About this time, in the beginning of[111_The Works of John Knox, Volume 2 (of 6)

Court remained at Edinburgh, the banished Lords, by all means

possible, by writings and their friends, made suit and means to the

King and Queen's Majesties, to be received into favour.

[1112] This date is left blank in both edit. 1644.

At this time the Abbot of Kylwinning came from Newcastle to Edinburgh,

and after he had gotten audience of the King and Queen, with great

difficulty he got pardon for the Duke and his friends and servants,

upon this condition, that he should pass into France; which he did

soon after.[1113]

[1113] Gavin Hamilton, Abbot of Kilwinning, delivered up the Castles

of Hamilton and Draffen, on the 20th January 1565-6. On the 28th of

that month he departed from Edinburgh towards England, having obtained

licence to pass to France and Flanders, and to remain for five years,

with the intention of accompanying the Duke of Chattelherault.

(Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 86.)

The five and twentieth of December convened in Edinburgh the

Commissioners of the churches within this Realm, for the Generall

Assemblie: There assisted to them the Earls of Morton and Marr, the

Lord Lindsay, and Secretary Lethington, with some Barons and

gentlemen. The principall things that were agreed and concluded, were,

That forasmuch as the Masse, with such idolatry and Papisticall

ceremonies, were still maintained expressly against the Act of

Parliament, and the proclamations made at the Queen's arrivall; and

that the Queen had promised that she would hear conference and

disputation; that the Church therefore offered to prove by the Word of

God, that the doctrine preached within this Realm was according to the

Scriptures; and that the Masse, with all the Papisticall doctrine, was

but the invention of men, and mere idolatry. Secondly, That by reason

of the change of the Comptroller, who had put in new collectors,

forbidding them to deliver any thing to the Ministry, and by these

means the Ministry was like to decay and faill, contrary to the

ordinance made in the yeer of God 1562, in favour and support of the

Ministry.

During this time, as the Papists flocked to Edinburgh for making

court, some of them that had been Friers, as black Abercrommy and

Roger, presented supplication to the Queen's Majesty, desiring in

effect, that they might be permitted to preach; which was easily

granted. The noyse was further, that they offered disputation: For as

the Court stood, they thought they had a great advantage already, by

reason they knew the King to be of their Religion, as well as the

Queen, with some part of the Nobility, who with the King after

declared themselves openly: And especially the Queen was governed by

the Earls of Lennox and Athole; but in matters most weighty and of

greatest importance, by David Rizio, the Italian afore mentioned, who

went under the name of the French Secretary; by whose means, all grave

matters, of what weight soever, must pass; providing always, that his

hands were anoynted. In the mean time he was a manifest enemy to the

Evangell, and therefore a greater enemy to the banished Lords. And at

this time, the principall Lords that waited at Court were divided in

opinions; for the Earl of Morton, Chancellor, with the Earl of Marr,

and Secretary Lethington, were on the one part; and the Earls of

Huntley and Bothwell on the other part, so that a certain drynesse was

amongst them; nevertheless, by means of the Earl of Athole, they were

reconciled. Now, as there was preparation made by the Papists for

Christmas, the Queen being then at Masse, the King came publikely, and

bare company; and the Friers preached the days following, always using

another stile then they had done seven years before, during which time

they had not preached publikely: they were so little esteemed, that

they continued not long in preaching.

[Sidenote: At the end of this Book you shall finde this.]

At the same time, convened in Edinburgh the Generall Assembly[1114] of

the Ministers, and Commissioners of the Churches Reformed within this

Realm: There assisted them of the Nobility, the Earls of Morton and

Marr, the Lord Lindsay, and Secretary Lethington, with others. The

chief things that were concluded in this Assembly, were, That for the

avoyding of the plagues and scourges of God, which appeared to come

upon the people for their sins and ingratitude, there should be

proclaimed by the Ministers a Publike Fast,[1115] to be universally

observed thorowout all the Reformed Churches; which manner of Fasting

was soon after devised by John Knox, at the command of the Church, and

put in print, wherefore needs not here to be recited in this place.

What followed upon the said Fast, shall be plainly, God willing,

declared. The second thing that was ordained in this Assembly, was,

concerning the Ministers, who, for want of payment of their stipends,

were like to perish, or else to leave their Ministry; wherefore it was

found necessary, that Supplication should be made to the King and

Queen's Majesties: And for the same purpose, a certain number of the

most able men were elected to go to their Majesties aforesaid, to

lament and bemoan their case; which persons had commission to propose

some other things, as shall be declared.

[1114] The General Assembly met on the 25th December 1565. The first

part of this paragraph is reprinted from the former page. It will be

observed that various other repetitions occur in this Fifth Book.

[1115] On the 28th December, the Assembly, "with one voice, ordained

Mr. Knox and Mr. Craig, ministers at Edinburgh, to sett doun the Forme

of a Publick Fast, with the Exercises to be used in the same, and to

cause Robert Lekprevik to print it." It was accordingly set forth in

1566, as "The Ordour and Doctrine of the Generall Faste," &c., and was

usually printed along with the Psalm Books, which contained the Common

Prayers; but it is not added to Buchanan's edition of Knox, as stated

in the above marginal note. It will be included in a subsequent volume

of the present series.

