THE SPANISH WAR CLOUD.
There were but very few Americans whose warmest sympathies did not go
out to the gallant Cuban patriots who for decades struggled to throw off
the galling yoke of one of the most tyrannical governments that ever
held despotic sway over a people or devastated their country. The
several attempts at revolution were pathetic beyond words and the war
for independence that eventuated in American assistance that made Cuba
free resembled in many respects the sufferings, hardships and sacrifices
of our own forefathers in the dark days of the Revolution.
The atrocious rule of Spain in America, when she once overshadowed all
the other nations, caused her colonies, one by one, to writhe from her
grasp, until Cuba, “The Queen of the Antilles,” and Porto Rico were the
only ones of importance left.
Cuba is a very large island, being 720 miles long with an average width
of 60 miles and an area equal to more than one-half of all the other
West India Islands together. Being so near to the United States
geographically and of such close importance commercially and socially, a
widespread feeling had long existed in this Republic, and especially in
the Gulf States that the “Ever Faithful Isle” should be associated with
this government as a part of the Republic, but as there would have been
no excuse for such annexation under international law, without the
consent of Spain, of course the matter had never been officially
considered.
Nevertheless Cuba became a favorite field for American filibusters, and
from 1849 to 1852 three such expeditions were made from this country,
incited by Narcisso Lopez, a South American adventurer, who led Governor
Dintman of Mississippi and other Southerners to believe that Cuba was
ready for revolt and annexation to the United States. All these
expeditions failed and Lopez was captured and executed by the Spanish
authorities in Cuba.
Many pathetic and dramatic incidents marked these spasmodic attempts at
revolution, the death of W. L. Crittenden, son of the Attorney-General
of the United States, being one of the most striking of them. Crittenden
was a graduate of West Point and resigned a colonelcy in the army in
1851 that he might aid the Cubans in their struggle for liberty. He
succeeded in landing on the island and was left with one hundred and
fifty men to guard the baggage and ammunition, while Lopez with a larger
body of men marched into the interior. Lopez was attacked before he had
proceeded further than a few miles, and, being compelled to surrender,
his execution followed quickly. An overwhelming assault was then made
upon Crittenden and his little force, but after offering the most
desperate resistance Crittenden was taken prisoner with all of the
survivors of his band. They were taken to Havana, and condemned to
death, without trial.
August 16, 1851, an immense crowd gathered to witness the execution. The
prisoners were ordered to kneel, facing a stone wall, and with their
backs toward the soldiers a few paces away. When the command was given
to Crittenden he wheeled about, and, standing in an attitude of
defiance, said:
“A Kentuckian never turns his back on an enemy, and kneels only to his
God!”
Thus refusing to obey the order, he was shot dead where he stood.
Other filibustering expeditions have since been made to Cuba, and
several times the people revolted against Spain, but in every instance
she crushed the rebellion with a bloody and merciless hand.
The insurrection of 1895 broke out in February, and the situation became
so critical that the home government authorized the Governor-General to
proclaim martial law. At the same time Jose Marti and General Maximo
Gomez arrived in the island. The former had been nominated by the
revolutionary junta to be head of the provisional government, while
Gomez was to take chief command of the insurgent forces. There were two
rallying points for the insurgents, one in the province of Matanzas in
the western end, and the other in the province of Santiago in the
eastern end.
At the beginning there was little organization among the rebels, but as
time passed, discipline came and the object of the patriots was clearly
defined. They had among them a number of skilled officers, who, like
many of the privates, had been active in former revolts, and were full
of ardor for the liberty of their native land.
One plan of the patriots was to establish free communication among
themselves, through every part of the island, and to press as near
Havana, the headquarters of the loyalists, as possible. The outlook for
success was more promising than ever before, and never was the
enthusiasm among the Cubans and their friends at so high a point. Money
was liberally gathered in New York, and from many of the leading cities
of the United States, arms, ammunition, supplies, and brave men were
shipped to Cuba, most of them managing to elude the vigilance of the
Spanish cruisers and to join the insurgents, who, in early autumn, had
an army numbering fully 30,000 in the field. This was in two divisions,
the eastern commanded by General Maceo, while the western, occupying the
province of Puerto Principe, was under General Gomez. The Spanish army
was more than double in numbers, though the force available was about
equal to that of the insurgents.
The Spanish troops were under the command of Marshal Martinez de Campos,
probably the ablest general in Spain. His plan was to march eastward
from Havana, clearing out the rebels as far as the province of Santiago
de Cuba; but insurmountable difficulties interfered with his purpose.
The insurgents were familiar with the ground, were skilled in the use of
arms, thoroughly acclimated and abounding with patriotic ardor. The
Spanish soldiers were neither inured to the trying climate, nor familiar
with the rough country through which they had to fight their way.
Meanwhile, Spain was in financial straits, but after a time secured a
large loan and announced its determination to crush the rebellion at
whatever cost of life and treasure. Reinforcements were sent to Cuba,
and it was plain that the home government would never loosen her grip
upon the throat of her last American possession until her hand was pried
loose.
The Cubans appointed a permanent government in October and adopted a
constitution. The President was Salvador Cisnero, Vice-President,
Bartolome Masso, with Carlos Roloff secretary of war, Maximo Gomez
general-in-chief, and Antonio Maceo his lieutenant-general. In this new
government five of the six provinces were represented.
General Campos, being recalled by the home government, was succeeded by
General Weyler, characterized as “The Butcher,” because of his cruelty
to prisoners.
Spain in 1896 took great offence at the pronounced friendship of the
American Congress to Cuba, which was indeed only a reflex of the
feelings of the nation. Many members of Congress, indeed, and millions
of the people of the country strongly favored interference on behalf of
Cuba, with the certainty of war with Spain, but the more conservative
only favored the granting of belligerent rights to the insurgents.
