"That, as such a dangerous situation ought naturally to excite in all

those who participate in the public government, and really take to

heart the true interests of their country, a redoubled zeal to set

immediately at work, and in proportion to the danger, all the means of

defence imaginable, and to employ them to protect, in the most

effectual manner, their country, her commerce and possessions, and to

annoy the enemy; the venerable Regency, seeing on the contrary, that

the indolence, the inactivity, and even the continual indifference,

are only increasing more and more, and that public affairs are

administered in a manner, which cannot be reconciled with the danger

to which the Republic is exposed, judge, in consequence, that the

Lords, the States of this Province, will not be able longer to see,

without speaking out, a situation so perilous; but that they ought to

examine seriously the true causes and reasons of all this, to the end,

that when we have obtained the explanations which we have a right to

require, we may take, with the most serious zeal, the resolutions

proper to maintain the excellent prerogatives, which we yet possess,

and to guard against such misfortunes.

"That the venerable Regency, having learnt with a great deal of

satisfaction that similar observations have been made by other members

of the body politic, hope that the deliberations concerning an object

of this importance will be no longer delayed; but they trust that the

affair, for which the advice of the gentlemen of Middleburg carried on

the 15th of May to the Assembly of the States has been sent back, will

be discussed as soon as possible, and without delay. The venerable

Regency declaring, that they shall be always disposed to co-operate in

taking every measure proper to obtain an end so salutary."

Thus we see, that two cities of Zealand, Middleburg and Zieriksee, are

co-operating with Amsterdam, Haerlem, Dort, Delft, &c. in order to

arouse the Republic to action; how many months or years may roll away

before they succeed, it is impossible for me to say, because it will

depend upon events of war, reports of peace, and the councils of other

sovereigns in Europe, as yet inscrutable, but it will depend upon

nothing more than the fate of Clinton and Cornwallis in America.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, June 26th, 1781.

Sir,

The Emperor appears to be more intent at present upon taking a fair

advantage of the present circumstances, to introduce a flourishing

commerce into the Austrian Flanders, than upon making treaties with

England, or waging war in its favor. His Imperial, Royal, and

Apostolical Majesty, has condescended to take off and break the

shackles, which restrained the commerce and the communication of the

port of Nieuport, in the interior of the country, and to discharge by

his gracious decree, the commerce from the charges and impositions

which were raised on the lands bordering upon the said port, under the

denomination of Vate, Geld, Hast-Geld, Myle-Geld, &c. The

frequentation of the port of Nieuport presents all the facilities

which the merchants can require. Thus the city of Nieuport enjoys the

most extensive privileges, both for storage and transportation to

foreigners.

We find there good magazines, merchants, factors, and commissioners,

who will all serve punctually. The communications, both to the

interior parts of the country and to foreigners, are free and easy,

both by land, by means of the new causeway of Nieuport, which

communicates with all the roads, and by water by means of the direct

canals of Nieuport, to Bruges, to Ostend, to Ypres, to Dixmuide, to

Furnes, and to Dunkirk, and from thence further on. One passes by the

canal from Nieuport to Bruges, nearly in the same space of time, that

we pass by the canal from Ostend to Bruges. All these canals have

daily barks ready, easy and convenient for travellers, merchandises,

and effects. The fishery of the sea, both of fresh fish, and of all

sorts of herring and cod, is at Nieuport, in the most flourishing

state, and enjoys there every privilege and exemption. The distillery

of gin in the Dutch way, established at Nieuport, makes excellent gin,

the transportation and expedition of which enjoys the greatest

facilities. And the government of his Imperial Majesty, in the Low

Countries, does not cease to grant all the privileges and facilities,

which can tend to the well-being of the inhabitants, and of the

commerce of the city and port of Nieuport. I should rejoice at these

measures, for the benefit which American commerce would receive from

them, provided the Emperor could oblige Americans to take their goods

from Germany and not from England; but immense quantities of British

manufactures will go to America from Nieuport, Ostend, and Bruges.