The names of them that past from the Church to the King and Queen's

Majesties, were, Master John Spotswood, Superintendent of Lowthian;

John Winrame, Superintendent of Fyfe; Master John Row, Minister of

Perth; Master David Lindsay, Minister of Leith; who easily obtained

audience of the King and Queen's Majesties: And after their reverence

done, Master John Row, in name of the rest, opened the matter,

lamenting and bewailing the miserable state of the poor Ministers,

who by publike command had been reasonably satisfied three years or

more, by virtue of the Act made with advice of the Honourable Privie

Councell, for the taking up of the Thirds of the Benefices, which was

especially made in their favours: Nevertheless the Laird of

Tillibardin, new Comptroller, would answer them nothing; wherefore,

they besought their Majesties for relief.

_Secondly_, Seeing that in all supplications made to the King and

Queen's Majesties by the Church at all times, they desired most

earnestly that all idolatry and superstition, and especially the

Masse, should be rooted out and abolished quite out of this Realm; and

that in the last Generall Assembly of the Church, by their

Commissioners, they had most earnestly desired the same; and that

their answer was then, that they knew no impediment in the Masse;

therefore, the Assembly desired, That it might please their Highnesses

to hear disputation, to the end that such as now pretend to preach in

the Chappell Royall, and maintain such errours; the truth being tryed

by disputation, that they might be known to be abusers, submitting

themselves always to the word of God written in the Scriptures.

To this it was answered by the Queen, That she was always minded that

the Ministers should be paid their stipends; and if there was any

fault therein, the same came by some of their own sort, meaning the

Comptroller Pittarow,[1116] who had the handling of the Thirds: Always

by the advice of her Councell she should cause such order to be taken

therein, that none should have occasion to complain. As to the second,

She would not jeopard her Religion upon such as were there present;

for she knew well enough that the Protestants were more learned.

[1116] Sir John Wishart of Pittarrow, Comptroller: see page 311, note

The Ministers and Commissioners of Churches perceiving nothing but

delay, and driving off time in the old manner, went home every one to

their own churches, waiting upon the good providence of God,

continually making supplication unto Almighty God, that it would

please him of his mercy to remove the apparent plague. And in the mean

time the Queen was busied with banquetting about with some of the

Lords of the Session of Edinburgh, and after with all men of law,

having continually in her company David Rizio, who sat at table near

to her self, sometimes more privately then became a man of his

condition, for his over-great familiarity was already suspected; and

it was thought, that by his advice alone the Queen's sharpness and

extremity towards the Lords was maintained.

In the end of January, arrived an Ambassadour from France, named

Monsieur Rambullet,[1117] having with him about fourty horse in trayn,

who came thorow England. He brought with him the Order of the Cockle

from the King of France, to the King, who received the same at the

Masse, in the Chappell of the Palace of Halyrud-house. There assisted

the Earls of Lenox, Athole, and Eglington, with diverse such other

Papists as would please the Queen; who, three days after, caused the

herald to convene in Councell, and reasoned what armes should be given

to the King: some thought he should have the Armes of Scotland; some

others said, Seeing it was not concluded in Parliament, that he

should have the Crown Matrimoniall, he could have armes but only as

Duke of Rothesay, Earl of Rosse, &c. The Queen bade give him only his

due; whereby it was perceived her love waxed cold towards him.

Finally, his armes were left blank; and the Queen caused put her own

name before her husband's in all writs; and thereafter she caused to

leave out his name wholly: And because formerly he had signed every

thing of any moment, she caused to make a seal like the King's, and

gave it to David Rizio, who made use of it by the Queen's command,

alleadging, That the King being at his pastime, could not always be

present.

[1117] The Ambassador from France to Scotland, Messire Jaques

d'Augennes, Seigneur de Rembouillet, is mentioned in Queen Mary's

letters, in February 1566. (Labanoff, vol. i. pp. 319, 327.) He

arrived in Edinburgh, on Monday the 4th February 1565-6, having come

through England with a train of thirty-six horse. (Diurnal of

Occurrents, p. 87.) The object of his mission was to invest Henry Lord

Darnley with the Order of St. Michael, commonly called the "Order of

the Cockle;" the same honour having previously been conferred, at

Windsor, on the Duke of Norfolk and the Earl of Leicester. On the 10th

February, "at 12 hours befoir none, the Kingis Majestie, (Darnley,)

accumpanyit with his Nobillis in Halyrud-hous, ressavit the Ordour of

Knycht-heid of the Cockill fra the said Rambolat, Ambassatour

foirsaid, with great magnificence." Various banquets were given to the

Ambassador both in the Palace and Castle of Edinburgh; and he took his

departures on the 14th of that month, returning through England. (ib.

p. 87.)

About the same time, the Earle of Glencarne came from Barwicke to his

own country. Soon after the Earle of Bothwell was married unto the

Earle of Huntley his sister. The Queen desired that the marriage might

be made in the Chappell at the Masse; which the Earle Bothwell would

in no wise grant. Upon Sunday, the third day of March, began the

fasting at Edinburgh. The seventh day of March, the Queen came from

the Pallace of Hallirud-house to the Town, in wondrous gorgious

apparell, albeit the number of Lords and train was not very great. In

the mean time the King, accompanied with seven or eight horse, went to

the Leith to pass his time there, for he was not like to get the Crown

Matrimoniall.

