"Russia is the rock against which the sigh for freedom breaks," said
Kossuth, the great statesman and patriot of Hungary. Although fifty
years have passed, and sigh after sigh has broken against it, the rock
still stands like a colossal monument of bygone ages. It is pointing
toward the northern star, as if to remind one of the all-enduring
fixity. Other stars may go round as they will; there is one fixed in
its place, and under that star the shadow of despotism hopes to endure
forever.
While yet in Finland I used to fancy Russia as a giant devil-fish,
whose arms extended from the Baltic to the Pacific, from the Black Sea
to the Arctic Ocean. Then I would think of my native land as a
beautiful mermaid, about whom the giant's cold, chilly arms were slowly
creeping, and I feared that some day those arms would crush her. That
day has come. The helpless mermaid lies prostrate in the clutch of the
octopus. Not that the constitution of Finland has been annulled, as has
been so often erroneously stated, and quite generally believed. The
Russian Government has made only a few inroads upon it. The great
grievance of the Finns is not with what has been absolutely done in
opposition to their ancient rights and privileges, nor in the number of
their rights which have in reality been curtailed, but with the fact
that they have henceforth no security. The real grievance of the Finns
is that the welfare of their country no longer rests upon an inviolable
constitution, but upon the caprice of the ministers.
In 1898 the reactionists succeeded in getting one of their tools
appointed as Governor-General. No sooner had General Bobrikoff taken
his high office than he declared that the Finnish right to separate
political existence was an illusion; that there was no substantial
foundation for it in any of the acts or words of Alexander I. The
people were amazed, appalled. But this was not all. Pobiedonostseff,
the Procurator of the Holy Synod, and other men as reactionary as he,
discovered the fact, or gave birth to the idea, that the fundamental
rights of Finland could be interfered with if these fundamental rights
interfered with the welfare of the Russian Empire. In other words, they
discovered a loophole which they termed legal, on the principle that
the parts should suffer for the whole, and that this principle was an
integral part of the plan of Russian government.
The abrogation of maintenance of Finland's ancient rights would seem by
this decision to rest on the arbitrary interpretation on the part of
Russia as to whether or not they interfered with the welfare of the
empire. It is possible that, according to the individual opinions of
Russian autocrats, they might all interfere with the standard of
welfare which certain individuals have arbitrarily established to fit
the occasion.
In justice to the Russian Government it should be stated, however, that
the joy of persecution was not the motive which led to the arbitrary
acts. During the time that Finland was under Swedish control, the Finns
had learned to dislike everything Russian. These anti-Russian
tendencies were accentuated, after Finland became an appanage of the
Russian crown, by the restrictive and often reactionary policy of the
Imperial Government. Such a form of government was repugnant to the
Finns, who had learned to be governed by good laws well administered,
and by an enlightened public opinion. At the same time, owing to their
larger liberties, their higher culture, and their susceptibility to
western ideals, the Finns exerted an attractive influence over the
peoples of the Baltic provinces, and even of Russia proper. A Finn
would very seldom become Russianized, while many Russians became
Finnicized. Unlike his Russian brother, the Finn enjoyed the privileges
of free conscience, free speech, and free press.
To the average Russian such a life was enchanting, and many were so
fascinated that they became citizens of Finland. In order to do so,
however, they were obliged to go through the formality of changing
their nationality and becoming subjects of the Grand Duchy. Doubtless
this was distasteful to the Russians, but so many and so great were the
advantages accruing from such a change that not a few renounced their
nationality.
Such a state of affairs seemed unnatural and antagonistic to the
propaganda of the Panslavistic party. Instead of Russian ideals
pervading the province, provincial ideals, manners, and customs were
gradually spreading into the empire. But there seemed to be no
honorable way of checking the progress of the rapidly growing Finnish
nationality. The Finns maintained that their rights and privileges and
their laws rested upon an inviolable constitution, which could be
changed only by a vote of the four estates of the Landtag. That body
would never yield.
It was at this juncture that the Procurator of the Holy Synod conceived
the idea that the fundamental rights of the Finns can be curtailed in
so far as they interfere with those of the empire. Acting according to
this new idea the Imperial Government in 1899 took for its pretext the
army service of the Finns. Heretofore, according to a hereditary
privilege, the Finns had not been called upon to serve in the Russian
Army, and their army service had been only three years to the Russian's
five. The officers of the Finnish Army were to be Finns, and this army
could not be called upon to serve outside of the Grand Duchy. This was
the first fundamental right of the Finns to be attacked by the Russian
Government. In some mysterious way the very insignificant army of
Finland "interfered with the general welfare of the Russian Empire."