This is a subject, which deserves the serious consideration of every

American. British manufactures are going in vast quantities to

America, from Holland, the Austrian Flanders, France, and Sweden, as

well as by the way of New York and Charleston, &c. Whether it is

possible to check it, much less to put a stop to it, I know not; and

whether it would be good policy to put an end to it, if that were

practicable, is made a question by many. If the Germans, the Dutch,

the French, and Spaniards, or any other nations, would learn a little

commercial policy, and give a credit to Americans, as the British

merchants do, and encourage in their own countries manufactures,

adapted to the wants and tastes of our countrymen, it is certain that

in such a case, it would be our interest and duty to put an end to the

trade in British goods, because nothing would weaken and distress the

enemy so much, and therefore nothing would contribute more to bring

the war to a conclusion. At present manufactures flourish in England,

and the duties paid at the custom houses have been increasing these

two or three years, merely owing to their recovering more and more of

the American trade by neutral bottoms, and by other clandestine

channels.

Any American merchant by going over to London, obtains a credit. The

language of the London merchants to the American merchants is, "Let us

understand one another, and let the governments squabble." But

Americans ought to consider, if we can carry on the war forever, our

allies cannot, and without their assistance we should find it very

difficult to do it.

I wish the taste for British manufactures may not cost us more blood,

than the difference between them and others is worth.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, June 26th, 1781.

Sir,

The rubicon is passed. A step has been at last taken by the Regency of

Amsterdam, which must decide the fate of the Republic. The city of

Amsterdam, finding that their proposition of the 18th of last month

was not sufficient to change the conduct of administration, have

ventured on another manoeuvre. On the 8th of this month, as soon as

the States of Holland were separated, two Burgomasters of Amsterdam,

M. Tenminck and M. Rendorp, accompanied with M. Vesser, the Pensionary

of the city, demanded an audience of the Prince Stadtholder, who

granted it, at his house in the grove. In this audience, they made to

the Prince, by word of mouth, a representation, which they repeated in

a memorial sent on the 14th, to the Counsellor Pensionary of the

Province, the substance of which is as follows. The gentlemen of

Amsterdam, said,

"That their proposition of the 18th of May last, founded perhaps upon

former examples, did not result from any suspicions with regard to the

good dispositions and intentions of his Most Serene Highness, which

they had no reason to distrust, although the Regency of the city of

Amsterdam had learned with the most profound grief, that evil minded

persons had endeavored to insinuate the contrary to his Most Serene

Highness; but that their distrust fell solely upon him, whose

influence over the mind of his Most Serene Highness was held for the

most immediate cause, of the sloth and weakness in the administration

of affairs, which as they could not but be extremely prejudicial to

the well-being of the public, they had a long time expected, but in

vain, that the dangerous circumstances in which the Republic found

itself involved, would have, in the end, given rise to serious

deliberations upon the means, which we ought to employ in their order

and with more vigor; but that these hopes had hitherto been fruitless,

and, that as the question now in agitation was concerning the safety

of their dear country, of her dear bought liberty, of that of his Most

Serene Highness and his house, in one word, of everything which is

dear to the inhabitants of the Republic, the Regency of Amsterdam had

judged, that they ought not any longer to render themselves guilty by

their silence, of a neglect of their duty.

"That, although with regret, they see themselves obliged to take this

step, and to represent to his Highness with all due respect, but at

the same time with all that frankness and freedom, which the

importance of the affair requires, and to declare to him openly, that,

according to the general opinion, the Field Marechal, the Duke Louis

of Brunswick Wolfenbuttel, is held for the primary cause of the

miserable and defective state in which this country finds itself, in

regard to its defence, of all the negligence of duty, which has taken

place with respect to this subject, and of all the perverse measures,

which have been taken for a long time, with all the fatal consequences

which have proceeded from them; and that they could assure his

Highness, that the hatred and aversion of the nation for the person

and administration of the Duke, were risen to such a height, that

there was reason to apprehend from them, events the most melancholy,

and the most disagreeable for the public prosperity and the general

tranquillity.

