DESTRUCTION OF THE KALIFAT
Hulagu had destroyed the Assassins: he was now to extinguish the line
of the Abbasids. In August, 1257, this Mongol master of Persia sent his
envoys to Bagdad, with a letter to Mostassim, the Kalif then in office,
who was a grandson of Nassir, that successor of the Prophet who had
invited Jinghis Khan to destroy Shah Mohammed.
After certain introductions and complaints in the letter, Hulagu warned
against resistance substantially as follows: “Strike not the point of
an awl with thy fist, mistake not the sun for the glowing wick of a
flameless taper. Level the walls of Bagdad at once, fill its moats;
leave government to thy son, for a season, and come to us or, if thou
come not, send thy vizir with Suleiman Shah and the chancellor. They
will take to thee our counsels with precision; thus wilt thou use them
correctly and we shall not be forced then to anger. If we march against
Bagdad thou wilt not escape us, even shouldst thou hide in the deepest
earth, or rise to highest heaven.
“If thou love thy own life and the safety of thy house give ear to
these counsels; if not the world will behold Heaven’s anger without
waiting.”
The answer to this letter showed no sign of fear or humility. “Young
man,” replied the Kalif, “seduced by ten days of favoring fortune thou
art in thy own eyes High Lord of the universe, and thinkest thy
commands the decisions of destiny. Thou requirest of me that which will
never be given.
“Knowest not that from the West to the East all who worship God and
hold the true faith are my servitors? Had I the wish I could make
myself master of Iran. With what is left of its people I could go
beyond Iran and put every man in his real position. But I have no wish
to rouse war, that scourge of all nations. I desire not that troops
should at my command wring curses from my subjects, especially as I am
a friend to the Grand Khan, as well as to Hulagu. If thou sow seeds of
friendship how canst thou be concerned with the moats and ramparts of
Bagdad? Walk in the ways of peace and return to Khorassan.”
Three officers carried this answer; they went with Hulagu’s envoys, who
were met outside Bagdad by an immense mass of people who covered them
with insults, tore their clothes, spat in their faces, and would have
slain them all had not guards rushed out and saved the men promptly.
“The Kalif is as crooked as a bow,” said Hulagu on receiving
Mostassim’s sharp answer, “but I will make him as straight as an arrow.
Heaven has given the Empire of the earth to Jinghis Khan and his
descendants. Since your master refuses submission to this power,” added
he to the envoys at parting, “war is all that remains to him.”
Mostassim in doubt what to do turned to his vizir who advised him to
send precious gifts to the Mongols. “There is no better use for
wealth,” said he, “than to spend it in defending the Kalifat.”
The chancellor accused the vizir of high treason, and added: “We hold
every road touching Bagdad; if gifts are sent out to the enemy we will
seize them.” The Kalif told the vizir that his fears were unfounded,
that the Mongols would merely threaten; that should they make bold to
move on the Abbasids they would rush to their own certain ruin.
Suleiman Shah, the chief general, and others hastened to the vizir and
stormed against the Kalif, saying: “Given over to buffoons and to
dancers he has no mind left for warriors or seriousness. If measures be
not taken immediately we shall see the foe at our gates, and Bagdad
will suffer the fate of all cities taken by Mongols; neither high nor
low, rich nor poor will escape death by massacre. We are able to
collect a large army; we hold all approaches; we may fall on the enemy
and triumph, or if fortune should fail us we can at least die with
honor.”
These words were brought to the Kalif and roused him. He charged the
vizir to make levies, strengthen Suleiman, and guard with all power the
safety of Bagdad. The vizir made the levies, but made them very slowly.
The troops were ready only at the end of five months. Even then the
neglectful Mostassim would not give the coin needed. Mongol spies knew
what was happening at all points. There was no chance at that day to
stop Hulagu’s armies, or surprise them.
The Kalif sent envoys a second time to warn Hulagu against war on the
Abbasids whose house would endure, as he said, till the end of all
ages. Cases were cited of those who had touched that sacred house to
their own ghastly ruin, the last being Shah Mohammed, who died in dire
misery on an island of the Caspian. “Keep their fate in mind if thou
hast their plans in thy counsel.” This was the Kalif’s sharp warning.
Hulagu paid small attention to warnings of that kind. He was preparing
troops to besiege a great city which might have many defenders. His
chief camp was at Hamadan, and Bagdad must be taken, hence his first
point was to seize all the roads between those two cities. One road,
that over which the left wing of his army must travel, lay among
mountains and over high passes, snow-covered almost at all times. In
these difficult districts was the fortress Daritang which commanded a
defile and guarded Arabian Irak at its boundary. In Daritang the
commandant Aké was a man who had griefs of his own brought about by the
Kalif. Hulagu sent for this person, seduced him with favors, engaged
him to yield his own fortress, and win over other commandants if
possible.
