to the Euphrates, and to hold themselves ready to follow
into Irak at the first signal from the Kalif.
The three sons of Bedr ud din Lulu, then princes of Mosul, Jeziret and
Sindjar, set out with the Kalif, but halted at Rahbah despite his
entreaties, leaving with him, however, sixty Mameluks. Mostansir was
joined at that place by Yezid, an emir who was chief of the Al Fazl,
and had with him four hundred Beduins, and by Eidikin, an emir who
brought with him thirty horsemen from Hamath.
Advancing by the western bank of the Euphrates they met at Ana the
Abbasid Iman, Al Hakim, attended by seven hundred Turkmen; Al Burunli,
the Mameluk chief who had seized command of Aleppo in spite of the
Sultan, had made Al Hakim set out with these horsemen. The Kalif
overtook Hakim and his party at the river where the seven hundred
Turkmen deserted.
Thereupon Hakim adhered to Mostansir, and was ready to assist in
installing him at Bagdad. The people of Ana had refused to receive
Hakim. The Sultan of Egypt, they said, had recognized a Kalif who was
coming; to him alone would they open the gates of their city.
When Mostansir appeared he was met with due homage. Haditse acted like
Ana, but Hitt refused sternly to open its gates and was taken by
violence. The Kalif entered the city November 24 with his warriors, who
plundered both Christians and Jews without mercy.
Kara Buga, the commander of those Mongols who guarded Arabian Irak,
hearing of Mostansir’s approach marched against Anbar with five
thousand cavalry. Anbar was friendly to the Kalif and might give him
aid. Kara Buga entered the city on a sudden and cut down the people on
all sides. Bahadur Ali, governor of Bagdad, went hither also with the
troops in his garrison. These two commanders after joining their forces
near Anbar encountered the new Kalif who, ranging the Turkmans on his
right, the Arabs on his left, charged himself in the center. Bahadur’s
troops took to flight and the greater part threw themselves into the
river. Kara Buga put some of his forces in ambush and waited. When the
Turkmen and Arabs met the Mongols they fought very little, and rushed
off in panic. The center, now left unsupported, was surrounded and
overpowered, crushed into disorder and cut to pieces. The Kalif was
lost in that chaos, and was never seen again. According to some he was
killed, others said that he escaped to Arabs and died of his wounds
while among them.
Mostansir was, as is said, a man of great strength and good courage,
with a loftiness of bearing very different indeed from Mostassim, the
last Kalif of the Kalifat, who was trampled to death under horsehoofs
at Hulagu’s camp ground. But whatever his merits this adventure reached
the acme of folly. It is difficult to explain how the Sultan of Egypt
with all his shrewd management could have spent so much treasure on a
journey foredoomed beyond doubt to disaster, unless he had a sinister
motive in the enterprise, and wished it to end in the destruction of
that Kalif whom he had perhaps inaugurated through diplomacy and for
his own aggrandizement. One historian declares that Beibars was sending
ten thousand warriors to set up the Kalif in Bagdad, and giving him as
aids the Prince of Mosul and his brothers, when one of these warned the
Sultan that the Kalif if settled in Bagdad might take Egypt from him.
We may well suppose that Beibars wished simply to establish his own
power with firmness, and give himself freedom in Islam, and that he
wished to be rid of the new Kalif so as to put in his place a man who
could not be strong, and who would be obedient. Hakim, who met the late
Kalif at Anbar, claimed to be fourth in descent from Mostershed who was
slain in 1135 by the Assassins. This Hakim now fled to Egypt, where
Beibars received him with distinction and gave him a residence in the
palace called Munasir al Kebesh. His duties were simply to legitimize
with the holiness of Islam the Sultan of Egypt, and ward off all
Fatimid pretensions. His power beyond that was as nothing. He was
styled “Shadow of God upon Earth, Ruler by command of God.” He lived
this life for forty years and was first in that line of Egyptian Kalifs
who were puppets of the Mameluke sovereigns. An end was put to that
line only when Egypt was conquered by Selim I. and the Turkish Sultans
took to themselves the Kalifat, and became the successors of Mohammed.
Salih, the eldest son of Bedr ud din of Mosul, met a worse fate by far
than the Kalif. Soon after the accession of Beibars Salih’s brother
Saïd, who had been driven from Aleppo by the Mamelukes, went to Egypt,
whence he wrote to his brother advising a visit to Beibars, who when he
had conquered the Mongols could make Salih ruler not of some petty
place in the West but of great Eastern regions. This letter was kept
very carefully by Salih, who took it to bed with him. Ibn Yunus, an
official who had been a great personage in Bedr ud din’s day, stole it
from under the coverlet while Salih was sleeping. He set out
immediately for Baashika his birthplace in the province of Nineveh.
