that the well-being of your fellow-citizens in general, and that of
merchants in particular, ought to be supported in every manner, the
petitioners assure themselves, that the more the danger becomes
imminent, the more the zeal of your Noble and Grand Mightinesses will
animate itself to prevent, under the divine blessing, the total ruin
of the essential sources of the existence of the country; so that this
danger being at present so great, and becoming from day to day more
pressing, the petitioners dare to promise themselves, on the part of
your Noble and Grand Mightinesses, all the succor and assistance
requisite, and to hope, that they shall not invoke in vain their
powerful support, relative to the prayer beforementioned. It is for
this, that the petitioners address themselves to this Sovereign
Assembly, in the manner the most respectful, and in a confidence the
most entire in the inclination of your Noble and Grand Mightinesses
for the protection of the citizens of the Republic, seriously praying,
that it may please your Noble and Grand Mightinesses, to authorise
your Deputies in the Assembly of the States-General to concur in
directing, with all the earnestness possible, things in such a manner,
that there be given to the petition aforesaid a prompt and favorable
answer, and that measures be taken, to the end that the petitioners
and those who are otherwise interested with them, may enjoy without
delay the effect of a definitive determination, &c.
"To their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United
Provinces give respectfully to understand, the undersigned
proprietors, and owners of vessels navigating to the Colony of
Surinam, owners of plantations, situated there, merchants and others
interested in the commerce of the said colony;
"That this Colony, independently of the interest, which the
undersigned, and a great number of others equally interested, take in
it, may be regarded as of the greatest importance for the Republic
itself, by reason of the very considerable revenues, which, for a long
course of years, it has procured, not only to the direction privileged
by grant, but also to the Republic itself, and which become every day
more lucrative, by the enormous expenses, which the proprietors of
plantations have made to cultivate new lands, and to improve the
culture of several territorial productions.
"To this effect, the petitioners refer to the estimate annexed,
containing the quantity of productions, which for some years have been
transported from the Colony into the ports of the country. That these
productions, after having been transported from this country, some
wrought up here, and others as they were received, procure continually
to the treasury of the Republic very important sums, proceeding from
different duties, which are directly or indirectly relative to them.
That the necessity to go in search of all these productions of the
Colony, and that of transporting thither provisions and other effects,
employs annually a large number of great ships, which are for the
most part fine frigates, solidly built, the number of which amounted
to more than fourscore, which all pay every voyage the duties of lest,
which are considerable, and serve, at the same time, for the
maintenance of a numerous body of navigators, which amount to about
three thousand well experienced seamen. That, moreover, the importance
of this Colony does not fall short in point of utility of any other,
both with relation to what has been alleged, and because, in exchange
for its productions, we receive here the precious metals, and the cash
of other nations, which remain in the bosom of the United Provinces;
while, on the contrary, it is necessary to export them to the East
Indies, there to pay for territorial productions, the manufactures of
the Indies; and the payments, which foreigners make to us, to procure
themselves merchandises, must equally return to the Indies for new
purchases. That thus the navigation and the commerce with this Colony
serve not only to the amelioration of the finances of the Republic,
and to the augmentation of the national cash; but they are still an
abundant source of general prosperity for the inhabitants, scattered
in the Seven Provinces.
"Many, by means of the free property of their plantations, draw from
thence important revenues, and encouraged by success make them largely
circulate; while a much larger number of our countrymen are the
bearers of obligations, carrying large interests negotiated upon
mortgages, the preservation of which is of the greatest weight,
considering that the sustenance of so many thousands of our
fellow-citizens depends upon them. That, moreover, all which serves
for housekeeping, all which is wanted for the culture of the land, the
building and repairing of edifices, and even eatables, must be
transported from hence into this Colony. This commerce, therefore,
cannot fail to procure to a great number of manufacturers, mercers,
and traders, a continual outlet, which even surpasses all belief, and
which is by so much the more useful, as this commerce consists for the
most part in objects furnished by our territory, either in raw
materials, or in things manufactured here. This article alone procures
the maintenance of an infinite number of artisans in the cities, and
of the cultivators of the field; without mentioning the construction
and repairs of a great number of vessels employed in this navigation;
of their provisions, both for the voyage and the return, which gives a
living to several thousands of men.
"That thus the public prosperity and that of individuals, so
intimately connected together, would both receive an irreparable blow,
if they were deprived of the advantages, which they draw from this
abundant source. That this misfortune has already denounced itself,
and in the most sensible manner from the commencement of this war, the
further consequences of which are so alarming, that they deserve to be
warded off or prevented by all means imaginable. That, nevertheless,
the petitioners on their part cannot otherwise obviate them, than by
putting the vessels they use in this navigation, in a necessary state
of defence, and in equipping them sufficiently for the war; which will
render them strong enough to repel all the enemy's privateers, of
whatever size, and that they may be able to defend themselves even
against the English men-of-war, and thereby assist and relieve the
military marine of the Republic.