Once at home Aké felt his heart change; he repented. Through a friend
he made known at Bagdad the plans of the enemy, and declared that if
the Kalif would send him one corps of trained horsemen he would furnish
a hundred thousand good warriors, Turkmans and Kurds; with these he
would stop every Mongol advance against Bagdad. This offer was laid
before the vizir, but the Kalif refused it. Hulagu knew all these
details soon after and sent a strong mounted force to settle with the
Daritang commandant. The Mongol on nearing the fortress called out the
commandant to consult with him, as he said. Aké appeared and was seized
that same moment. “If thou wish to save life for thyself, and save also
thy office, call out all thy people; we are taking a census.” Aké was
submissive and called out the people. “If faithful, thou wilt tear down
the fortress.” The commandant saw that he had been discovered, still he
obeyed calmly and had the fortress demolished. Then he was slain with
all the men under him, and also his household. Emir Saïd, Aké’s son,
fled quickly and wandered about in the mountains, but he sought safety
in Bagdad at last where they killed him.
The Daritang road once secured, Hulagu called in the astrologer whom
the Grand Khan, his brother, had given him, to choose days propitious
for action of all sorts. This man, a religious adherent of the Kalif,
and bribed perhaps also, predicted six great calamities should Mongols
lay siege to the capital of Islam. Nassir ud din, the astrologer of
Alamut, a Shiite, was summoned. Hulagu asked him: “Will these six
things predicted come true?” “Surely not one of them.” “What then will
happen?” “The city of the Kalif will be taken by Hulagu,” replied the
adherent of Ali. Nassir then met the other astrologer and overcame him
by naming the Kalifs who had been killed without causing calamity to
mankind.
Command was now given the Mongols to converge upon Bagdad. Those in Rūm
and the West were to march through Mosul, halt somewhat west of the
capital and encamp there. These men would form the right wing of
Hulagu’s army. The left wing would march on the road by Daritang to
camp northeast of the capital. Hulagu himself was to be in the center,
hence he took the road through Heulvan by which Mohammed Shah had
advanced when he met his disaster. From Essed Abad new envoys were sent
to the Kalif inviting him to visit headquarters. Mostassim refused
this, but promised an annual tribute if Hulagu would lead away all his
warriors. The prince answered that being so near he could not go back
without seeing the Kalif. But before going farther Hulagu despatched a
third embassy asking to send the vizir, with the chancellor.
Meanwhile Luristan in greater part had been taken by the Mongols. When
the right wing was drawing near on the southern bank of the Tigris a
real panic seized all people who were living in that region and immense
crowds sought refuge in Bagdad. Such was the panic that men and women
rushed into the water in their great anxiety to cross the river. Rich
bracelets, or all the gold coins which a hand could grasp, were given
gladly to boatmen for a passage to the city.
Now the chancellor who with the general, Feth ud din, had an army
disposed on the Heulvan roadway, moved to meet this strong Mongol
division. He attacked the vanguard which was beaten, and then pursued
till it reached the main army. There the Mongols faced the pursuers and
a second battle began which continued till nightfall. The two armies
camped face to face until daybreak. During the night the Mongols opened
canals from the Tigris and submerged a great plain in the rear of their
opponents, thus making retreat very difficult, and in places
impossible. At daybreak a fresh battle followed in which most of the
Bagdad men perished. The chancellor fled to the city with a very small
party. Only then did the Kalif’s advisers set about strengthening the
walls and defending the capital. Some days later the right Mongol wing
touched the suburbs along the west bank of the Tigris. Hulagu himself
attacked the eastern side of the city. Just after the chancellor had
fled from the field to the city defences the Kalif sent his vizir to
headquarters; with him went the Nestorian patriarch. The vizir took
this message: “I have yielded to Hulagu’s wishes, and hope that the
prince will remember his promise.” Hulagu gave this answer: “I made my
demand when in Hamadan. I desired then to see the vizir and the
chancellor. I am now at the gates of the capital, and my wish may be
different.”
Next day the vizir, the home minister, and many among the chief
citizens went in a body to Hulagu. He would not receive them. The
attack was renewed then and lasted six days in succession. At the end
of that period the whole eastern wall had been seized by the Mongols.
The investment was absolute, escape by the river was impossible either
down with the current, or upward against it. The chancellor tried to
escape but was met by a tempest of stones, burning naphtha and arrows.
He was driven back after three of his boats had been captured and the
men in them slaughtered.
The Kalif saw now that he must bend to the Mongols, and he bent in his
own foolish fashion: He sent two officials with presents, not too rich
or too many lest the Mongols might think him over timid, and become too
exacting. Hulagu refused these envoys an audience. Next the youngest
son of the Kalif and the Sahib Divan went to the camp of the enemy
bearing this time rich presents, but they gained no sight of the great
Mongol. The eldest son of the Kalif took the vizir and with him made a
new trial, but these two had no more success than the others. On the
following day Hulagu sent two messengers into the city with this order:
“Bring to me Suleiman Shah with the Chancellor. The Kalif may come, or
not come, as he chooses.” These two men were brought, and then sent
back to the city to say to all people with whom they had contact that
they would be taken to Syria, and were to issue forth through the gates
without hindrance. In the hope of finding safety in some place many
persons left Bagdad. These people were all parceled out among Mongol
divisions, and died by the sword every man of them. The Chancellor was
put to death first, then Suleiman was led with bound hands into
Hulagu’s presence. “Since thou hast knowledge of the stars, why not see
the fatal day coming, and give to thy sovereign due notice?” asked the
Mongol. “The Kalif was bound by his destiny, and would not hear
faithful servants,” replied the commander. Suleiman was put to death,
and his whole household died with him, seven hundred persons all
counted. The son of the Chancellor died with the others.