In the Tolbooth was devised and named the heads of the Articles that

were drawn against the banished Lords. Upon the morrow, and Saturday

following, there was great reasoning concerning the Attainder: some

alleadged, that the summons was not well libelled or dressed; others

thought the matter of treason was not sufficiently proved; and indeed

they were still seeking proof, for there was no other way but the

Queen would have them all attainted, albeit the time was very short;

the twelfth day of March should have been the day, which was the

Tuesday following.

Now, the matter was stayed by a marvellous tragedy, for by the Lords,

(upon the Saturday before, which was the ninth of March, about

supper-time,) David Rizio the Italian, named the French Secretary, was

slain in the gallery, below stairs, (the King staying in the room with

the Queen, told her, that the designe was only to take order with that

villain,) after that he had been taken violently from the Queen's

presence, who requested most earnestly for the saving of his life:

which act was done by the Earle of Morton, the Lord Ruthven, the Lord

Lindsay, the Master of Ruthven, with divers other Gentlemen. They

first purposed to have hanged him, and had provided cords for the same

purpose; but the great haste which they had, moved them to dispatch

him with whingers or daggers, wherewith they gave him three and fifty

strokes. They sent away, and put forth all sich persons as they

suspected.

The Earles Bothwell and Huntley hearing the noise and clamour, came

suddenly to the Close, intending to have made work, if they had had a

party strong enough; but the Earle Morton commanded them to pass to

their chamber, or else they should do worse: At the which words they

retyred immediately, and so past forth at a back window, they two

alone, and with great fear came forth of the town to Edmistone, on

foot, and from thence to Crichton.

This David Rizio was so foolish, that not only he had drawn unto him

the managing of all affaires, the King set aside, but also his

equipage and train did surpass the King's; and at the Parliament that

was to be, he was ordained to be Chancellour; which made the Lords

conspire against him: They made a bond to stand to the religion and

liberties of the countrey, and to free themselves of the slavery of

the villain David Rizio: The King and his father subscribed to the

Bond,[1118] for they durst not trust the King's word without his

signet.

[1118] On the 1st March 1565-6. (See Chalmers's Life of Queen Mary,

vol. ii. p. 517.)

There was a French priest (called John Daniot) who advised David Rizio

to make his fortune, and be gone, for the Scots would not suffer him

long. His answer was, That the Scots would bragg but not fight. Then

he advised him to beware of the bastard. To this he answered, That the

bastard should never live in Scotland in his time; (he meant the Earl

Murray,) but it happened that one George Dowglas, bastard son to the

Earl of Angus, gave him the first stroke. The Queen, when she heard he

was dead, left weeping, and declared she would study revenge, which

she did.

Immediately it was noised in the town of Edinburgh, that there was

murther committed within the King's Palace, wherefore the Provest

caused to ring the common bell, or, _Sonner le toksain_, (as the

French speaks,) and straightway past to the Palace, having about four

or five hundred men in warlike manner; and as they stood in the utter

court, the King called to the Provest, commanding him to pass home

with his company, saying, The Queen and he were merry. But the Provest

desired to hear the Queen speak her self; whereunto it was answered by

the King, "Provest, know you not that I am King? I command you to pass

home to your houses;" and immediately they retired.

The next day (which was the second Sunday of our Fast in Edinburgh)

there was a proclamation made in the King's name, subscribed with his

hand, That all Bishops, Abbots, and other Papists should avoid and

depart the town; which proclamation was indeed observed, for they had

"a flea in their hose." There were letters sent forth in the King's

name, and subscribed with his hand, to the Provest and Bailiffs of

Edinburgh, the Bailiffs of Leith and Canongate, commanding them to be

ready in armour to assist the King and his company, and likewise other

private writings directed to divers Lords and gentlemen, to come with

all expedition. In the mean time, the Queen, being above measure

enraged, offended, and troubled, as the issue of the matter declared,

sometime railing upon the King, and sometime crying out at the

windows, desired her servants to set her at libertie; for she was

highly offended and troubled.

This same tenth of March, the Earl of Murray, with the rest of the

Lords and Noblemen that were with him, having received the King's

letter, (for after the Bond, above named, was subscribed, the King

wrote unto the banished Lords to return into their countrey, being one

of the articles of the said Bond,) came at night to the Abbey, being

also convoyed by the Lord Hume, and a great company of the Borderers,

to the number of 1000 horses. And first, after he had presented

himself to the King, the Queen was informed of his sudden coming, and

therefore sent unto him, commanding him to come to her; and he

obeying, went to her, who, with a singular gravitie received him,

after that he had made his purgation, and declared the over-great

affection which he bore continually to her Majestie. The Earles of

Athole, Cathnes, and Sutherland, departed out of the town, with the

Bishops, upon the Munday, the third day after the slaughter of David

Rizio. The Earls of Lenox, Murray, Morton, and Rothes, Lords Ruthven,

Lindsay, Boyd, and Ochiltrie, sitting in Councell, desired the Queen,

that forasmuch as the thing which was done could not be undone, that

she would (for avoiding of greater inconveniences) forget the same,

and take it as good service, seeing there were so many Noblemen

restored. The Queen dissembling her displeasure and indignation, gave

good words, nevertheless she desired, That all persons armed or

otherwise, (being within the Palace at that time,) should remove,

leaving the Palace void of all, saving only her domestick servants.