On missing the letter Salih sent two slaves to Baashika. Ibn Yunus,
fearing dire punishment if caught, turned toward Erbil and at Bakteli,
on the way, he advised one Abad Ullah to flee with all his people
without waiting, for Salih would destroy every Christian and escape
straightway to Egypt. He fled then to Erbil.
Meanwhile Salih, fearing lest Ibn Yunus might give the letter to the
Mongols, withdrew with his son, Alai ul Mulk, toward Syria. Turkan
Khatun, his wife, would not go with him. She remained in Mosul with
Yasan, the Mongol prefect. She and Yasan shut the gates and prepared a
defence for the city. One of Salih’s officers, Alam ud din Sanjar, left
him while journeying and returned to occupy Mosul. He found the gates
closed and began to attack them. This attack lasted several days
unsuccessfully. At last a number of citizens threw the gates open and
he entered. The prefect and Salih’s wife fled to the citadel.
Sanjar killed all the Christians who would not accept Islam, hence many
renounced their religion to save themselves.
Meanwhile the Kurds attacked places in the surrounding country, and
slew a great number of Christians. They took the Kudida convent by
storm and put to death many of its inmates. The monastery of Mar
Matthew they besieged during four months with warriors on foot and one
thousand on horseback. They attempted to storm it, but the monks
repelled every effort, and burned all scaling ladders with naphtha. The
Kurds now let down two immense rocks from a neighboring mountain top.
One of these remained fast in the wall and was fixed there like a stone
in its setting; the other passed through and left a wide breach behind
it. When the Kurds tried to rush through the opening the monks met them
with a desperate valor, using stones, darts, and every weapon in the
monastery. They kept the Kurds out and filled up the great breach. The
Abbot, Abunser, fought with the foremost and lost one eye in that
venomous struggle. But in time the defenders were failing and would
have been forced to surrender had the attacks been continued. But the
Kurds too had their weakness. They greatly feared an attack from the
Mongols, though this they concealed very cleverly, and even extorted a
ransom. The monks gave the silver and gold of the churches, and all the
treasure which they could get from the people, after which the Kurds
left them.
At Erbil the Mongol emir, Kutleg Beg, cut down men and women without
mercy. Salih’s officer, Sanjar, having heard that the Mongols were
moving on Mosul, marched out and engaged them; he was killed and his
forces defeated. Salih, the Melik of Mosul, and his son had gone
meanwhile to Beibars who was then at Damascus with the new Kalif. He
was received with great pomp by the Sultan, as were also his brothers.
Horses and banners and robes of honor were presented to them, also
diplomas confirming their titles. These diplomas were strengthened
further by the Kalif. The three brothers then escorted the Kalif to
Rahbah, as has been already stated, where they left him, each going
back to his own place.
Salih returned to Mosul which was at that time invested by Mongols.
Samdagu, the commander, having learned from a spy that Salih was
coming, withdrew to a point not remote from the city where he waited.
When Salih had passed the gate, Samdagu reinvested it with two tumans
of warriors and twenty-five catapults. He then began siege work which
lasted from December till summer.
Salih gave good gifts to his garrison, and promised that the Sultan
would send reinforcements. The defence was a brave one and effective.
One day eighty Mongols succeeded in scaling the bulwarks, but were
killed every man of them and their heads shot out from catapults to
their comrades.
Samdagu felt need of reinforcements which came to him promptly from
Hulagu. At last the Sultan commanded Akkush, who was governing Aleppo,
to march on Mosul and relieve it. He set out, and sent a pigeon with
news of his coming. This bird settled down, by a wonderful chance, on a
catapult in Samdagu’s army, was caught, and through the letter attached
to it gave notice not to the Prince of Mosul but to Samdagu.
Samdagu sent straightway a strong corps of warriors to beat Akkush back
and destroy him if possible. The Mongols were placed in three ambushes
where they waited. The Egyptians suffered partly from these ambushes
and partly from a fierce wind which blew in their faces, and hurled
clouds of sand at them. The Sultan’s army was slaughtered except a mere
remnant. The Mongols attacked then the people of Sinjar, killed nearly
all the men and seized captive the women and children. Next they put on
the clothing of Akkush’s dead warriors and moved toward Mosul. When
nearing that city they were seen from the watch-towers by the people,
who mistook them for forces sent by the Sultan, and went out in large
numbers to meet them. These citizens were surrounded immediately by the
Mongols and slain to the very last person.
When the siege had continued six months the fierce heat of summer was
raging and each side ceased its action. The Mongol commander made a
promise to spare all and send Salih to Hulagu with a request for full
pardon. Thereupon Salih yielded and sent to Samdagu a letter containing
the terms of surrender.
He went to the Mongol camp from the city June 25, 1262, with presents
and dainties, preceded by dancers, musicians and harlequins. The Mongol
commander, forgetting all promises, would not receive Salih, or look at
him, nay more, he put the prince under a strong guard immediately.