It was the Kalif’s turn then; he went forth with his three sons from
Bagdad, three thousand persons went with him, high dignitaries and
officials. When he appeared before Hulagu the prince asked about his
health very affably, and then said that he must proclaim to the city
that all men were to lay down their arms, and come out to be counted.
Mostassim returned and proclaimed to the people of Bagdad that whoso
wished for his life had to lay down his arms and repair to the camp of
the Mongols. Then all people, both warriors and civilians, pressed in
crowds toward the gates of the city. When outside they were
slaughtered, slain every one of them, save the Kalif and his sons who
were taken to the army on the left wing, and guarded there strictly.
From that moment the high priest of Islam could see his own fate very
plainly.
Three days later on began the sack and the pillage of Bagdad. The
Mongols rushed in from all sides simultaneously; they spared only
houses of Christians and those of a few foreigners. On the second day
of the city’s undoing Hulagu went to the palace in Bagdad and gave a
great feast to his commanders; toward the end of that feast the Kalif
was brought in to stand before Hulagu. “Thou art master of this house,”
said the conqueror, “I am the guest in it. Let us see what thou hast
which might be a good and proper gift to me.”
The Kalif had two thousand rich robes and ten thousand gold dinars
brought and many rich jewels also. Hulagu would not look at them. “Our
men,” remarked he, “will find all wealth of that kind, which is for my
servitors. Show hidden treasures.” The Kalif described then a place in
the courtyard. Men went to work straightway and dug till they came to
two cisterns filled with gold pieces, each piece a hundred miskals. In
various parts of the palace the Mongols found gold and silver vessels;
of these they made no more account than if they had been tin or copper.
Hulagu desired then that all persons in the harem be counted. Seven
hundred women and slave girls were found there, and one thousand
eunuchs. The Kalif begged to have those women given him who had never
been under sunlight or moonlight directly. The conqueror gave him one
hundred. Mostassim chose relatives and they were led forth from the
palace. All the Kalif’s best treasures were taken to Hulagu’s camp
ground. Around the immense tent of Jinghis Khan’s grandson were piled
up great masses of wealth, being a portion of that which the Abbasids
had taken from men during half a millennium.
The sack of the city continued seven days and nights in succession;
most of the mosques were burned during that time. A deputation came
then to beg pity of the conqueror. Seeing that the place if he spared
it might yield him some profit he relented after eight hundred thousand
human beings had been slaughtered. Those who had hidden from death came
forth now into daylight with safety; few were they in number and
pitiful to look at. Many Christians had assembled in a church strongly
guarded and were saved from death and every evil by the Mongols. The
Nestorian Patriarch had power to effect this. A few wealthy Moslems had
entrusted the best of their treasures to the Patriarch to keep for
them; they had hoped to survive, but all perished.
Hulagu withdrew to the village of Vakaf, some distance from Bagdad,
because the air of the city had grown pestilential and loathsome. He
summoned Mostassim. The trembling Kalif asked Ibn Alkamiya if there was
no way of salvation. “My beard is long,” replied the vizir, referring
to a taunt of the chancellor. [15] The Kalif and his eldest son were
placed each in a felt sack, and trampled to death under horse hoofs.
Mostassim’s attendants were cut down, and slaughtered by various
methods. Next day the youngest son of the Kalif died, and all of the
Abbasids whose names were on the list of that ruling family were then
put to death.
The Kalif, whose mother was an Ethiopian slave, was the thirty-seventh
of his line. He was forty-six years of age when he died, February 21,
1258, after a reign of fifteen years. Hulagu appointed new dignitaries
for Bagdad. The old vizir, Ibn Alkamiya, was continued in office. Among
new men was one quite deserving of notice; this was Ben Amran, prefect
of a place east of Bagdad and touching it. This man had been a servant
to the governor of Yakuba. One day when stroking the soles of that
governor’s feet to bring sleep to him Ben Amran himself began to
slumber. Roused by his master he said that he had just had a marvelous
vision. “What was it like?” asked the governor. “I thought that
Mostassim and the Kalifat were gone, and that I was the governor of
Bagdad.” His master gave him in answer a kick of such force that he
fell over backward. Being in Bagdad during the siege days Ben Amran
heard that provisions were scarce in the camp of the Mongols. He tied a
letter to an arrow and shot it over the wall with this message: “If
Hulagu would learn something of value let him send for Ben Amran.” The
letter was taken to the Mongol, and he sent for Ben Amran. The Kalif,
who was foolish in all things, permitted the man to go from the city.
When brought to the chief of the Mongols he declared that he could
obtain a great stock of provisions. Hulagu, though not greatly
believing his phrases, sent him off with an officer; Ben Amran took the
man to large underground granaries near Yakuba where there was wheat
enough to supply all the Mongols for a fortnight, and thus he enabled
Hulagu to continue the siege without trouble. Ben Amran received the
reward of his treachery, and now was made prefect.