The increase of Spanish cruelties in the island and Spain’s arrogant
demands upon the United States, became so offensive that in his message
to Congress December 6, 1897, President McKinley reviewed in detail the
Cuban situation and showed how he had on repeated occasions entered
protests against Spain’s uncivilized methods of warfare against the
Cuban insurgents. Of the different lines of action open to the United
States he rejected recognition of the insurgents as belligerents, and
recognition of Cuban independence, and advocated that of intervention on
the ground of humanity.
On February 15, 1898, the United States Battleship Maine that had been
sent to Havana on a friendly mission, and at all events as a visitor
from a neutral power, was blown up in Havana harbor. Instantly the
country was ablaze and a just and true course for the administration
became difficult. House and Senate both proved impetuous and indulged in
heated debates, whose prevailing sentiment was speedy war with Spain,
without waiting the results of investigation by either the Navy
Department or other commissions.
President McKinley remained calm and retained hope of a peaceful
settlement. He was chided by the hot-headed of both parties. It became
plain that Congress was bent upon some radical step, and the President
took occasion again, April 11, to review the entire Spanish and Cuban
situation in a special and deliberate message, and to state that he had
now exhausted every obligation imposed on him by the constitution to
relieve an intolerable condition of affairs. He therefore left the issue
with Congress, with the request that it authorize him to intervene for
the purpose of stopping the war in Cuba and securing a stable government
for the island by the use of the military and naval forces of the United
States.
On April 19 Congress, after exciting debates, passed a joint resolution
demanding that Spain relinquish at once her authority in Cuba and
withdraw her land and naval forces, and that the President of the United
States be empowered to use the entire land and naval forces of the
United States, and to call on the militia of the several states to carry
the resolution into effect.
On the next day the Spanish minister at Washington demanded his
passports, and Spain declared diplomatic relations with the United
States ended. A state of war existed, and Sampson’s fleet was ordered to
blockade Cuban ports.
President McKinley threw into the war all his personal experience as a
soldier, all his energy as a statesman, and all the power and influence
of his administration, which last he had so deliberately and happily
conducted as to leave it and the country free from the charge of seeking
war in a hasty spirit and through selfish aims. It was an unsought war,
one rendered necessary only after every honorable means to avert it had
been exhausted, one whose existence was justified by every humanitarian
principle. But it was nevertheless one to be fought in earnest and to
the nation’s glory. So it was fought. The country and Congress reposed
the utmost confidence in the President. He had acted wisely in every
preliminary step. He had disarmed fear of intervention by foreign
powers. Congress voted him fifty millions of dollars to meet preliminary
and extraordinary expenses, and on April 23 he called for 125,000
volunteers. The complement was quickly filled, and on May 25 he called
for 75,000 additional men. The response was immediate. Transports were
provided for the invasion of Cuba, the navy was strengthened by
additional ships and Commodore Dewey, in command of the naval squadron
at Hongkong was ordered to strike the Spaniards at Manila, and on May 1
occurred the great battle there which resulted in the destruction of the
Spanish fleet, and the events that followed to give to the United States
the group of islands, known as the Philippines that are so opulent in
resource as to be of great commercial value, as well as strategic. These
events are matters of history familiar to all readers, or readily
available in the records of the war.
Thus from April 19, when a state of war was recognized, to August 12,
when the protocol was signed, within a period of 115 days, the United
States had swept from Spain her island possessions in both the West and
East Indies, destroyed her effective fleets and humbled her in the eyes
of nations. Victory was as complete as the war had been brief and
brilliant. Congress and the country had stood by the administration as
it had stood by them.
As executive of the nation and Commander-in-Chief of its forces,
President McKinley had achieved for his country a new place among the
powers, and his directing hand was more than ever needed to guide her
through the intricate paths of responsibility entailed by signal
victory. And, let it be remembered in this connection, that the
multitudinous problems of conquest were of a kind wholly within his
keeping until Congress could act upon them. As head of the military he
alone was responsible for that provisional rule of ceded territory which
its holding, its peace, or its disposition under treaty terms required.
In all that affair of the Spanish war President McKinley stood a watch
tower and bulwark, a light and a safeguard. His sense of right and
justice prevented heedless and harmful complications. His wisdom and
patriotism placed the Republic in equity before the nations. His
sagacious statesmanship attained the proper war footing when war was
inevitable; his soldier experience and general knowledge of war made of
him a successful commander-in-chief. His humanity and fairness, the
honor and manhood that were his, gave him breadth and the country credit
in the clearing up of the situation.
Never until that hour when President McKinley, commissioned by his
country and blest by his God, issued the Republic’s mandate to a king,
had the United States of America for one hour ventured to take part in
the affairs of nations. Singularly strong, admittedly brave and
progressive, confessedly full of the vigor drawn from the best blood in
all nations, it had never asked for place beside them, nor joined in
their age-old contendings for spoil. And never in the century and a
quarter of our national life had the kings and emperors of Europe given
more than a good-humored credence to the theory that the American
Republic was a nation. It was no small matter to so wisely choose the
time, so judiciously select the occasion as that America’s entrance into
the affairs of the world should meet no united opposition in the
conservative courts of the continent. A day too soon or a day too late,
a warrant less adequate or a reason more impelling, would have arrayed
the world against the Republic, and launched a nation of peace upon a
limitless era of war.
But the master hand of this Chief Executive saw the instant under the
shadow of the Spanish war-cloud when advance might be sounded; and that
moment, well employed, lifted the Republic to the crest of the world,
widened her borders and enriched her people, and made substantial peace
a certainty.
He proved himself a prophet and statesman in peace, a soldier and leader
in war, equally strong in all situations.
Able, fair, fearless, successful was his record in this—as in all
things.