But Samdagu reassured the people; they were to be of good cheer he
declared and fear nothing. Meanwhile they must tear down the walls and
remove them. They did this work straightway, and when all was cleared,
and the whole place was laid open, a massacre began in that woebegone
city. Nine days did that terrible slaughter continue, till the sword
had finished every one. Mosul was deserted, not a soul now remained
there. It was only when the Mongols had moved far away that eight or
ten hundred people who had hidden in the hills and in caverns crept out
and came back to inhabit the city.
The first governor of this spectral and death-stricken Mosul was that
Ibn Yunus who had stolen the letter from Salih and betrayed him.
Salih was sent to Hulagu for a judgment. The sentence was revolting and
hideous. The late Prince of Mosul was deprived of his clothing and
wrapped in a sheepskin just stripped from the animal. This skin was
fastened firmly round Salih who, exposed to the sun of July in that
climate, suffered terribly. The skin was soon covered with a life most
repulsive and the all conquering worm now lived with Salih. The Prince
had passed a whole month in that horrible sheepskin when death came to
him.
His son, Alai ud din, a boy of three years, was sent back to Mosul and
put to death there. They made the child drunk, tied cords around his
middle very tightly in such fashion as to force upward his entrails;
they then cut his body across into two pieces and hung one on each bank
of the Tigris, on a gibbet. Mohai, son of Zeblak, who with others had
opened the gates to Salih, was beheaded.
Samdagu after his triumph at Mosul marched on to Jeziret to which he
laid siege all the following winter and spring and a part of the summer
of 1263. This place was saved from destruction by the bishop, Hanan
Yeshua (Grace of Jesus), a Nestorian, who through his knowledge of
alchemy was a favorite of Hulagu, to whom he went straightway and
obtained a yarlyk, or decree securing their lives to the people. The
gates were thrown open to Samdagu, who had the walls leveled at once.
Gulbeg, an officer of the Jeziret prince, was made governor, but
Samdagu on learning soon after that Gulbeg had given the late prince’s
messenger gold which that prince himself had secreted, put Gulbeg to
death promptly.
About this time Salar of Bagdad, a deserting emir, went from Irak to
Egypt. This man was a native of Kipchak and had once been a Mameluk of
Dhahir, the Kalif, and from him received rule over Vassit, Kufat and
Hillet; this he retained under Mostassim and Mostansir. After the ruin
of Bagdad by Hulagu, Salar joined his forces with others in resisting
the Mongols, but finding that they had not strength to do anything
effective he went to the desert of Hidjaz and was six months in it when
a message from Hulagu bestowed former rule on him. He went and took it.
When Beibars became Sultan he wrote to Salar repeatedly inviting him to
Cairo. Salar was inclined to the visit but deferred it; he wished to
secure all his treasures.
Meanwhile the Sultan said one day to Kilidj of Bagdad: “Salar thy
friend is coming to see me.” “I do not think he will come,” said the
other, “he is ruling in Irak, why leave what he has which is certain
for something in Egypt?” “Very well,” said the Sultan, “unless he comes
of himself I will force him.” Beibars then sent a messenger to Salar
with letters, as it were in reply to some others; he sent a second man
also to kill the first as soon as he crossed Salar’s boundary, and
leave the man where he fell with the letters upon him. All this was
done as Beibars had commanded. Mongol outposts discovered the body and
searched it. The letters were sent to the court for perusal. In
Hulagu’s service there were sons of former Mameluks of the Kalif. These
men told Salar directly what had happened and he knew straightway that
Beibars had tricked him. He received soon an order to appear at the
Mongol court, but fearing death there from Hulagu he fled to the Sultan
of Egypt, leaving behind both his family and property.
Beibars received him with distinction and bestowed on the fugitive a
military command with a fief of good value.
Hulagu was stopped now very seriously in his plans against Syria and
Egypt by the Golden Horde Khan, Berkai, his cousin, son of Juchi. The
death of Batu, 1255, was followed quickly by that of Sartak his son and
successor. Next after Sartak came Sartak’s infant son, Ulakchi, under
the care of his mother. The child died some months later and Berkai,
the third son of Juchi, was put on the throne in 1256. Berkai had been
converted to Islam and was spreading its doctrines effectively. Strong
through support of Mangu, the Grand Khan, whom he had helped to the
Empire, Berkai now reproached Hulagu with needless cruelties, with
slaughter of both friends and enemies; with the ruin of many cities;
with the death of the Kalif, brought about without sanction of the
Jinghis Khan family. There were still other causes of complaint. Three
descendants of Juchi had marched into Persia with Hulagu: Balakan and
Tumar, a grandson and great grandson of Juchi. These two at the head of
Batu’s contingent, and Kuli, also a grandson of Juchi. Kuli led the
contingent of Urda’s, his father. Tumar was accused before Hulagu of
attempting to harm him, through witchcraft. He confessed guilt when
examined while in torture. Hulagu out of respect for Berkai sent Tumar
to him attended by Sugundjak, a commander. Berkai, thinking that
Tumar’s offence had been proven, sent him back to Hulagu, who had the
prince put to death without waiting. Balakan died soon after as did
also Kuli. Berkai supposed these deaths caused by poison and was
enraged. The families of those princes escaped then from Persia. Policy
may have played a large part in these murders, for Berkai and the
descendants of Juchi desired the election of Arik Buga, while Hulagu
favored Kubilai in the contest for Grand Khanship. Hulagu, tired of
excessive reproaches from Berkai, was ready for warfare. On hearing
this, Berkai declared his intention of avenging the blood of his
relatives and many thousands of others. He sent southward an army of
thirty thousand commanded by Nogai, a cousin of Tumar, who marched on
and camped near Shirvan beyond the Caucasus. When the troops of the
princes descended from Juchi saw war breaking out between their own
sovereign and Hulagu they left Persia quickly. One part went home
through Derbend, another, pursued by Hulagu’s warriors, passed through
Khorassan to seize upon Gazni and lands touching India.