Ibn Alkamiya, the vizir, was accused of treason both before the fall of
the city, and afterward. For a long time the books used in schools bore
this sentence: “Cursed of God be he who curses not Ibn Alkamiya.” On
the Friday next after the death of the Kalif these words were
pronounced in place of the usual invocation: “Praise to God who has
destroyed high existences, and condemned to nonentity dwellers in this
abode (of humanity). O God, assist us in woes such as Islam has never
experienced: but we belong to God and return to Him.”
Hulagu was now master of Bagdad, and he proposed to the Ulema this
question: “Which man is better as sovereign, an unbeliever who is just,
or a Moslem unjust in his dealings?” The assembled Ulema gave no answer
till Razi ud din Ali, a sage esteemed greatly, wrote as follows: “The
unbeliever who is just should be preferred to the unjust believer.” All
the Ulema subscribed to this answer.
Every place from the Persian Gulf to Bagdad was subjected. And it is of
great interest to note the conduct of some and the fate that befell
them. The story of Ben Amran, the prefect, is in strong contrast with
that of Teghele, son of Hezerasp, who had given good advice in his day
to Shah Mohammed. Teghele had joined the Mongol forces, but expressed
regret at the ruin of Bagdad, and the death of the Kalif. Hulagu heard
of this and grew angry, Teghele, informed of his peril, left the camp
without permission and withdrew to his mountains. A force was
despatched to Luristan to bring back the fugitive, whose brother, Shems
ud din Alb Argun, set out to appease Hulagu and gain pardon. Argun was
met on the Luristan border by Mongols who put him in chains, and slew
his whole escort. The Mongols went on then and summoned Teghele to
yield himself. At first he refused through distrust of their promises,
but he made no active resistance. When at last they gave him Hulagu’s
ring as a token of favor he believed, and they took him to Tebriz where
Hulagu had him tried, and put to death on the market place.
The throne of Luristan was then given to Alb Argun the brother of the
dead man. About this time appeared at headquarters the rival Sultans of
Rūm, Rokn ud din Kelidj Arslan, and Yzz ud din Kei Kavus; the latter
had come with some fear since he had roused Hulagu by resistance. When
admitted to audience he offered the Mongol a pair of splendid boots
with his own portrait painted inside on the soles of them. “I hope,”
added he, “that the monarch will deign to show honor with his august
foot to the head of his servitor.” These words, and the intercession of
Dokuz Khatun, Hulagu’s wife, obtained the grace which he needed and was
seeking. The brothers were reconciled and Rūm was divided between them.
Hulagu now summoned Bedr ud din Lulu of Mosul to his presence. This
prince was then more than eighty years old and very crafty. He had been
a slave of Nur ud din Arslam, Shah of Diarbekr, who at death left him
as guardian to his son Massud. Lulu governed Mosul for this Massud who
died in 1218 leaving two sons of tender years. These boys followed
their father to that other existence before two years had passed, and
the former slave became sovereign. He had reigned in Mosul forty years
lacking one, before coming to Hulagu’s presence with splendid gifts and
apparently unlimited obedience. When leaving Mosul, Lulu’s friends were
in dread for his safety, but he calmed them, and gave this assurance:
“I will make the Khan mild, and even pull his ears while I speak to
him.”
Lulu was received by Hulagu very graciously and when the official gifts
had all been delivered he added: “I have something for the Khan’s
person specially,” and he drew forth a pair of gold earrings in which
were set two pearls of rare beauty. When Hulagu had admired them Lulu
continued: “If the Khan would but grant me the honor to put these two
jewels in their places I should be exalted immediately in the eyes of
all rulers, and in those of my subjects.” Permission was granted, so he
took the Khan’s ears and put the two rings in them very deliberately.
Then he glanced at his own suite, thus telling them that he had kept
his strange promise.
The fate of both Christians and Jews had been painful and bitter under
Abbasid dominion. Favor and solace now came from the Mongols. The
invaders cared no more at that time for Christians than for the
followers of Mohammed, but when attacking new lands it was to their
interest to win populations which were hostile to the dominant nation.
The protection of the conquerors, and the shattered condition of Islam,
weakened by such dire devastation, had roused hopes among Christians to
dominate those who had trampled them for centuries. Upon the choice
which the conqueror would make between the religions their fate was
depending, and the issue of that struggle to win the Mongols was for
some time uncertain, but surely momentous. Christians of the Orient, as
well as Crusaders, were rejoiced to see Hulagu making ready to march
upon Syria, and to them it seemed sure that they saw in advance the
destruction of Islam in regions where Christian blood had been shed so
abundantly.
On the eve of this Mongol invasion Syria was ruled by Salih, a
descendant of Saladin, but Saladin’s grand-nephews had lost Egypt a
little before that. While the army of Saint Louis was in Damietta the
Sultan, Salih, died (1249). His death was kept secret till his son
Moazzam Turan Shah should arrive from his appanage between the two
rivers, that is the Euphrates and Tigris. The French army was ruined,
and Saint Louis was captured. Three weeks later on Turan Shah fell by
the daggers of men who had been Mameluk chiefs in the reign of his
father. He had wished to replace these by friends of his own, so they
slew him. After this deed the chiefs gave allegiance to Shejer ud dur,
the late Sultan’s slave girl and concubine. She had enjoyed his full
confidence, and was governing till Turan Shah might reach Cairo.