"But that the excessively increased prices of everything, which
concerns the equipment of vessels, the bounties and the pay, risen to
near double, which must now be given to seamen, would render an
equipment of this nature so expensive, that the charges would never be
repaid by the freight. That, nevertheless, without an equipment of
such vessels, we should risk too much; this consideration has even
determined the owners, whose vessels were loaded before the hostile
attack of the English, to unload them and suspend the voyages, to the
great prejudice of the Colony, of themselves, and of their freighters.
That, moreover, they still find great difficulties to expedite their
ships; on the one hand, from the certainty that the passage to the
Colony and in the West Indies themselves, is infested with the enemy's
vessels of war and privateers, who by surprise have already made
themselves masters of a great number of our merchant vessels, and have
even invaded the defenceless possessions of the State, such as St
Eustatia, St Martins, Essequebo, and Demerara; on the other hand, in
the uncertainty whether this excellent Colony, in the neighborhood of
which, as they have learned, the enemy's squadrons cruise without
opposition, has not undergone the same fate; in which case their
valuable vessels with their rich cargoes, would fall into the power of
an enemy, who from the heights of fortresses, taken by surprise,
continue to display the Dutch flag, under shelter of which, and by
means of a certain number of vessels of war, he seizes upon merchant
ships destitute of defence, who, confiding in the public faith, go in
there without fear.
"That, nevertheless, if by these considerations and others of the same
nature, the navigation to this Colony is longer suspended, the
well-being of the Republic cannot avoid the most sensible prejudice,
and the Colony must be considered as abandoned; her inhabitants will
see themselves even reduced to deliver themselves into the hands of
their enemies, to the ruin and total loss not only of the classes the
most at their ease, but of all the inhabitants whatsoever of the
United Provinces; so that we ought not to delay a single moment, nor
neglect any means of encouragement or precaution to preserve them; so
much the rather, as it appears scarcely convenient under this
embarrassment, to invoke the assistance of foreign nations, to make
the transportation, and to go to the Colony and to return; because,
that in that case, we should lose this navigation, and we should lend
our own hand to the entire declension, not only of the aid furnished
to the treasury of the Republic, by the activity of this commerce and
this navigation, but also to the interruption of the sales of so many
manufacturers, mercers, and traders, and even to the entire privation
of the sustenance of an immense number of workmen and artisans, to
whom this construction of vessels and this navigation so extended,
procured their daily gain, which they cannot forego without being
reduced to the most deplorable situation. That this repugnance to
navigate on one's own account will be further followed by the
desertion of a great number of sailors, who for want of finding
employment here, and tempted by the advantageous promises of the
enemy, will go there in search of service, to the double detriment of
the public interest of the Republic. That the respectable fleet,
composed of valuable vessels destined to this navigation, would rot in
our ports, and the officers who command them, many of whom have not
been thought unworthy to be called to the service of their country,
would be obliged to abandon with their families this country, where
all the other means of gaining a livelihood fail more and more; and
as they have solely applied themselves to navigation, they would go in
search of their subsistence into places, where, by our interruption,
navigation makes new advances every day. That this method, indicated
by necessity, of recurring to foreign flags, by the more considerable
expenses which arise from it, would so absorb the revenues, that not
only no planter would be able, with the little which should remain to
him, to support his plantation, but, moreover, there would remain no
well-grounded hope for the great number of bearers of obligations to
flatter themselves with obtaining any payment, still less the entire
payment of the interests promised them; since without having yet
supported these additional expenses, and notwithstanding the excessive
prices at which the productions have been sold, they have seen
themselves forced to diminish considerably the interests, and in some
cases to suspend even the entire payment; without mentioning so many
other political considerations relative to this object, which cannot
escape the penetrating eye of the Sovereign, so that without hope of a
full protection, this single means of obtaining something, in ever so
small a degree, is even considered as very precarious, and as
augmenting more and more an inaction so fatal to a country, which
under the divine blessing, owes its prosperity so envied, to its
application, its valor, and the fortitude of its inhabitants. Time may
pass away, (and certainly the moments are too precious) before they
may dare to flatter themselves with a protection so efficacious, as
the danger of the crews, the valuable cargoes, and the pressing
necessity of the Colony require.