Hulagu left Alatag, his summer camp ground, and marched at the head of
an army gathered in from all Persia. On November 11, 1262, his vanguard
commanded by Shiramun was thoroughly defeated near Shemaki, but some
days later Abatai repaired this reverse by a victory near Shirvan.
Hulagu advanced to continue this victory and met the enemy north of
Derbend near the Caspian. Nogai was put to flight and pursued by a
large force of warriors who seized a camp left by him north of the
Terek in which were vast numbers of cattle and of women and children.
Hulagu’s army remained at that camp and for three days continued to
drink, and to yield themselves up to every indulgence accessible.
All on a sudden Nogai reappeared with his army. Hulagu’s men were
surprised near the river and thoroughly defeated (January 13, 1263).
The only escape for survivors was to cross the frozen river. They tried
this, the ice broke and immense numbers sank in the Terek. Hulagu
returned to Tebriz greatly grieved and cast down by the overthrow, but
he summoned at once a new army and avenged his wrath on those merchants
of Kipchak whom he found in Tebriz at his coming. He put them to death,
and then seized their property. Berkai answered straightway by killing
all traders within his reach who were subjects of Hulagu, and living in
Kipchak. Hulagu next killed Bokhara people. Population had grown in
that city, though not greatly, since its ruin. It reached seventeen
thousand according to a census. Of these five thousand were subjects of
Kipchak, three thousand belonged to Siurkukteni, the mother of Hulagu,
and the rest to the Grand Khan. Hulagu commanded that those five
thousand subjects of Berkai be driven to the plains near the city;
there the men were slaughtered with swords; the women and children were
reduced to captivity.
In 1264, the year following, report ran that Nogai was to lead an
attack on lands south of the Caucasus. While Hulagu was preparing to
meet this, Jelal ud din, son of the second chancellor to the late
Kalif, told Hulagu that there were thousands of Kipchaks then living in
Persia who would serve in the vanguard with readiness. They knew
northern methods of warfare, and would be, as he said, of use beyond
others in the campaign against Berkai. Hulagu sent this man to summon
those warriors, and commanded that supplies, arms, and money be given
him in sufficiency, and that no one should thwart him.
When Jelal had assembled those people of Kipchak he declared that
Hulagu would put them in the vanguard to be slain there. “I do not wish
this,” said he. “Follow me and we will free ourselves from Mongols.” He
gave the men money and arms from the treasury and arsenals of Bagdad;
then, he told the commandant of the city that to gather provisions he
was making a raid against Kafadje Arabs, at war with Hulagu; that done,
he would march toward Shirvan. He crossed the Euphrates, all his men
following, taking with them their families and baggage. Then he
declared to them that he was going to Syria and Egypt. Hulagu was
beside himself with anger when he learned of Jelal’s treachery.
Beibars, the shrewd Sultan of Egypt, noting Hulagu’s alertness, and the
movements of Berkai, which might mean, as he thought, an invasion of
Syria, sent mounted men toward the boundary of Persia to reconnoitre.
Later on he commanded the people of Damascus to move to Egypt with
their families for safety, and thus leave more food for his warriors.
He instructed the governor of Aleppo to burn all the grass in the
regions toward Amid. This was done to the width of ten days’ journey.
Information came next to the Sultan that a Kipchak detachment had
appeared in his territory. These men, people told him, were subjects of
Berkai and were from the contingent given Hulagu on his coming to
Persia. Berkai had recalled them, if stopped they were to take refuge
in Egypt.
The Sultan commanded his officials to treat these men well, to give
them provisions and clothing. They came to Cairo about two hundred
strong and under four captains. Each captain received the land given to
commanders of a hundred. Beibars gave also clothing, horses and money.
All became Moslems. This generous treatment induced others to seek an
asylum in Egypt.