"That there was no doubt that the same assertion had been made to his

Highness from other quarters; but that in case this had not been, it

ought to be attributed solely to the fear of the effects of the

resentment of the Duke, while, at the same time, they dared to appeal

in this respect, with the firmest confidence, to the testimony of all

the members of government, gentlemen of honor and frankness, that his

Serene Highness would interrogate upon this subject, after having

assured them of the necessary liberty of speaking without reserve, and

after having exhorted them to tell him the truth, according to their

duty and their conscience.

"That the Regents of Amsterdam, had learned more than once with grief,

that the Counsellor Pensionary of the Province had complained, in

presence of divers members of the Regency of Holland, of the

misunderstanding which took place between him, the Counsellor

Pensionary, and the Duke, as also of the influence which the Duke has

upon the spirit of his Highness, and by which his efforts for the good

of the country had often been rendered fruitless.

"That this discord, and this difference of views and sentiments between

the principal Counsellor of his Serene Highness and the first Minister

of this Province, might not only have consequences the most

prejudicial, but that it furnished also a motive sufficient to make

the strongest instances, to the end, to remove the source of this

distrust and discord, while that, without the previous re-establishment

of confidence and unanimity, there remained no longer any means of

saving the Republic.

"That nothing was more necessary for the well-being of the illustrious

House of his Highness, to maintain his authority, to preserve to him

the esteem and the attachment of the nation, and for his own

reputation with the neighboring powers, since they could assure, and

they ought to advertise his Highness, that it is possible he may

become one day the object of the indifference and distrust of the

public, instead of being and continuing always the worthy object of

the love and esteem of the people; and the Regencies, as they made the

sincerest wishes, that his Highness and his illustrious posterity

might constantly enjoy them, considering, that thereon depended in a

great measure, the conservation of the well-being of their country,

and of the House of Orange.

"That although they know very well, that the members of the

sovereignty have always a right, and that their duty requires them

even to expose their sentiments to his Highness and their co-regents,

concerning the state and administration of public affairs, they

should, however, have now voluntarily spared the present measure, if

there had been only the smallest hope of amendment or alteration, but

that from the aforesaid reasons, they dared not longer flatter

themselves, and that the necessity having arisen to the highest point,

it appeared that there was no other part to take, but to lay open in

this manner to his Highness the real situation of affairs, praying him

most earnestly to take it into serious consideration, and no longer

listen to the counsels and insinuations of a man, upon whom the hatred

of the great and the little was accumulated, and whom they regard as a

stranger, not having a sufficient knowledge of our form of government,

and not having a sincere affection for the Republic.

"That the Regents of Amsterdam were very far from desiring to accuse

this nobleman of that of which, however, he was too publicly charged;

or to consider as well founded, the suspicions of an excessive

attachment to the Court of London, of bad faith and of corruption,

that they assure themselves, that a person of so illustrious a birth

and so high rank, is incapable of such baseness; but that they judge,

that the unfortunate ideas, which have been unhappily conceived with

regard to him, and which have caused a general distrust, have rendered

him absolutely useless and hurtful to the service of the country, and

of his Highness.

"That thus it was convenient to dismiss him from the direction of

affairs, from the person and Court of his Highness, as being a

perpetual obstacle to the re-establishment of that good harmony, so

highly necessary between his Highness and the principal members of the

State, while his continuance would but too much occasion the distrust

conceived of his counsels, to fall, whether with or without reason,

upon the person, and the administration of his Highness himself.

"That these representations did not proceed from a principle of

personal hatred or private rancor against the Duke, who, in former

times, has had reason to value himself on the benevolence and real

proofs of the affection of the Regency of Amsterdam; but that they

ought to protest before God and the world, that the conservation of

their country, and of the illustrious House of his Highness, and the

desire to prevent their approaching ruin, had been the only motives of

these representations.