The Lords being perswaded by the uxorious King, and the facile Earl of

Murray, condescended to her desire, who finally, the next morning, two

hours before day, past to Seaton, and then to Dumbar, having in her

company the simple King, who was allured by her sugred words. From

Dumbar immediately were sent pursuivants with letters thorowout the

countrey; and especially letters to the Noblemen and Barons,

commanding them to come to Dumbar, to assist the King and Queen within

five days. In the mean time the Lords being informed of the [Queen's]

sudden departure, they were astonished, and knew not what were best

for them to do: But because it was the self-same day (to wit, the

twelfth day of March) that they were summoned unto; therefore, having

good opportunity, they past to the Tolbooth, which was richly hung

with tapistry, and adorned, (but not for them,) and set themselves,

making protestations, the Earl of Glencarne, and some others being

present. The Earl of Argyle, who was written for by the King, came to

Lithgow; and being informed of the matter, he remained there.

After this manner above specified, to wit, by the death of David

Rizio, the Noblemen were relieved of their trouble, and restored to

their places and rooms: And likewise the Church Reformed, and all that

professed the Evangell within this Realm, after fasting and prayer,

was delivered and freed from the apparent dangers which were like to

have fallen upon them; for if the Parliament had taken effect, and

proceeded, it was thought by all men of the best judgement, that the

true Protestant Religion should have been wrackt, and Popery erected;

and for the same purpose, there were certain woodden altars made, to

the number of twelve, found ready in the Chappell of the Palace of

Halyrud-House, which should have been erected in Saint Gyles his

Church.

The Earls Bothwell and Huntley being informed of the King and Queen's

sudden departure forth of Edinburgh, came to Dumbar, where they were

most graciously received by the Queen's Majesty; who consulting with

them and the Master of Maxwell, together with Parson Owin[1119] and

Parson Fliske,[1120] chief Councellors, what was best to be done, and

how she should be revenged upon the murtherers. At first they did

intend to go forward, and leaving no manner of cruelty unpractised,

putting to death all such as were suspected: This was the opinion of

such as would obey their Queen's rage and fury for their own

advantage; but in the end they concluded, that she should come to

Edinburgh with all the force and power she could make, and there

proceed to justice: and for the same purpose, she caused to summon, by

open proclamation, all persons of defence, and all Noblemen and

Gentlemen, to come to her in Dumbar incontinent. In the mean time, the

Captains laboured by all means to take up, and enroll men and women.

The Earles of Morton, Murray, Glencarne, Rothesse, with the rest that

were in Edinburgh, being informed of the Queen's fury and anger

towards the committers of the slaughter; and perceiving they were not

able to make any party, thought it best to give place to her fury for

a time; for they were divided in opinions, and finally, departed out

of Edinburgh, upon Sunday the seventeenth of March, every one a

severall way; for the Queen's Majesty was now bent only against the

slayers of David Rizio; and to the purpose she might be the better

revenged upon them, she intended to give pardon to all such as before

had been attainted, for whatsoever crime.

[1119] Mr. John Lesley, Parson of Oyne, was at this time raised to the

Bench, and made Bishop of Ross.

[1120] Mr. James Balfour, Parson of Flisk, was admitted Clerk

The eighteenth day of March, the King and Queen came to Edinburgh,

having in their company horse and foot to the number of 8000 men;

whereof there were four companies of foot-men of war. The Town of

Edinburgh went out to meet them, for fear of war. And finally, coming

within the town, in most awfull manner they caused to place their men

of war within the town, and likewise certain field-pieces against

their lodging, which was in the middle of the town, over against the

Salt Trone: Now, a little before the Queen's entrance into the town,

all that knew of her cruell pretence and hatred towards them, fled

here and there, and amongst others, Master James Macgill the Clerk

The chief Secretary Lethington was gone before; likewise John Knox

past west to Kyle: The men of war likewise kept the ports or gates.

Within five days after their entry, there was a proclamation made at

the Market-Cross, for the purgation of the King from the aforesaid

slaughter; which made all understanding men laugh at the passages of

things, since the King not only had given his consent, but also had

subscribed the bond afore-named; and the business was done in his

name, and for his honour, if he had had wisdom to know it.

[1121] Mr. James Makgill, Sir John Bellenden, and Alexander Guthrie:

See pages 156, 291.