When he had talked with these strangers concerning their sovereign and
country the Sultan resolved to send envoys to Berkai. He chose for this
office Seïf ud din Keshrik, a man who had once served Jelal ud din the
Kwaresmian Sultan; he knew the country to which he was sent and its
language. Madjd ud din, a juris-consult, went with him. Two men of the
Kipchaks who had received hospitality from Beibars were attached to the
party. The envoys bore a letter from Beibars assuring Berkai of the
Sultan’s good feeling and urging him to act against Hulagu.
The Sultan’s troops made up of many nations were lauded; his vassals,
Mohammedan and Christian, were mentioned; the letter ended by stating
that a body of warriors had visited Cairo and declaring themselves
subjects of Berkai, had been received gladly because of him. To this
letter the pedigree of the new Kalif, Hakim, was added.
The envoy and his associates set out for the Volga, but were stopped in
Greek regions by the Emperor Michael [17] who had complaints against
Berkai whose troops had been raiding his possessions. Michael had sent
some time before a Greek document in which he had sworn peace and amity
to the Sultan.
Beibars summoned straightway the Patriarch and bishop to get their
decision on oath breaking. They declared that by breaking an oath a
sovereign abjures his religion. Beibars sent to the Emperor this
document signed by the Patriarch and bishops; he sent also a letter to
Berkai, in which he implored him to stop all attacks on the Empire.
Michael now freed the envoys, who sailed over the Black Sea and landed
at Sudak whence they crossed the Crimea and went to Sarai situated
somewhat east of the Volga. They were twenty days making that journey.
Berkai’s vizir, Al Furussi, went out to meet them. When instructed in
Sarai ceremonial they were taken to Berkai, who was in a tent large
enough for five hundred persons. They left behind every weapon and were
careful not to touch the threshold while entering. Presented on the
left of the throne they were taken with the suite to the right of it,
after the letter from Beibars had been read before Berkai. At the right
of the Khan sat his principal wife. Fifty or sixty high officers
occupied stools near him.
The Khan addressed several questions to the envoys. He did not detain
them at Sarai without need and sent with them envoys to the Sultan at
Cairo where Seïf ud din arrived after an absence of two years.
About six months after the Sultan’s men had started from Cairo two
envoys from Berkai arrived in that city; both men were Mussulmans and
had passed through the Byzantine capital. One was an officer, Jelal ud
din el Kadi, the other a Sheik, Nur ud din Ali. Beibars, who had just
come from Syria after the taking of Karak, gave them an audience in the
Castle of the Mountain in presence of his commanders and a numerous
assembly.
Berkai announced in a letter that he with his four brothers had
received Islam. He proposed an alliance against Hulagu, asking to send
a corps of Egyptians toward the Euphrates. He expressed also interest
in one of the Rūm Sultans, Yzz ud din, and asked Beibars to aid him.
The Sultan gave these envoys from Berkai many proofs of munificence,
and when they were going he added his envoys to the company. These
envoys took with them an answer on seventy pages half margin. Rich
presents went also to Berkai, a copy of the Koran, made, as was stated,
by Osman the Kalif, with Osman’s pulpit and prayer carpet; tunics,
candelabras and torches from Barbary; all kinds of linen from Egypt;
cotton stuffs, morocco, tapestry, sabres, bows, arms, helmets, breast
pieces, saddles, bridles, boxes filled with arrow heads, vases of dried
grapes, gilded lamps, black eunuchs, women who could prepare delicate
dishes, Arab horses, dromedaries, white camels, wild asses, a giraffe,
and some balsam. A turban which had been in Mecca was added also, for
Beibars had sent an officer in Berkai’s name on a pilgrimage to the
holy city, and messengers to Medina and Mecca to put the Khan’s name
next his own in the public prayer of each Friday; this was done also in
Jerusalem and Cairo. He sent to Berkai the first Friday sermon of the
new Kalif.
Beibars sent back with the Berkai envoys the two hundred warriors from
Kipchak.
Three months after the envoys had gone thirteen hundred Kipchaks set
out for Cairo. Beibars commanded to treat them well on the way, and he
went out to meet them. They dismounted and bowed to the earth when they
saw him. Soon after a second and a third party came. Among these were
ten officers of distinction with the title of Aga. All were treated
most liberally. Beibars asked them to accept Islam. This they did,
accepting the faith in his presence.
The Sultan received also in Cairo a number of high officers from Fars,
chiefs of the Arab tribe, Kafadje, and the emir of Arabian Irak. These
came to seek an asylum in Egypt, and he gave them fiefs. The next year
he sent Shuja ud din, one of his chamberlains, to Berkai, begging him
to stop his people from raiding the lands of the Byzantine Emperor, who
had asked his good offices. He sent at the same time three turbans to
Berkai which he had worn while making the pilgrimage to Mecca, two
marble vases and other presents.