"That they had seen themselves obliged to them, both in quality of

citizens of the country, and as an integral member of its sovereign

Assembly, to the end to make by this step one last effort, and to

furnish yet, perhaps in time, a means of saving, under the blessing of

the Almighty, the vessel of the State from the most imminent dangers,

and conduct it to a good port, or at least, in every case, to acquit

themselves of their duty, and to satisfy their consciences, and to

place themselves in safety from all reproach from the present age, and

from posterity."

To this representation, the Duke has made an answer to their High

Mightinesses, in which he demands an inquiry and a vindication of his

honor, as dearer to him than his life. This answer will be transmitted

as soon as possible. The transaction will form a crisis, but what will

be the result of this, or any other measure taken in this country, I

cannot pretend to foretel.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, June 27th, 1781.

Sir,

Major Jackson has been some time here, in pursuance of instructions

from Colonel Laurens, in order to despatch the purchase of the goods,

and the shipping of the goods and cash, for the United States, which

are to go by the South Carolina.

But when all things appeared to be ready, I received a letter from his

Excellency Dr Franklin, informing me that he feared his funds would

not admit of his accepting bills for more than fifteen thousand pounds

sterling, the accounts of the Indian and the goods amounted to more

than fifty thousand pounds, which showed that there had not been an

understanding sufficiently precise and explicit between the Doctor,

and the Colonel. There was, however, no remedy but a journey to Passy,

which Major Jackson undertook, despatched the whole business, and

returned to Amsterdam in seven days, so that I hope now there will be

no more delays.

Major Jackson has conducted, through the whole of his residence here,

as far as I have been able to observe, with great activity and

accuracy in business, and an exemplary zeal for the public service.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, June 29th, 1781.

Sir,

On the 21st of this month, the Field Marechal, Duke Louis, of

Brunswick, presented to the States-General the following paper.

"High and Mighty Lords,

"It is not without the greatest reluctance, that I see myself forced

to interrupt the important deliberations of your High Mightinesses,

and to have recourse to you in an affair, which indeed regards me

personally, but the simple explanation of which, I assure myself, will

prove, that if I should neglect this step, I should be essentially

wanting to the dignity of character, with which your High Mightinesses

have clothed me.

"After having passed in 1750 into the service of the State, it pleased

your High Mightinesses, by your resolution of the 13th of November of

the same year, to create me Field Marechal of your troops. When,

afterwards, the arrangements for the tuition of the Stadtholder in his

minority were resolved on, by express resolutions of all the High

Confederates, and it was resolved, that his Highness should be

represented in the administration of his military employments, your

High Mightinesses then condescended, by honoring me with their

distinguished confidence, to confer upon me, by your resolution of the

13th of January, 1759, the title of the representative of the Prince

Stadtholder, as Captain-General during the time of his minority.

"I shall say nothing of the resolutions, which your High Mightinesses

and the respective Provinces took on the 8th of March, 1766, the day

of the majority of the Prince, and in the sequel, under different

dates, relative to the manner in which I had answered to the

confidence, which you had condescended to put in me. These resolutions

are too flattering to be recited here; they are, however, sure

pledges, that at that time, at least, I had the good fortune to see my

conduct and my services rendered to the State, approved by the high

government. In fine, your High Mightinesses continued to honor me with

your confidence, even after the time of the minority of the

Stadtholder. You took on the same 8th of March, 1766, the resolution

to cause to be solicited by your Envoy Extraordinary at the Court of

Vienna, the consent of her Imperial and Royal Majesty, in whose

service I was also engaged as Field Marechal, to continue me still in

the same quality in the service of your High Mightinesses. The

pleasure of her Majesty being obtained, I did not refuse this honor,

but continued vested with the character of Field Marechal of the

troops of the State, in the service of your High Mightinesses.

"Having thus filled for more than thirty years, under the eyes of

their High Mightinesses, and in a manner which is sufficiently known

to you, the employments which you had confided to me, could I have

expected that they would one day render my person the object of the

public hatred to such a degree, that I could be exposed to the step

which they have taken upon my subject; a step the most dishonorable to

the character, with which your High Mightinesses have condescended to

invest me, and which puts me in the absolute necessity of addressing

myself this day to you.