After this proclamation, the King lost his credit among all men, and

so his friends, by this his inconstancy and weakness. And in the mean

time, the men of war committed great outrages in breaking up doors,

thrusting themselves into every house: And albeit the number of them

were not great, yet the whole town was too little for them. Soon

after, the King and Queen past to the Castle, and caused to warn all

such as had absented themselves, by open proclamation, to appear

before their Majesties and the Privy Councell within six days, under

pain of rebellion; which practice was devised in the Earl of Huntley's

case, before the battle of Corrichy. And because they appeared not,

they were denounced rebells, and put to the horne, and immediately

thereafter, their escheats given or taken up by the Treasurer. There

was a certain number of the townsmen charged to enter themselves

prisoners in the Tolbooth, and with them were put in certain

gentlemen: where, after they had remained eight days, they were

convoyed down to the Palace by the men of war, and then kept by them

eight days more: And of that number was Thomas Scot,[1122]

Sheriff-depute of Saint Johnston, who was condemned to death, and

executed cruelly, to wit, hanged and quartered, for keeping the Queen

in prison, as was alleadged, although it was by the King's command:

And two men likewise were condemned to death, and carried likewise to

the ladder foot; but the Earl Bothwell presented the Queen's ring to

the Provest, which then was justice, for safety of their life. The

names of those two were John Mowbray, merchant, and William Harlow,

sadler. About the same time, notwithstanding all this hurliburly, the

Ministers of the Church and professors of Religion ceased not; as for

the people, they convened to publike prayers and preaching with

boldness; yea, a great number of Noblemen assisted likewise. The Earl

Bothwell had now, of all men, greatest access and familiarity with the

Queen, so that nothing of any great importance was done without him;

for he shewed favour to such as liked him; and amongst others, to the

Lairds of Ormeston, Hawton, and Calder,[1123] who was so reconciled

unto him, that by his favour they were relieved of great trouble.

[1122] Thomas Scott of Cambusmichaell, Sheriff-Depute of Perth,

William Harlaw, and John Mowbray, burgesses of Edinburgh, were tried

and convicted 1st April 1560. (Pitcairn's Crim. Trials, vol. i. p.

480*.) Scott, on the following day, was hanged and quartered; but the

two others were reprieved when brought to the gallows. (Diurnal of

Occurrents, p. 98.) This remission of their sentence was granted upon

Bothwell's intercession.

[1123] John Cockburn of Ormiston, William Lauder of Halton, and John

Sandilands of Calder.

The Earls of Argyle and Murray, at the Queen's command, past to

Argyle, where, after they had remained about a month, they were sent

for by the Queen; and coming to Edinburgh, they were received by the

Queen into the Castle, and banquetted, the Earls of Huntley and

Bothwell being present. At this time the King grew to be contemned and

disesteemed, so that scarcely any honour was done to him, and his

Father likewise.

About Easter, the King past to Sterlin, where he was shriven after the

Papist manner: and in the meane time, at the Palace of Halyrud-house,

in the Chappell, there resorted a great number to the Masse, albeit

the Queen remained still in the Castle, with her Priests of the

Chappell Royall, where they used ceremonies after the Popish manner.

At the same time departed this life, Master John Sinclair, Bishop of

Rosse [Brechin], and Dean of Restalrig, of whom hath been oft mention,

President of the Colledge of Justice, called the Session; who also

succeeded in the said office and dignity after the decease of his

brother, Master John [Henry] Sinclair, Bishop of Rosse, Dean of

Glasgow, who departed this life at Paris, about a year before. They

were both learned in the laws, and given to maintain the Popish

religion, and therefore great enemies to the Protestants. A little

before died Master Abraham Crichton, who had been President

likewise.[1124] Now, in their rooms, the Queen placed such as she

pleased, and had done her service, (always very unfit.) The patrimony

of the Kirk, Bishopricks, Abbeys, and such other Benefices, were

disposed by the Queen to courtiers, dancers, and flatterers. The Earl

Bothwell, whom the Queen preferred above all others, after the decease

of David Rizio, had for his part Melrosse, Hadington, and New Battell;

likewise the Castle of Dumbar was given to him, with the principall

lands of the Earldom of Merche, which were of the patrimony of the

Crown.

[1124] There are several inaccuracies in this paragraph in both

editions 1644. As elsewhere stated, Mr. Henry Sinclair, Rector of

Glasgow, who became Bishop of Ross, and President, died in Paris on

the 1st January 1564-5. His brother, Mr. John Sinclair, Dean of

Restalrig, became Bishop of Brechin, and President of the Court of

Session. He died in James Mosman's house, in Forrester's Wynd,

Edinburgh, on the 9th April 1566. (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 98.)

Abraham Creighton, Provost of Dunglass, and Official of Lothian, was

appointed a Judge on the 17th February 1547-8. His death took place

before the l5th November 1565; and it is quite certain he never was

President of the Court of Session. (Haig and Brunton's Senators, &c.,

pp. 58, 63, 92.)

At the same time, the Superintendents, with the other Ministers of the

Churches, perceiving the Ministery like to decay for lack of payment

of stipends to Ministers, they gave this Supplication at Edinburgh.