Eibeg, a Mameluk chief, was elected commander. Shejer ud dur now
married Eibeg and when three months had passed she resigned in his
favor. In mounting the throne the new Sultan took the title Moizz, and
chose as associate El Ashraf, an Eyubite prince six years old, the
great-grandson of Kamil the Sultan. This revolution, which placed a
Mameluk chief on the throne of the Eyubites, shows how powerful these
warriors had become then in Egypt. Saladin, on gaining power in 1169,
had disbanded the troops of the Fatimid Kalifs. Those troops were negro
slaves, Egyptians, and Arabs, and he put Kurds and Turks in their
places. This new force was formed of twelve thousand horsemen. Saladin,
and the Sultans who followed him, were fond of buying young Turks, whom
they reared very carefully to military service, but Salih, ruling sixth
after Saladin, preferred Mameluks to others. Before coming to power
this prince had tested the Mameluks and esteemed them; when Sultan he
increased the number of them greatly, by purchase. These new men were
brought from regions north of the Caucasus and the Caspian, from those
tribes known in the Orient as Kipchak, and as Polovtsi by the Russians.
At first it was difficult to obtain them, but after the Mongol invasion
of Russia young prisoners were sold in large numbers into Egypt and
Syria. Salih had a thousand, whom he lodged in the fortress of Randhat,
on an island in front of Cairo; he called them the Bahriye, or men of
the river. These young slaves were brought up in the practice of arms,
and in the religion of Islam. The guard of the Sultan was composed
wholly of Mameluks. Salih chose from their chiefs the great officers of
his household, and his most trusted advisers. They attained the highest
military offices, enjoyed the richest fiefs, and received the best
revenues; they saved Egypt at Mansura, and did most to destroy the
French army; their power lay in esprit de corps and ambition. Their
chiefs rose to dominion in Egypt, and then put a check on the Mongols.
Syria belonged now to Nassir Salah ud din Yusseif, who from his father,
Aziz, a grandson of Saladin, inherited the principality of Aleppo in
1236, and took in 1250, after the slaying of Turan Shah, the
principality of Damascus, which belonged to the Sultan of Egypt. Master
now of the best part of Syria, Nassir Salih undertook to drive from the
throne of Egypt the Turkish freedman, who had recently usurped it, but
he was beaten by Eibeg, and an envoy of the Kalif proposed mediation;
peace was made, and Nassir 1251 ceded to the Sultan Jerusalem, Gaza and
the coast up to Nablus. Faris ud din Aktai, a great chief among
Mameluks, was assassinated at command of Eibeg, whom he had offended.
Seven hundred troopers of this chief and some Bahriye officers fled,
among others Beibars and Kelavun, both of whom occupied the Egyptian
throne later on. They left Cairo in the night, went to Syria, and
obtained of Prince Nassir permission to appear at his court. They
received money, robes of honor, and then they advised him to march on
Cairo. Nassir was distrustful of these men, against whom Eibeg had
roused his suspicions by letter, but he made use of the incident to
demand back the lands which he had ceded to Egypt, because the Mameluks
who had received them as fiefs were now in his service.
Eibeg gave back the lands, and Nassir confirmed the Mameluks in the use
of them. But those river Mameluks did not remain faithful to Nassir,
since they thought him too feeble for their projects. They went to
another Eyubite, Mogith Omar, Prince of Karak, and asked him to aid in
the attack upon Eibeg, alleging falsely that they had been called to
that action by generals in Cairo.
Mogith, a son of the Sultan Adil, had been confined by Turan Shah in
the castle of Shubek, when Turan had been slain Mogith was set free by
the castle commandant. In 1251 this same Mogith became sovereign of
Karak and also of Shubek. Circumstances seemed to favor a descent upon
Egypt. The Prince of Karak marched against Egypt, but was beaten by
Kutuz, Eibeg’s general, who seized many Bahriye chiefs captive and cut
their heads off immediately.
Some years before his defeat by Eibeg Prince Nassir had sent to Hulagu
his vizir, Zein ud din el Hafizzi, who brought back with him letters of
safety to his master. The immense progress of Hulagu’s arms and his
menacing plans disturbed Nassir, who grieved now that he had not sent
homage earlier to the conquering Mongol. In 1258 he despatched his son,
Aziz, still a boy, with his vizir, a general, and some officers, giving
also a letter to Bedr ud din Lulu, the aged and crafty Mosul prince,
whom we know as having pulled Hulagu’s ears at an audience.