"That to this effect, the pensioners take the liberty to solicit your
High Mightinesses with profound respect, in case it is impossible to
grant immediately a sufficient escort to go to the Colony and return,
that in that case, as upon other occasions, it has been graciously
granted by your High Mightinesses, for the support of trade, the
equipment of vessels, societies, &c., to be so good also, as to grant
generously in favor of the equipments to make for this Colony,
Berbicia, and the interesting establishment of Curacao, an
encouragement equivalent to the design of the considerable
disbursements, which they will be obliged to make, to put their
vessels in a certain state of defence; and, moreover, for better order
and direction, to cause to be escorted, their ships sailing in
company, by as many vessels of war as it will be possible to spare for
this expedition. In fine, that under the good pleasure of your High
Mightinesses, and that these ships well armed may also serve to molest
as much as possible the enemy, there may be granted them letters of
marque and reprisals, under the customary condition, to the end that
they make use of them upon occasion, by the brave officers, which the
subscribers dare boast that they will employ in their ships."
This petition has been referred to the respective Deputies of the
Colleges of the Admiralty, to make report on it as soon as possible.
The Deputies of the merchants having beforehand solicited, in the most
pressing manner, the Prince Stadtholder, to support with his powerful
recommendation an affair of so great importance.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, June 15th, 1781.
Sir,
The long expected courier has at last arrived at the Hague from St
Petersburg. The contents of his despatches are not public, but all
hopes of assistance from the armed neutrality seem to be dissipated.
The question now is, what is to be done next. Some are for alliances
with the house of Bourbon and America, but a thousand fears arise.
France, the Emperor, and the Republic, have Provinces so intermixed
together in Brabant and Flanders, that it is supposed the Emperor
would be much alarmed at an alliance between France and Holland, lest
they should soon agree to divide his Provinces between them. The
people in these Provinces would, it is supposed, have no objection.
They all speak the French language, are of the same religion, and the
policy of France in governing conquered Provinces, according to their
ancient usages, and with great moderation, has taken away all aversion
to a change of masters.
Some people think, that an alliance between France and Holland would
occasion a general war. This I think would be an advantage to America,
although philanthropy would wish to prevent the further effusion of
human blood.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, June 23d, 1781.
Sir,
The answer from St Petersburg, as it is given to the public, is this;
"Her Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, declares, That as much
as she has been satisfied with the zeal with which their High
Mightinesses have accepted her mediation, so much and more has her
compassionate heart been affected with the difficulties formed by the
Court of London, in referring the reconciliation with the Republic to
a subsequent and general negotiation of peace between all the
belligerent powers, under the combined mediation of Her Imperial
Majesty, and His Majesty, the Roman Emperor. As soon as this
negotiation shall take place, her Majesty promises beforehand to the
Republic, all the assistance, which depends upon her, to the end, that
the Republic may without delay, return into the rank of neutral
powers, and thereby enjoy entirely, and without restraint, all the
rights and advantages, which her accession to the engagements between
Her Imperial Majesty and the Kings, her high allies, ought to assure
to her.
"In this expectation, the intention of Her Imperial Majesty is,
conjointly with their Majesties, to persuade that Court to that
moderation, and those pacific sentiments, which their High
Mightinesses, on their part have manifested. The Empress flatters
herself, that the times and the events, which may unexpectedly happen,
will bring forth circumstances of such a nature, as will put her in a
situation to make appear, in a manner the most efficacious, her good
will and her affection, of which she sincerely desires to be able to
give proof to their High Mightinesses."
This answer gives great scope to speculation and conjecture, but I
shall trouble Congress with a very few remarks upon it.
1. In the first place, and without insinuating her opinion concerning
the justice or injustice of the war, between Great Britain and the
United Provinces, she imputes the ill success of her mediation between
them, to the Court of London, and not at all to the Republic.
2. She applauds the moderation and pacific sentiments of their High
Mightinesses, and implicitly censures the Court of London, for
opposite dispositions.
Thus far the declaration is unfavorable to the English, and a pledge
of her Imperial honor, at least not to take any part in their favor.
3. It appears, that the Court of London has proposed a negotiation for
peace between all the belligerent powers, under the mediation of the
Empress and the Emperor. But, as it is certain the Court of London
does not admit the United States of America to be one of the
belligerent powers, and as no other power of Europe, except France, as
yet admits it to be a power, it is very plain to me, that the British
Ministry mean nothing but chicanery, to unman and disarm their enemies
with delusive dreams of peace, or to intrigue them, or some of them,
into a peace separately from America, and without deciding our
question.
4. The declaration says not, that the Empress has accepted this
mediation, nor upon what terms she would accept it. Here we are left
to conjecture. The Dutch Ambassadors at St Petersburg wrote last
winter to the Hague, that the Empress would not accept of this
mediation with the Emperor, but upon two preliminary conditions, viz.
that the Court of London should acknowledge the independence of
America, and accede to the principles of the late marine treaty,
concerning the rights of neutrals. To this she may have since added,
that Holland should previously be set at peace, and become a neutral
power, or she may have altered her sentiments. Here we can only
conjecture.