_The Supplication of the Ministers to the Queen._

"UNTO your Majesty, and your most honourable Councel, most

humbly and lamentably complains your Highnesse poor Orators,

the Superintendents, and other Ministers of the Reformed

Church of God, travelling thorowout all your Highnesse

Realm, in teaching and instructing your lieges in all

quarters, in the knowledge of God, and Christ Jesus his

Sonne; That where your Majesty, with the advice of the

Councell and Nobility aforesaid, moved by godly zeal,

concluded and determined, that the travelling ministry

thorowout this Realm, should bee maintained upon the rents

of the Benefices of this Realm of Scotland; and for that

cause your Majestie, with the advice of the Counsell and

Nobility aforesaid, upon the 15. day of December 1562, in

like manner concluded and determined, That if the said part

of the rents of the whole Benefices Ecclesiasticall within

this Realm would be sufficient to maintain the Ministers

thorowout the whole Realm, and to support your Majesty in

the setting forward of your common affaires, should be

employed accordingly: Failing thereof, the Third part of the

said fruits, or more, to be taken up yearly in time comming,

untill a generall order be taken therein; as the act made

thereupon at more length bears: Which being afterward

considered by your Majestie, the whole Thirds of the fruits

aforesaid were propounded to the uses aforesaid, by Act of

Councell. And we your Majestie's poore Orators, put in

peaceable possession of the part assigned by your Majestie

to us, by the space of three years, or thereabouts, which we

did enjoy without interruption; notwithstanding all this,

now of late, we your Majestie's poore Orators aforesaid, are

put wrongfully and unjustly from their aforesaid part of the

above specified Thirds, by your Majestie's officers, and

thereby brought to such extreme penury, and extreme

distress, as we are not able any longer to maintain our

selves. And albeit we have given in divers and sundry

complaints to your Majestie herein, and have received divers

promises of redress, yet have we found no relief: Therefore,

we most humbly beseech your Majesty to consider our most

grievous complaint, together with the right above specified,

whereon the same is grounded. And if your Majesty, with the

advice of your Councell aforesaid, finds our right

sufficient to continue us in possession of our part assigned

to us, while, and untill a generall order be taken; which

possession was ratified by the yearly allowance of your

Majesties Exchequer's accompt, that your Majestie would

grant us letters upon the aforesaid Act and Ordinance past

thereupon, against all intromettors and medlers with the

aforesaid Thirds, to answer and obey, according to the

aforesaid Act and Ordinance of our possession proceeding

thereupon; and likewise, that we may have letters, if need

be, to arrest and stay the aforesaid Thirds in the

possessor's hands, while, and untill sufficient caution be

found to us for our part aforesaid. And your Answer most

humbly we beseech."

This Supplication being presented by the Superintendent of Lowthian,

and Master John Craig, in the Castle of Edinburgh, was graciously

received by the Queen, who promised that she would take sufficient

order therein, so soon as the Nobility and Councell might convene.

The 19. of June, the Queen was delivered of a man childe, (the Prince

in the aforesaid Castle,) [who after was named James,][1125] and

immediately sent into France and England her posts, to advertise the

neighbour Princes, and to desire them to send gossips or witnesses to

the Prince's baptisme. In the mean time, there was joy and triumph

made in Edinburgh, and such other places where it was known, after

thanks and praises given unto God, with supplications for the godly

education of the Prince; and principally, wishing that he should be

baptized according to the manner and forme observed in the Reformed

Churches within this Realm.

[1125] These words are added in the Edinburgh edit. 1614.

[Sidenote: [The order Of Paul Methven's repentance.]]

About the same time, to wit, the 25. of June, the Generall Assembly of

the whole Church convened at Edinburgh. The Earles of Argyle and

Murray assisted at the Assembly: Paul Methven, who before, as we

heard, was excommunicate, gave in his Supplication, and desired to be

heard, as he had done divers times; for the said Paul had written oft

times out of England to the Laird of Dun, and to divers others, most

earnestly desiring to be received again into the fellowship of the

Church. After reasoning of the matter, it was finally granted, that he

should be heard: And so being before the Assembly, and falling upon

his knees, burst out with teares, and said, He was not worthy to

appeare in their presence; alwayes he desired them, for the love of

God, to receive him to the open expression of his repentance. Shortly

after, they appointed certaine of the ministers to proscribe to him

the forme of his declaration of repentance, which was thus in effect;

First, That he should present himselfe bare-foot and bare-head, arayed

in sack-cloth, at the principall entry of Saint Gyles Kirk in

Edinburgh, at seven hours in the morning, upon the next Wednesday, and

there to remain the space of an hour, the whole people beholding him,

till the prayer was made, psalmes sung, and [the] text of Scripture

was read, and then to come into the place appointed for expression of

repentance, and tarry the time of sermon; and to do so likewise the

next Friday following, and also upon the Sunday; and then, in the face

of the whole church, to declare his repentance with his owne mouth.

The same forme and manner he should use in Jedwart and Dundie: And

that being done, to present himself again at the next Generall

Assembly following in winter, where he should be received to the

communion of the Church. When the said Paul had received the said

Ordinance, he took it very grievously, alleadging, they had used

over-great severity: Neverthelesse, being counselled and perswaded by

divers notable personages, he began well in Edinburgh to proceed,

whereby a great number were moved with compassion of his state; and

likewise in Jedwart: but he left his duty in Dundie, and passing

againe into England, the matter, not without offence to many, ceased.

[Sidenote: See in what sense proud ambitious men takes the name of

Bishop.]

[Sidenote: As is said before.]