When Nassir’s envoys were received by Hulagu, he inquired why their
master had not come with them. “The Prince of Syria fears,” said they,
“that should he absent himself his neighbors, the Franks, who are also
his enemies, would invade his possessions, hence he has sent his own
son to represent him.” Hulagu feigned to accept this false answer. The
envoys, it is said, requested Mongol aid to save Egypt from the
Mameluks. Hulagu detained Aziz some months, and when at last he
permitted the boy to take leave and return to his father, the vizir
received a message for Nassir, which was in substance as follows: “Know
thou, Prince Nassir, and know all commanders and warriors in Syria,
that we are God’s army on earth. He has taken from our hearts every
pity. Woe to those who oppose us, they must flee, we must hunt them. By
what road can they save themselves, what land will protect them? Our
steeds rush like lightning, our swords cut like thunderbolts, our
warriors in number are like sands on the seashore. Whoso resists us
meets terror; he who implores us finds safety. Receive our law, yours
and ours will then be in common. If ye resist, blame yourselves for the
things which will follow. Choose the safe way. Answer quickly, or your
country will be changed to a desert. Ye yourselves will find no refuge.
The angel of death may then say of you: ‘Is there one among them who
shows the least sign of life, or whose voice gives out the slightest of
murmurs?’ We are honest, hence give you this warning.”
Since Nassir had no hope of aid to fight Hulagu he chose to make common
cause with every Mohammedan, and sent back a brave answer. These are
some words of it: “Ye say that God has removed from your hearts every
pity. That is the condition of devils, not sovereigns. But is it not
strange to threaten lions with bruises, tigers with hyenas, and heroes
with clodhoppers? Resistance to you is obedience to the Highest. If we
slay you our prayers have been answered; if ye slay us we go into
paradise. We will not flee from death to exist in opprobrium. If we
survive we are happy; if we die we are martyrs. Ye demand that
obedience which we render the vicar of the Prophet, ye shall not have
it; we would rather go to the place in which he is. Tell the man [16]
who indited your message that we care no more for his words than for
the buzz of a fly or the squeak of a Persian fiddle.”
Hulagu gave command to his army to march into Syria. He summoned Bedr
ud din Lulu, who, excused because of great age, had to send his son,
Melik Salih Ismail, with the troops of Mosul. When this young man
arrived at the camp of the Mongols Hulagu made him marry a daughter of
Jelal ud din, the last Shah of Kwaresm. Kita Buga went with the
vanguard, Sinkur, a descendant of Kassar, and Baidju led the right
wing, the left was commanded by Sunjak. Hulagu set out with the center,
September 12, 1259. He passed Hakkar, where all Kurds whom they met
were cut down by the sword, not one man being spared. On entering
Diarbekr Hulagu took Jeziret on the Tigris, and sent his son Yshmut
with Montai Noyon to take Mayafarkin, an old and famous town northeast
of Diarbekr, whose Eyubite prince, Kamil Nasir ud din Mohammed, he
wished to punish for hostility to the Mongols. He was all the more
angry since this man had been received well years before that by Mangu
the Grand Khan, and given letters which put his lands under that
sovereign’s protection. Hulagu accused Kamil now of crucifying a Syrian
priest, who had come to his court with the Grand Khan’s safe-conduct;
with having expelled Mongol prefects, and with having sent a corps of
troops to help Bagdad at demand of the Kalif—these troops when they had
gone half the distance turned back on learning that the capital had
fallen. To finish all, Kamil had been in Damascus asking Prince Nassir
to march on the Mongols. It was at this time that Hulagu sent his son
to punish Prince Kamil, who had barely returned with vain promises when
he found himself sealed in at Mayafarkin securely.
Hulagu summoned next to obedience Saïd Nedjmud din el Gazi, Prince of
Mardin. That prince sent his son, Mozaffer Kar Arslan, his chief judge,
and an emir with presents, and a letter in which he alleged severe
illness as his excuse for not giving personal homage. Hulagu sent the
following answer, making the judge go alone with it to his master: “The
prince says that he is ill, he says this because he fears Nassir of
Syria, and thinks that if I should triumph he must be friendly with me
hence he feigns this illness, and if I fail he will be on good terms
with Nassir.”
The son of Bedr ud din Lulu was sent against Amid. Hulagu himself took
Nisibin. He had encamped close to Harran, and received the submission
of its people, who were spared, as were also the inhabitants of Koha,
who followed the example of Harran; but the people of Sarudj, who sent
no deputation to beg for their lives, were cut down with the sword
every man of them.
Hulagu’s march spread dismay throughout Syria. Prince Nassir had spent
his time thus far in discussing with Mogith. The year before a corps of
three thousand horsemen came to Syria; these were deserters from
Hulagu’s army, so called Sheherzurians, doubtless Kurds of Sheherzur.
Nassir took these men to his service, and gave them good treatment; on
hearing that they wished to desert him for Mogith he doubled his
bounty, but still they passed over to Mogith. With these men and the
Mameluks Prince Mogith considered that he could master Damascus. Nassir
went out to meet him and camped near Lake Ziza. He staid there six
months discussing conditions with Mogith, through envoys. It was agreed
at last that the latter would yield up his Mameluks to Nassir, and
discharge the Bahriyes.
This treaty concluded, Nassir went back to Damascus. On learning that
Hulagu was at Harran, he consulted his generals and resolved on
resistance. Nassir fixed his camp at Berze, a short distance north of
Damascus, but he could not confide in his army; volunteers, Turks and
Arabs, he knew that his generals and soldiers greatly feared Hulagu’s
victors. He himself was a man of weak character who roused no respect
in his army.