"In effect, High and Mighty Lords, after having seen myself in

public, the object of accusations and calumnies the most atrocious,

(but which I have always despised as such, and of which I shall never

take notice, while no one presents himself to support them) after that

they had excited against me a general cry, as if my person could be no

longer endured, it was necessary for me still further to suffer, that

the gentlemen, the Deputies of the city of Amsterdam, and namely the

two reigning Burgomasters, Messieurs Temminck and Rendorp, accompanied

with the Pensionary Vischer, should have addressed themselves to my

Lord, the Prince of Orange, and in presence of the Counsellor

Pensionary of Holland, should have read to him a certain memorial, in

the name and by the order of their constituents, who are therein

throughout introduced as speaking in the name of the Regency of

Amsterdam, and in which I receive an affront the most sensible for an

upright heart. It is true, that the Deputies whom I have just named,

took back with them this memorial; but, since, changing their plan,

they have thought fit to transmit it, on the 14th of the month, by the

Burgomaster Rendorp, not indeed in the name of the Regency of

Amsterdam, but in that of the gentlemen the Burgomasters to the

Counsellor Pensionary, praying him to transmit it to the Prince, to

whom they left the liberty to make such use of it as should seem to

him convenient.

"Informed in this way, and by the communication which his Highness

made to me of it, of the contents of this memorial, I there found so

long a concatenation of expressions and reasonings, each more

insulting than the other, against my person, which I should be afraid

to abuse the attention of your High Mightinesses by inserting them

here; lest, however, I should represent them out of their order, and

the chain which connects them together, your High Mightinesses will

pardon me, I hope, if I transcribe from the memorial, the periods

which relate to me, and by which I am attacked.

"After having made several reflections, which in nowise concern me,

and which I ought, consequently, to leave to be answered by those who

are attacked by them, but which tend to justify the proposition, which

the gentlemen, the Deputies of the city of Amsterdam, made the 18th of

May last, in the Assembly of the States of Holland in particular, to

join to his Highness a privy council or committee, the gentlemen, the

Burgomasters, continue to address themselves to the Prince literally

in these terms."

[Here follows the substance of the representations of the

Burgomasters, contained in my letter to Congress, of the 26th of June,

1781.]

"In those pieces, which I have just now literally related, your High

Mightinesses will perceive, and probably not without indignation, that

after a train of reflections, each more injurious than the other, in

which there is no accusation against me as Field Marechal, and which,

moreover, are only grounded upon pretended public sentiments and

reports artfully circulated, that nevertheless the gentlemen, the

Burgomasters, have judged it necessary to insist that his Highness

would remove me from his person and Court, in a manner the most

disgraceful, and condemn me without further examination, as a criminal

attainted and convicted to dishonorable exile.

"I cannot then but consider a proceeding, accompanied with so many

odious and humiliating expressions, which is not made by simple

individuals, but a deputation of two reigning Burgomasters, with the

Pensionary of one of the most considerable cities of Holland, in the

name and by the order of the Regency of that city, (according to the

terms of the memorial, although according to the letter whereof I have

spoken of the Burgomaster Rendorp, it was only in the name of the

gentlemen, the Burgomasters of that city) and that in a formal manner,

after mature deliberation, and after having confirmed this action in

the most injurious manner, by taking back the memorial, and causing it

to be sent to his Highness, I cannot, I say, but consider this

proceeding as wounding, in the most violent manner, my character and

my person; and in this same writing, where they dare not specify any

crime to my charge, and where they are obliged to acknowledge the

falsity of the reports which have circulated against me, and of the

suspicions of an excessive and illicit attachment to the English

Court, of bad faith and of corruption, they appear, notwithstanding,

to give credit to these calumnies, and to be willing to cast upon me

the blame of the evils of the times, to the end, to exculpate those

who are the true causes of it. I should think myself unworthy of

bearing any longer the character that your High Mightinesses have

confided to me, if I testified upon this article an indifference or an

insensibility.

The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, Vol. 06 · 第 6 / 36 段