Immediately following the Czar's startling proposal for a disarmament
conference in 1899 came his call for a special session of the Finnish
Landtag to extend the laws of conscription and the time of regular
service from three to five years. Furthermore, the new law provided
that instead of serving in their own country, the Finnish soldiers were
to be scattered among the various troops of the empire. By this means
it was hoped to Russianize them.
The representatives of the people had no time to consider the measure
before the Czar's decree was issued, February 17, 1899, declaring that
thenceforth the laws governing the Grand Duchy be made in the same
manner as those of the empire.
It is not necessary to dwell upon the deep feeling of indignation and
grief that pervaded the country. It has found a freer expression
outside of the Grand Duchy than within its boundaries. Wherever the
human heart is beating in sympathetic harmony with universal progress,
the oppressed Finnish people have found moral support. In spite of
this, one by one the Finns have been deprived of their hereditary
rights and privileges. To the Finns this new order of things seems
appalling. It is like the drawing of the veil of the dark ages over
their beloved country. They have lost everything that is dear to the
human heart: their language, their religion, and their independence.
They can do nothing but mourn in silence and mortification, for a
strict Russian censorship prevents the expression of their just
indignation and grief.
The present condition of Finland is apathetic. Last fall the loss of
crops was almost complete, and pestilence and famine are devastating
the country, which has been drained of its vitality by an excessive
migration and military conscription. The young men of Finland are
forced to serve five years in the Russian Army, and the country is
suffering from a lack of men to till the soil. The credit of the
country has been mined, and panic is spreading rapidly. Wholesale
migration of the more thrifty has made the already difficult problem of
readjustment more complicated. Those who remain behind are literally
suffering from physical, intellectual, and moral starvation. There is
left nothing to refresh, fertilize, and energize the nation's vitality.
The Finns are utterly helpless. In this sad extremity of their people
the best men of Finland are exerting their utmost in the endeavor to
alleviate suffering and infuse hope and inspiration among the masses.
The young Finnish party has become exasperated by the humiliation that
has been heaped upon the long-suffering people of their native land,
and its leaders have advised active resistance. The old Finnish party
has adopted the policy of passive resistance and protest. But the
inroads upon the constitution of Finland, in the form of imperial
decrees, rules, and regulations by the Governor-General and his
subordinates, have been so many and so sweeping in their character that
even the most conservative are beginning to lose patience. As long as
the unconstitutional acts affected only the political life of the
people, many were able to bear it, but when the new rules attacked the
time-honored social institutions and customs, indignation could no
longer be suppressed. For instance, the order to open private mail
caused a general protest. The postal director and his secretary refused
to sign the order and resigned. No less obnoxious was the order
forbidding public meetings and directing the governors of the different
provinces of Finland to appoint only such men to fill municipal rural
offices as will be subservient to the Governor-General. The governor of
the province of Ulrasborg resigned, while several other provinces were
already governed by pliant tools of General Bobrikoff.
The long-suppressed anxiety of the people has changed into a
heartrending sigh of anguish. These words of a national poet express
the general sentiment, "Better far than servitude a death upon the
gallows." A vicious circle has been established. The high-handed
measures cause indignation, and the Governor-General is determined to
suppress its expression. There is no safety in Finland for honest and
patriotic men. The judiciary has been made subservient to General
Bobrikoff. Latest advices are ominous. April 24, 1903, was a black day
in the history of Finland. It witnessed the inauguration of a reign of
terror which, by the ordinance of April 2d and the rescript of April
9th, General Bobrikoff had been authorized to establish.
Bobrikoff returned to Finland with authority, if necessary, to close
hotels, stores, and factories, to forbid general meetings, to dissolve
clubs and societies, and to banish without legal process any one whose
presence in the country he considered objectionable.
For 700 years Finns have been free men; now they have become Russian
serfs, and it is well to make closer connections between the Finnish
railway system and the trans-Siberian road. Finns are long-suffering
and patient, but who could endure all this?
While the expression of indignation is suppressed in Finland, outside
of the Grand Duchy, especially in Sweden, Norway, and Denmark, Russia's
relentless tyranny has made the highest officers of state as resentful
as the man in the street. Indeed entire Scandinavia is aflame with
indignation and apprehension. The leading journals are warning
Scandinavians "that the fate of Finland implies other tragedies of
similar character, unless Pan-Scandinavia becomes something more than a
political dream."