Seeing Nassir’s alarm, Zein ud din el Hafizzi, the vizir, extolled
Hulagu’s greatness and counseled submission. Indignant at this an emir,
Beibars Bundukdar, sprang up one day, rushed at the vizir, struck the
man, cursed him, and said that he was a traitor seeking the destruction
of Islam. Zein ud din complained to Nassir of these insults. Nassir
himself was assailed that same night in a garden, by Mameluks, who had
determined to cut him down immediately, and choose a new Sultan; he
barely succeeded in fleeing to the citadel, but returned later on to
the camp at the prayer of his officers. Beibars left for Gaza whence he
sent an officer named Taibars to Mansur the new sovereign of Egypt with
his oath of fidelity.
At a council, held to discuss coming perils, it was settled without any
dissent, that the prince, his officers, and his warriors should send
their families to Egypt. Nassir sent thither his wife, a daughter of
Kei Kobad, the Seljuk Sultan, he sent also his son, and his treasures.
Next followed the wives, sons and daughters of officers, and a great
throng of people. The fears of individuals were communicated to the
army, officers went, as if to take farewell of their families, but many
of those officers never returned to their places. Thus Nassir’s army
was disbanded.
Nassir now asked assistance of Mogith, and besides sent Sahib Kemal ud
din Omar to Cairo to obtain aid from the Sultan. Eibeg had just been
slain by the hands of Shejer ud dur, his wife, who, convinced that he
was ready to slay her, had been too quick for him. Prompt punishment
was inflicted: Shejer was given to the widow of Sultan Aziz, who,
assisted by eunuchs and females, beat her to death, stripped her body
and hurled it over the wall to the moat of the fortress, where it lay
several days without clothing or burial.
Eibeg’s son, Mansur, a boy fifteen years of age, was raised to the
throne, with Aktai, a former comrade of his father, as guardian, or
Atabeg, to be followed soon by Kutuz, who had once been a slave of his.
When Nassir’s envoy arrived the Egyptian general held council in
presence of the Sultan. At the council this question was put to the
chief judge and the elders: “Is it possible to levy a legal war tax on
the nation?” The answer was that after needless objects of value had
been taken from people, and sold, a tax might be levied. This was
accepted by the council. The Sultan was a boy who had been spoiled by
his mother, hence was unfitted for rule at that terrible period. Kutuz
desired supreme power and was ready to seize it as soon as the generals
would start for Upper Egypt. When they had gone he imprisoned the
Sultan with his brother and mother, and was then proclaimed sovereign.
Captured by Mongols in boyhood, Kutuz had been sold in Damascus, and
later in Cairo. He declared himself a nephew of the Kwaresmian ruler,
Shah Mohammed. Manumitted by Moizz ud din Eibeg he added El Moizzi to
his name, thus following the Mameluk custom.
When generals condemned Kutuz for taking the dignity from Mansur he
referred to Hulagu, and the fear caused by Prince Nassir of Syria. “All
I wish is to drive out the Mongols. Can we do that without a leader?
When we have driven out this enemy, choose whom you please as the
Sultan.” Thus he pacified his rivals and, feeling sure in his power,
removed Mansur with his mother and brother to Damietta. In the
following reign they were sent to Stambul, the Turkish capital, and
remained there.
The new Sultan imprisoned eight generals, then, receiving the oath of
the army, he prepared his campaign against the Mongols. First he sent
an assuring epistle to Nassir, swearing that he would lay no claim to
that prince’s possessions; that he looked on himself as Nassir’s
lieutenant in Egypt, that he would put him on the throne if he would
come at that juncture to Cairo. If the prince wished his services he
would march to his rescue, but if his presence was disquieting the army
would go with the chief whom Prince Nassir might indicate.
This letter, borne to the prince by an officer from Egypt, who went
with the envoy whom the prince had sent to Egypt asking for aid,
allayed the suspicions of Nassir. Danger was imminent, Hulagu had just
marched into Syria. Master of all lands between the Euphrates and
Tigris, Hulagu laid siege to El Biret on the first of these rivers, and
took it. In that citadel Saïd, the Eyubite prince, who had been nine
years in prison, was freed by Hulagu and put in possession of Sebaibet
and Banias. The Mongol then crossed the Euphrates by bridges of boats
at Malattia, Kelat ur Rūm, El Biret, and Kirkissia; he sacked the city
Mahuj, and left garrisons in El Biret, Nedjram, Joaber, Kallomkos, and
Lash, having put to the sword their inhabitants. After that he marched
with all his armed strength on Aleppo.
The terror which preceded the Mongols drove multitudes of people from
the city to seek shelter in Damascus, while still greater numbers were
fleeing from Damascus to Egypt. The season was winter, many perished
from cold on the journey, the majority had been robbed of their
property, and to complete their distress and great wretchedness the
plague was then raging throughout Syria and worst of all in Damascus.
