SIR MAX WAECHTER

It is generally admitted that the present condition of Europe is highly

unsatisfactory. To any close observer it must be evident that Europe,

as a whole, is gradually losing its position in the world. Other

nations which are rapidly coming to the front will, in course of time,

displace the European, unless the latter can pull themselves together

and abandon the vicious system which now handicaps them In the economic

rivalry of nations.

The cause of this comparative decline is, in my opinion, to be found in

the fact that all the European countries are arming against one

another, either for defense, or for aggression, for the attack is

frequently the best form of defense. The motive for these excessive

armaments can clearly be found in the jealousy and mistrust existing

among the nations of Europe. Europe is spending on armaments something

like four hundred million pounds sterling per year, and there is a

tendency to increase this tremendous expenditure. In order to bring the

magnitude of this sacrifice more vividly before the reader, let us

assume that a European war is not likely to occur more frequently than

about every thirty years. We then find that the incredible sum of

twelve thousand million pounds sterling has been spent in peace in

preparation for this war, a sum which greatly exceeds the total of all

the European state debts. Such stupendous sums can not be raised

without imposing crushing taxation, and without neglecting the other

duties of the state, such as education, scientific research, and social

reform.

One serious economic result of this heavy taxation is that European

industry is placed at a considerable disadvantage in competing with

that of other nations, notably the United States of America. The late

Mr. Atkinson, an American authority, declared that, compared with the

United States, we were handicapped to the extent of five per cent, in

our production. Since then the figures have changed considerably in

favor of America. I recently had an opportunity of discussing this

point with a great German authority on political economy, and he fixed

the advantage in favor of the United States at nearly ten per cent, as

regards the cost of production.

But this is not all. The European countries withdraw permanently four

millions of men, at their best age, from productive work, thus causing

a terrible loss and waste. Besides, enterprise in Europe is crippled by

fear of war. It may break out at any time, possibly at a few hours'

notice. The present system of Europe must inevitably lead, sooner or

later, to a European war--a catastrophe which nobody can contemplate

without horror, considering the perfected means of destruction. Such a

war would leave the vanquished utterly crushed, and the victor in such

a state of exhaustion that any foreign Power could easily impose her

will upon him.

The situation is certainly most alarming, and ought to receive the

fullest attention. What, then, can be done to save Europe from these

impending dangers? The large number of "Peace Societies" which have

been established in different countries have done excellent spade work.

Their main object has been to insure that disputes among nations should

be referred to arbitration, with a view to making more difficult their

resorting to arms. The great success of these societies demonstrates

plainly that there is a strong tendency among the peoples in favor of

peace. But no attempt has been made to reorganize the whole of Europe

on a sound basis.

The Emperor of Russia has made a most praiseworthy effort to bring

about a different state of affairs, by originating and establishing The

Hague Conference, with a view to securing by this means the peace of

the world. This conference has done excellent service, and is likely to

be of increasing usefulness to mankind in the future; but the second

meeting of the conference has amply proved that it can not succeed in

its main object, which is the peace of the world. If the idea of

bringing the whole world into unison can ever be realized, it is only

by stages, of which the union of Europe would be the first.

Let us look at the position. Germany has been for centuries the

battle-field of other states, and has narrowly escaped national

annihilation. She has now at length succeeded in consolidating her

strength so far as to be able to withstand attack from any probable

combination of two of her powerful neighbors. Can Germany now be

approached with a request to reduce her armaments, unless she is given

the most solid guaranty against attack? It would be almost an insult to

the German intelligence to make such a proposal without an adequate

guaranty.

With France the case is similar. The third Republic has been eminently

peaceful, and Frenchmen have devoted their energies and brilliant

qualities principally to science, the fine arts, and social

development. Who would dare to ask them to cut down their armaments in

the present state of Europe, which makes it compulsory for every

country to arm to the fullest extent? All the other states are in a

similar position. They need not be discussed individually.

The only hope to be found is in such a coalition of the Powers as will

make these excessive armaments unnecessary. If this can be effected,

the reduction of armaments will take place naturally, and without any

external pressure. But then the question arises, how can the permanency

of such a coalition be guaranteed? The vital requisite to give

stability to any international coalition is community of interests.

Such a community of interests exists already, in a larger or smaller

degree, among many states, though it is unknown to most people.

Besides, it is not strong enough to prevent war in times of excitement.

In many countries definite war parties exist, and most extraordinary

opinions can be gathered from their representatives. I was assured by

some military leaders, and even by a diplomat in a responsible

position, that war is a blessing! In disproof of this theory it may be

desirable to state some plain facts. Mankind lives and exists on this

earth solely and entirely by the exploitation of our planet, and the

general average status of the peoples can be improved and raised to a

higher level only by a more complete exploitation of the forces of

nature. This process requires, in the present state of civilization,

capital, intelligence, and manual labor--the handmaid of intelligence.

War is bound to destroy an enormous amount of capital, and a great

number of the ablest workers. It is evident, therefore, that every war

must reduce the general well-being of the peoples who inhabit this

planet. Besides, there is the misery inflicted upon millions of people,

principally belonging to the poorer classes, who have always to bear

the brunt of a war, whether it be started by the personal ambition of

one man or by the misguided ambitions of a nation.

Some people argue that, from the days of Alexander the Great to those

of Napoleon, combinations of states have always been brought about by

armed force, and they believe this to be a natural law. I do not admit

that the case of Napoleon is a proper illustration of such a law. On

the contrary, his career seems to demonstrate clearly that the world is

too far advanced to be driven into combination by force. And as to

Alexander the Great, has the world really made no progress since his

time? Force or war is a relic of a savage age, and will be relegated to

the background with the advance of civilization.

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