While Hulagu was defending his northern frontier against Berkai’s
armies Hayton, the King of Cilicia, attacked Egyptian regions. Hayton
when returning from Hulagu’s court saw at Heraclea Rokn ud din, the Rūm
Sultan, with whom he formed a close friendship. On reaching home he
summoned troops and marched against Aintab.
Beibars, informed always with accuracy of what was happening near his
borders, had already commanded troops in Hamat and Hims to march on
Aleppo. Egyptian troops followed quickly. The Armenians were surprised,
and put to flight with some loss. Hayton summoned in seven hundred
Mongols, who were in Rūm at that juncture, and advancing, was joined by
one hundred and fifty from Antioch. This little army encamped on the
steppes of Harem where it suffered from rain, snow and scant food and
was at last forced to retreat, losing meanwhile many warriors.
Hayton had a thousand Mongol coats and caps which he put on his men to
make it seem that Mongol troops had come to him. This trick merely
brought more Egyptians against him. They attacked Hayton in force and
dispersed his small army; after that the Sultan’s men rushed into
Antioch lands, and committed great havoc.
Beibars was informed now by secret servants in Irak that Hulagu had
sent two agents to corrupt leading officers of Egypt, and that these
men would visit Siss as they traveled. This news was confirmed by his
agents in that capital of Armenia. The Sultan learned afterward from
Acre that those two agents had gone to Damascus; he commanded to arrest
them directly. Brought to Cairo they could not deny the accusation, so
Beibars hanged them promptly.
The Egyptians intercepted this same year a letter from Hulagu to
Mogith, Prince of Karak; this seemed an answer to some communication,
from which it might be inferred that the prince had been asking the
Mongols to take Egypt, and also Syria to Gaza. Beibars set out
straightway for Gaza, and feigning great friendship for Mogith invited
him to Gaza. Mogith made the visit, but the moment he entered the camp
he was seized.
Beibars next summoned the chief judge of Damascus, the princes,
feudatories, commanders and notable persons, also European ambassadors,
and had Hulagu’s letters to Mogith read in their presence. He declared
thereupon that this letter was the cause of the prince’s detention.
After that he seized Karak and returned to Cairo where he took Mogith’s
life without waiting.
Hulagu was interested greatly during the last year of his rule in
building a palace at Alatag, and in finishing the observatory at
Meraga. Though not a scholar himself he liked to converse with learned
men, especially astronomers and alchemists, but beyond all the latter,
who had known how to captivate his fancy, and on whom he expended large
sums of money.
Administration had now, (1264), become greatly important. Hulagu’s rule
extended from the Oxus to Syria and the Byzantine Empire. He gave his
eldest son, Abaka, Mazanderan, Irak and Khorassan; to Yshmut his third
son, Azerbaidjan and Arran; to Tudan, one of his commanders, Diarbekr
and Diarrabiat up to the Euphrates; Rūm he gave to Moyin ud din
Pervane; to the Melik Sadr ud din, the province of Tebriz, and Fars to
an emir, Ikiatu. According to Rashid he gave Kerman to Turkan Khatun,
but this is questioned by some historians. In 1263 he had put to death
his vizir Seïf ud din Bitikdji while on the march from Shemaki to
Derbend, and put in his place Shems ud din Juveini, whose brother, Alai
ud din, Ata ul Mulk, was made governor of Bagdad. This same year Hulagu
condemned to death Zein ud din Muyyed Suleiman, son of the emir El
Akarbani, better known as El Hafizzi, a name which he had taken from
his former master, Prince Hafizzi. He was accused of having turned to
his own profit a part of the income from the province of Damascus.
Hulagu reproached him for his perfidy. “Thou hast betrayed me,” said
he, “thou didst betray also Prince Nassir, and before him Prince
Hafizzi, and earlier than all the Baalbek prince.”
The death sentence which struck down El Hafizzi included his family,
his brothers, his relatives and clients, fifty persons in all. Only two
escaped, one was his son, and the other his nephew.
The troubles in Fars at this time roused Hulagu’s attention very
keenly. The princes of that region were subject to Mongol dominion from
the first. After the death, in 1231, of the Atabeg of Fars, Saïd Abu
Bekr, his son and successor, sent his brother Tehemten with his homage
to Ogotai and also rich presents. The Grand Khan gave a patent of
investiture with the title Kutlug Khan. Fars had been saved by prompt
submission from every Mongol hostility. Its sovereign paid the Grand
Khan each year thirty thousand gold dinars, a small sum if the wealth
of that region be considered; presents also were given.
When Hulagu came to the Transoxiana Abu Bekr’s nephew, Seljuk Shah,
came with rich presents to greet him. Seljuk Shah was befittingly
received at the Oxus by Hulagu; but was afterward imprisoned.