The Ministers complaining that they could not be payed their stipends,

were licensed by the Assembly to passe to other churches to preach,

but in no wise to leave the ministery. And because that the Queen's

Majesty had promised often before to provide remedy, it was thought

expedient that supplication should be yet made, as before, That the

Queen's Majestie should cause such order to be taken, that the poore

ministers might be payed their stipends. The Bishop of Galloway, who

was brother to the Earle of Huntley, and now a great man in the Court,

travelled much with the Queen's Majesty in that matter, and got of her

a good answer, and faire promises. A few years before, the said Bishop

of Galloway desired of the Generall Assembly to be made Superintendent

of Galloway; but now being promoted to great dignity, as to be of the

number of the Lords of the Privy Councell, and likewise one of the

Session,[1126] he would no more be called Over-looker, or Over-seer of

Galloway, but Bishop: Alwayes truth it is, that he laboured much for

his nephew the Earle of Huntley, that he might be restored to his

lands and honours; for the said Earle was new Chancellor,[1127] since

the slaughter of David Rizio, and had for his clawback the Bishop of

Rosse, Master John Lesley, one of the chief Councellors to the Queen:

But of all men the Earle Bothwell was most in the Queen's favour, so

far, that all things past by him; yea, by his meanes the most part of

all those that were partakers in the slaughter of David Rizio, got

remission and relief. But from that day he was not present at any

sermon, albeit before he professed the Evangel by outward speaking,

yet he never joyned to the Congregation. But this time the Earle of

Cassils[1128] was contracted with the Lord of Glames sister, by whose

perswasion he became a Protestant, and caused, in the moneth of

August, to reforme his churches in Carrick, and promised to maintaine

the doctrine of the Evangell.

[1126] Alexander Gordon, Bishop of Galloway: see page 259, note 10. He

took his seat as an Extraordinary Lord of Session, 26th November 1565.

[1127] George fifth Earl of Huntley was created Lord Chancellor, in

place of the Earl of Morton, who had fled, after Riccio's murder, in

March 1566.

[1128] Gilbert fourth Earl of Cassillis married Margaret Lyon, only

daughter of John ninth Lord Glammis.

The Queen, not yet satisfied with the death of her man David, caused

in August to be apprehended a man called Hary,[1129] who sometime had

been of her Chapell-Royall, but afterward became an exhorter in a

Reformed Church; and for want of stipend, or other necessaries, past

in service to my Lord Ruthven, and chanced that night to be present

when the said David was slaine; and so, finally, he was condemned, and

hanged, and quartered.

[1129] This was Henry Yair, sometime a priest, and afterwards a

retainer of Lord Ruthven. He was "delattit of treason" on the 1st

April 1566, for accession to Riccio's murder, and was sentenced to be

hanged and quartered, and his goods forfeited. (Pitcairn's Crim.

Trials, vol. i. p. 481.)

[Sidenote: This inconstant young man sometimes declared himselfe for

the Protestant; witnesse his last band. And now for the Papists. And

as he left God, so he was left by him.]

The King being now contemned of all men, because the Queene cared not

for him, he went sometime to the Lenox to his father, and sometime to

Sterlin, whither the Prince was carried a little before. Alwayes he

was destitute of such things as were necessary for him, having

scarcely six horses in trayn. And being thus desolate, and halfe

desperate, he sought means to go out of the countrey: and, about the

same time, by the advice of foolish cagots, he wrote to the Pope, to

the King of Spaine, and to the King of France, complaining of the

state of the countrey, which was all out of order, all because that

Masse and Popery were not againe erected, giving the whole blame

thereof to the Queen, as not managing the Catholike cause aright. By

some knave, this poore Prince was betrayed, and the Queen got a copie

of these letters into her hands, and therefore threatened him sore;

and there was never after that, any appearance of love betwixt them.

The Churches of Geneva, Berne, and Basill, with other Reformed

Churches of Germany and France, sent to the whole Church of Scotland

the sum of the Confession of their Faith,[1130] desiring to know if

they agreed in uniformity of doctrine, alleadging, that the Church of

Scotland was dissonant in some Articles from them: Wherefore the

Superintendents, with a great part of the other most qualified

Ministers, convened in September in Saint Andrews, and reading the

said letters, made answer, and sent word again, That they agreed in

all points with those Churches, and differed in nothing from them:

albeit in the keeping of some Festivall days, our Church assented not;

for only the Sabbath-day was kept in Scotland.

[1130] The Helvetian Confession was formed by the Pastors of Zürich,

in the year 1566. It was approved of by the General Assembly, and the

translation made by Mr. Robert Pont was ordered to be printed; but no

copy of this translation is known to be preserved. The letter

addressed to Beza, dated St. Andrews, 4th September 1566, and signed

by forty-one of the chief ministers in this country, has recently been

printed by the Parker Society, at pages 362-365 of the Second Series

of Zürich Letters.

In the end of this month, the Earl Bothwell, riding in pursuit of the

theeves in Liddisdale, was ill hurt, and worse terrified by a thief;

for he believed surely to have departed forth of this life, and sent

word thereof to the Queen's Majestie, who soon after past forth of

Jedwart to the Hermitage to visit him,[1131] and give him comfort: And

within a few days after, she took sickness in a most extreme manner,

for she lay two hours long cold dead, as it were without breath, or

any sign of life: at length she revived, by reason they had bound

small cords about her shackle bones, her knees, and great toes, and

speaking very softly, she desired the Lords to pray for her to God.