5. It appears, that the Kings of Denmark and Sweden have joined, or
are to join, the Empress in a new effort with the Court of London, to
persuade it to make peace with Holland. But how vigorous, or decisive
this effort is to be, or what will be their conduct, if they should
still be unsuccessful, is left only to conjecture.
6. There are hints at future events, and circumstances, which her
Majesty foresees, but the rest of the world do not, which may give her
occasion to show her good will. Here is nothing declared, nothing
promised, yet it leaves room to suppose, that her Majesty and her high
allies may have insisted on conditions from the Court of London, which
accepted, may give peace to the Republic, or rejected, may oblige
Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, to join Holland in the war. But all this
is so faint, reserved, and mysterious, that no dependence whatever can
be placed upon it. I am sorry to see the idea of a negotiation for a
general peace held up, because I am as well persuaded it is only an
insidious manoeuvre of the British Ministry, as I am that many
powers of Europe, and especially Holland, will be the dupe of it. I
confess I should dread a negotiation for a general peace at this time,
because I should expect propositions for short truces, _uti
possidetis_, and other conditions, which would leave our trade more
embarrassed, our union more precarious, and our liberties at greater
hazard, than they can be in a continuance of the war, at the same time
it would put us to as constant, and almost as great an expense.
Nevertheless, if proposals of peace, or of conferences and
negotiations to that end, should be proposed to me, which they have
not as yet from any quarter, it will be my duty to attend to them with
as much patience and delicacy too, as if I believed them sincere.
Americans must wean themselves from the hope of any signal assistance
from Europe. If all the negotiations of Congress can keep up the
reputation of the United States so far as to prevent any nation from
joining England, it will be much. But there are so many difficulties
in doing this, and so many deadly blows are aimed at our reputation
for honor, faith, integrity, union, fortitude, and power, even by
persons who ought to have the highest opinion of them, and the
tenderest regard for them, that I confess myself sometimes almost
discouraged, and wish myself returning through all the dangers of the
enemy to America, where I could not do less, and possibly might do
more for the public good.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, June 23d, 1781.
Sir,
The Deputies of the city of Zieriksee have presented to their Noble
Mightinesses, the Lords, the States of Zealand, on the 12th of this
month, their advice concerning the report of the State, of the 19th
of April last, relative to the building of vessels of war, to be done
by the College of the Admiralty of this Province, in these words, viz.
"That the venerable Regency having seen, by the Memorial of the
gentlemen, the committees of the Admiralty of this Province, annexed
to the said report, the serious difficulties which appear to oppose
themselves to the resolution of building a larger number of vessels of
war and frigates, has thought itself obliged to declare, that it is
greatly afflicted at the dangerous situation in which the Republic and
this Province are at present, being involved in a ruinous war, and
almost entirely destitute of all convenient means, which could be
employed for the safety and defence of the country; that this great
distress might furnish to the venerable Regency, one of the best
occasions to enlarge in reflections, how, by prompt directions and
active foresight, in case that the re-establishment of our marine had
really been taken to heart, the greatest obstacles alleged in the
Memorial in question might have been prevented in time; but, that a
repetition of what ought to have been executed in time, would in no
degree ameliorate the present situation of affairs; and so much the
more, as it is indispensably necessary that the deliberations
concerning the further building of ships, should be at length
terminated; the venerable Regency, then, for the present, would
abstain from making even well founded observations, which,
nevertheless, they might allege, both with regard to the contents of
the Memorial in question, and to the means of advancing with greater
vigor the construction, or to put the marine upon a more respectable
footing by another way; they content themselves then, with declaring
simply, that they are ready to concur in the completion of the
aforesaid point of construction, either by conforming to the
disposition of this report, or in any other manner whatsoever, that a
general deliberation of all the members of the State may find the most
convenient.
"That, nevertheless, the venerable Regency cannot abstain from
remarking further here, that at the beginning of this war, they had
always been persuaded that the other confederates, whose sentiments
concerning the first causes of this war have continually influenced
those of Zealand, had taken the precautions necessary to be able to
oppose the enemy conveniently, either by the national forces, or by
the efficacious assistance of their allies, but that the issue of
affairs already shows visibly with how much lukewarmness and levity,
notwithstanding the serious exhortations and informations repeatedly
made by this Province, we have conducted ourselves both with regard to
the one and the other. The venerable Regency now sees the Republic at
this moment deprived of all foreign succor, and abandoned to herself
against a formidable enemy.