Abu Bekr died in 1260, after a reign of thirty years. His son Saïd
succeeded him but died twelve days after reaching the throne, leaving a
son of tender years in the care of his mother, Turkan Khatun. This
child, named Mohammed, died in 1262, and the Fars throne fell to
Mohammed Shah, one of his uncles, a son of Salgar Shah and grandson of
Saïd, son of Zengwi. This prince had commanded the contingent of Fars
in Hulagu’s great campaign against Bagdad. Brave, but unsparing and
dissolute, his tyranny had roused great complaints upon all sides.
Called to the camp by Hulagu, who feigned a desire to consult him
concerning Fars matters, the prince delayed him under various excuses
till Turkan Khatun, now his wife, who was displeased with his conduct,
but especially with his treatment of herself, had the man seized as he
was passing the harem and taken to Hulagu, whom she informed that
Mohammed Shah was unfitted to govern. This decision of the princess
found favor with Hulagu, so she had her husband’s brother, Seljuk Shah,
freed from prison, and though his temper was untamed and fiery, she
married him soon after.
One night when flushed with wine at a banquet Seljuk Shah was taunted
with having risen through the favor of his wife, and not through any
other cause, and when besides her conduct was described, a fit of fury
seized the man. He commanded a eunuch to cut her head off immediately
and bring it to him. When the black man brought the head of the
princess, Seljuk Shah tore two splendid pearls from the ears, and threw
them to musicians who were playing at the banquet.
When this raging man heard that Hulagu’s prefects in Shiraz, Ogul Beg
and Kutluk Bitikdji, disapproved of this horrible action, instead of
trying to appease them he killed one with his own hand, and cut down
the other through his servants; he murdered also the people attached to
them. At news of these horrors Hulagu commanded to execute Mohammed
Shah, to whom he had just given permission to return to his country,
and ordered his generals, Altadju and Timur, to march against Seljuk
Shah. Their two divisions were to be strengthened by troops from
Ispahan, Yezd, Itch and Kerman.
Altadju sent Seljuk a message from Ispahan, stating that if he repented
he might yet obtain pardon, and that he would act in his favor. The
raging prince maltreated the messenger cruelly. Altadju marched after
that into Fars with the forces of the sovereign of Kerman, the Atabeg
of Yezd, Seljuk’s brother-in-law, and other forces. Seljuk Shah retired
to the Persian Gulf border. The magistrates and notables bearing flags,
food and copies of the Koran went forth to meet Altadju. He reassured
them, and commanded his troops, who were eager for pillage, not to harm
them in any way. He marched with speed after Seljuk, who met him at
Kazerun and displayed wondrous valor, but yielded to necessity at last
and fled to the tomb of the holy Sheik Morshed, which the Mongols
surrounded.
At bay and in his last refuge Seljuk rushed to the sepulchre of the
saint and broke with one blow of his club the flat covering of stone
which was over the body. “O Sheik, give thy aid!” cried the fugitive.
It was known in that region that the saint had declared, “When peril
threatens, give notice on my tomb and I will save you.”
The Mongols burst in the door and killed many of Seljuk’s people who
had sought refuge there also. They then seized the fleeing Seljuk whom
they killed at the tomb. No Salgarid was left save two daughters of the
Atabeg Saïd, son of Abu Bekr. One of these, Uns Khatun, whose mother
Seljuk Shah had beheaded, was placed on the Fars throne by Hulagu
(1264).
When Seljuk Shah’s life was ended Timur wished to put all Shiraz men to
death, and thus give a warning to people such as Seljuk and his
partisans, but Altadju insisted that the citizens were innocent, and
that punishment like that might be given only at Hulagu’s order. The
army was dismissed, and Altadju taking the most notable people of Fars
went to Hulagu’s court with them.
In 1265 another storm made its appearance in Fars: Sherif ud din, the
Grand Kadi, a chief man among the descendants of the Prophet, who had
lived many years in Khorassan and won signal fame by his piety, tried
now to use this reputation to further his ambition. He had the people
show him homage, and many joined him in each town and village which he
visited. Multitudes believed him to be that Madhi expected in the
fulness of time by the Shiites, and thought that he had the power to
work wonders. Assuming the insignia of royalty he advanced from
Shebankiare towards Shiraz with his followers who already formed a
small army.
The Mongol commander at Shiraz and Uns Kahtun’s chief minister took
proper measures and marched against this descendant of Mohammed. They
met near Guvar. Many thought that the “Madhi” was assisted by spirits,
and that whoso attacked him would be paralyzed. For some time no man in
the army of Shiraz would raise a hand against Sherif. At last two
warriors ventured to discharge arrows at him, others followed this
example. The Mongols then charged the insurgents, who fled; Sherif was
killed in the mêlée with most of his followers.
At the first news of this uprising Hulagu commanded to bastinado
Altadju for sparing the people of Shiraz, and he ordered a tuman of
warriors to punish them. When he learned, however, that Sherif ud din
had been slain, and that the people of Shiraz were innocent, for the
greater part, he recalled his first order.