One Mongol division came now and camped near Aleppo, a part of it
marched on the city from which the garrison sallied forth followed by
volunteers from among the lowest people. These, finding the enemy
superior in numbers, and resolute, returned through the gates very
quickly. Next day the bulk of the Mongol division approached the walls
closely. The chiefs of the garrison went out to the square where they
counseled. Though Prince Moazzam Turan Shah, the governor, had
forbidden attacks on an enemy so evidently superior, a part of the
troops, and with them a crowd of common people, marched out to the
mountain Bankussa which they occupied. Seeing Mongols advancing, some
of those on the mountain hurried down to attack them. The Mongols
turned to flee, the others pursued for the space of an hour and fell
into an ambush. Those who escaped from the trap fled back toward
Aleppo, pursued by the enemy. When abreast of Bankussa the people who
had remained on the mountain rushed down toward the gates of the city,
and a great number perished. That same day the Mongols appeared at
Azay, a town somewhat north of Aleppo, and took it.
In a few days Hulagu came and summoned Prince Moazzam, its governor, to
surrender: “Thou canst not resist us,” said Hulagu. “Receive a
commandant from us in the city, and one in the citadel. We are marching
now to meet Nassir; should he be defeated the country will be ours, and
Moslem blood will be spared by thee. If we are beaten thou canst expel
our commandants, or kill them.” The Prince of Erzen ur Rūm bore this
summons to which Moazzam answered: “There is nothing between thee and
me but the sabre.”
The walls of Aleppo were strong, and inside was a good stock of
weapons. The besiegers made in one night a firm counter wall; twenty
catapults were trained on the city, which was taken by assault on the
seventh day of investment January 25, 1260. When Aleppo had been sacked
during five days and nights, and most of the inhabitants had been cut
down, Hulagu proclaimed an end to the massacre. The streets were
blocked up with corpses. Only those men escaped who found refuge in
four houses of dignitaries, in a Mohammedan school, and a synagogue,
all these were safe-guarded. One hundred thousand women and children
were sold into slavery. The walls of Aleppo were leveled, its mosques
were demolished, its gardens uprooted and ruined. One month later on
the citadel yielded. The victors found immense booty in the stronghold
and also many artisans whom they spared for captivity.
Prince Nassir was in his camp at Berze near Damascus, when he received
news of the sack of Aleppo. His general advised to retreat upon Gaza
and implore the Sultan Kutuz for assistance. Nassir left Damascus
defenseless and set out for Gaza with the Hamat Prince, Mansur, and a
few others who had clung to him. By Nassir’s command all who could go
to Egypt were to start immediately. Terror reigned in Damascus;
property was sold for a song, while the value of camels was fabulous.
Nassir halted a short time at Nablus, and when on the way from that
city to Gaza two officers whom he had left there with troops were
captured by Mongols and slaughtered. This swift approach of the enemy
made him retire to El Arish, whence he sent an envoy to Sultan Kutuz,
imploring him to send succor quickly.
After Nassir had gone Zein ud din el Hafizzi, the vizir, closed the
gates of Damascus, and decided with the notables to surrender to the
envoys who had been sent by Hulagu to see Nassir at Berze. Hence a
deputation of the most distinguished men went with rich presents and
the keys of the city to Hulagu’s camp near Aleppo. Hulagu put a mantle
of honor on the chief of these men, and made him grand judge in Syria.
This cadi returned to Damascus immediately and called an assembly.
Appearing in the mantle, he read his diploma, and an edict which
guaranteed safety to all men. But in spite of grand words of this kind
consternation and dread were universal.
Two commandants came now, one a Mongol, the other a Persian, who gave
orders to follow the wishes of Zein ud din el Hafizzi, and treat the
inhabitants with justice. Soon after this Kita Buga arrived with a body
of Mongols, safety was proclaimed at his coming, and respect for life
and property. The citadel refused to surrender but was taken after
sixteen days of siege labor. The commandant and his aid were beheaded
at Hulagu’s direction. Ashraf, the Eyubite prince and grandson of
Shirkuh, who after the departure of Nassir for Egypt went to give
homage to Hulagu near Aleppo, had been reinstated in the sovereignty of
Hims, which Nassir had taken from him twelve years before, giving
Telbashir in exchange for it. Hulagu now made Ashraf his chief
lieutenant in Syria. Ashraf arrived at Merj-Bargut and Kita Buga
commanded Zein ud din el Hafizzi and the other authorities of Damascus
to yield up their power to him.
After reducing Aleppo Hulagu moved against Harem, a fortress two days’
journey toward Antioch. The garrison was summoned to surrender with a
promise under oath that no man would be injured. The defenders replied,
that the religion which Hulagu held was unknown to them, hence they
knew not how to consider his promise, but if a Moslem would swear on
the Koran that their lives would be spared, they would surrender the
castle. Hulagu asked whom they wished as the man to give oath to them;
they replied Fakhr ud din Saki, last commandant in the citadel of
Aleppo. Hulagu sent this man with directions to swear to everything
asked of him. On the faith of his oath the place was delivered. All
then were ordered to go forth from Harem. Hulagu, angry that his word
had been questioned, put Fakhr ud din to death straightway, and
slaughtered the whole population, not pitying even infants. He spared
one person only, an Armenian, a jeweller of skill, whom he needed.