When Uns Khatun had ruled for one year she was sent to the Ordu to
marry Mangu Timur, son of Hulagu, to whom she brought a rich dowry.
Fars was managed thenceforth by the Divan, though in the name of Uns,
who died during 1287 in Tebriz. With her died the Salgarid dynasty.
At the end of 1264 the Mongols laid siege to El Biret. This place was
considered the master stronghold of Syria. Akkush commanded for the
Sultan of Egypt. The Mongols filled up the fosse of the fortress with
wood. The besieged made a tunnel to that fosse and burned all the wood
which then filled it. The Mongols worked with seventeen catapults, but
they met firm and active resistance, women showing more courage than
men in that struggle.
News had reached Beibars earlier that Franks were advising the Mongols,
by letter, to march into Syria during spring when the troops were at
home, and their horses were out grazing. As soon as he heard that the
Mongols were attacking El Biret, the Sultan sent a corps of four
thousand to oppose them. He sent four days later another four thousand,
who were to reach El Biret by forced marches. The Sultan himself set
out January 27, 1265, and by February 3 was at Gaza, where he learned
that the enemy had raised the siege and retreated.
The Mongols at approach of their opponents had removed all their
catapults, sunk their boats, and fled quickly. Beibars gave command to
bring in arms and supplies for a siege that might last a whole decade.
Three hundred robes of honor and a hundred thousand drachmas in money
were sent out by him to reward those who had fought in El Biret.
Hulagu died suddenly February 8, 1265, at the age of forty-eight. He
was buried on the summit of that mountainous island called Tala in the
lake of Urumia where a fortress had been built to contain his chief
treasures. According to the custom of Mongols much gold and many gems
were placed in the grave with him. Youthful maidens of rare beauty,
richly dressed and adorned to the utmost, were buried alive to go with
him. Four months and eleven days later died Dokuz Khatun, his chief
wife, who was a Christian. She was the granddaughter of Wang Khan and
so wise a woman that Mangu had in 1253 enjoined on Hulagu to take no
step without consulting her. Rashid ud din states that through her
influence Hulagu had favored the Christians and permitted them to build
churches in many parts of the Empire.
The death of Hulagu and his consort was deplored by the Christians, to
whom both had shown great respect. Near the entrance of Dokuz Khatun’s
palace was a church with its bell which tolled at all seasons. Hulagu
had five wives; from these, not counting other women, he had thirteen
sons and seven daughters.
Accounts have come down to us of interesting judgments connected with
Hulagu. On a time certain people came to him for justice; a file-maker
had killed a near relative of theirs, and they asked that the criminal
be given them for punishment. “Are file-makers numerous in the
country?” asked Hulagu. “They are few,” was the answer. Hulagu thought
a moment and answered: “I will give you a maker of pack saddles; since
there are many of these we can spare one more easily than a
file-maker.” The friends of the dead man declared that they wanted the
murderer. Hulagu would not yield, and gave them a cow as an equivalent.
A man lost his eye in a quarrel with a weaver, and came to get justice:
The prince put out the eye of a maker of arrows in satisfaction. Some
one asked why he did this. “A weaver,” said he, “needs both his eyes,
while one is enough for the arrowsmith; he always closes the other when
he tests the straightness of an arrow.”
A letter without signature or date was sent to Hulagu from a Pope,
supposed to be Alexander IV, though assigned to 1261. In this letter
the Pope declared his delight on hearing that Hulagu wished to be a
Catholic. “Think,” continued he, “how your power to subjugate Saracens
will be increased if Christian warriors assist you openly and with
force, as with God’s grace they would, sustained by Divine power under
the shield of Christianity. In shaping your actions by Catholic
teaching you will heighten your power and acquire endless glory.”
Hulagu is credited not only with favoring Christians, but learned men
of all creeds.
In the spring of 1266 Berkai began a second campaign in lands south of
the Caucasus. Abaka, who was Hulagu’s eldest son and successor, held
the right bank of the Kur with his forces. Abaka sent forward Yshmut,
his brother, who met Berkai’s first army commanded by Nogai. A stubborn
engagement took place near the Aksu. Nogai’s army was forced to retreat
on Shirvan in disorder, Nogai himself being wounded. Abaka now crossed
the Kur, but hearing of Berkai’s advance with a numerous army, he
recrossed and destroyed all the bridges.
Berkai came up with his forces and the two armies camped on opposite
sides of the river. They remained fifteen days in their places
discharging arrows at each other, and sending words of defiance and
ridicule. Neither could cross, hence no battle was possible. At last
Berkai marched up the river intending to cross at some point east of
Tiflis, but he died on the road, and that ended hostilities. His body
was taken to Sarai, and there it was buried, 1266. His army disbanded.
We must now return to the Kin Empire.