She said the creed in English, and desired my Lord of Murray, if she

should chance to depart, that he would not be over extreme to such as

was of her Religion; the Duke and he should have been Regents. The

bruit went from Jedwart in the month of October 1565, that the Queen

was departed this life, or, at least, she could not live any time,

wherefore there was continually prayers publikely made at the Church

of Edinburgh, and divers other places, for her conversion towards God,

and amendment. Many were of opinion that she should come to the

preaching, and renounce Popery; but all in vain, for God had some

other thing to do by her. The King being advertised, rid post from

Sterlin to Jedburgh, where he found the Queen somewhat convalesced,

but she would scarce speak to him, and hardly give him presence or a

good word; wherefore he returned immediately to Sterlin, where the

Prince was, and after to Glasgow to his father.

[1131] Bothwell was wounded on the 7th or 8th October, and the Queen

did not visit him at Hermitage Castle till the 16th of that month.

(Chalmers's Life of Mary, vol. i. p. 296. See also Labanoff, Recueil,

&c., vol. i. p. 379)

There appeared great trouble over the whole Realm, and especially in

the countreys near the Borders, if the Queen had departed at that

time. As she began to recover, the Earl Bothwell was brought in a

charriot from the Hermitage to Jedburgh, where he was cured of his

wounds; in whose presence the Queen took more pleasure then in all the

rest of the world: always by his means, most part of all that were

outlawed for the slaughter of David Rizzio, got relief, for there was

no other means, but all things must needs pass by him; wherefore,

every man sought to him, where immediately favour was to be had, as

before to David Rizio.

Soon after, the Queen passing along the Borders, she came within the

bounds of Barwick, where she viewed the town at her pleasure afar off,

being within half a mile and less. All the ordnance within Barwick

were discharged; the Captain came forth, with fourscore horses bravely

arrayed, to do her honour, and offer her lawfull service. Then she

came to Craigmiller, where she remained in November, till she was

advertised of the coming of the Ambassadors to the baptisme of the

Prince; and for that purpose there was great preparation made, not

without the trouble of such as were supposed to have money in store,

especially of Edinburgh; for there was borrowed a good round summe of

money for the same businesse. All her care and solicitude was for that

triumph. At the same time arrived the Counte de Briance, Ambassadour

of the King of France, who had a great train. Soon after the Earl of

Bedford went forth of England, with a very gorgious company, to the

number of fourscore horses, and passing to Sterlin, he was humanly

received of the Queen's Majestie, and every day banquetted. The

excessive expences, and superfluous apparell, which was prepared at

that time, exceeded farr all the preparation that ever had been

devised or set forth afore that time in this countrey.

The 17. of December 1566, in the great hall of the Castle of Sterling,

was the Prince baptized[1132] by the Bishop of Saint Andrews, at five

a clock at even, with great pomp, albeit with great pain could they

find men to beare the torches, wherefore they took boyes. The Queen

laboured much with the Noblemen to bear the salt, grease, and candle,

and such other things, but all refused; she found at last the Earls of

Eglington, Athole, and the Lord Seaton, who assisted at the baptisme,

and brought in the said trash. The Counte de Briance, (being the

French Ambassadour,) assisted likewise. The Earl of Bedford brought

for a present from the Queen of England a font of gold, valued to be

worth three thousand crowns. Soon after the said baptisme, as the Earl

was in communing with the Queen, who entertained him most reverently,

he began to say merrily to her, amongst other talking, "Madame, I

rejoyce very greatly at this time, seeing your Majestie hath here to

serve you so many Noblemen, especially twelve Earls, whereof two only

assist at this baptisme to the superstition of Popery." At the which

saying the Queen kept good countenance. Soon after they banquetted in

the said great hall, where they wanted no prodigality. During the time

of the Earl of Bedford's remaining at Sterlin, the Lords, for the most

part, waited upon him, and conveyed him every day to the sermon, and

after to banquetting.

[1132] The baptism of the Prince took place in the Chapel-Royal of

Stirling, upon Sunday the 15th November 1566, at five in the evening,

being performed by Hamilton, Archbishop of St. Andrews. The English

Ambassador, the Earl of Bedford, and most of the Scotish Nobility,

remained without the door of the Chapel, to avoid countenancing the

ceremonies of the Romish Church, which were used on that occasion. The

Queen's sister, the Countess of Argyle, assisted at the ceremony; for

which, having "willingly submittit hirself to the discipline of the

Kirk last December 1567," the said Lady was ordained by the General

Assembly to make public repentance in the Chapell Royall of

Striveling, in time of preaching. (Book of the Universal Kirk, vol. i.

p. 117.)

The King, who remained at Sterlin all that time, (never being

present,) kept his chamber: His father hearing how he was used, writ

to him to repaire unto him; who soon after went (without good-night)

toward Glasgow, to his father. He was hardly a mile out of Sterlin,

when the poyson (which had been given him) wrought so upon him, that

he had very great pain and dolour in every part of his body. At

length, being arrived at Glasgow, the blisters brake out, of a blewish

colour; so the Physitians presently knew the disease to come by

poyson: He was brought so low, that nothing but death was expected;

yet the strength of his youth at last did surmount the poison.

During the time of this triumph, the Queen was most liberall in all

things that were demanded of her: amongst other things, she subscribed

a writing for the maintenance of the Ministers in a reasonable

proportion, which was to be taken up of the Thirds of Benefices: which

writing being purchased by the Bishop of Galloway, was presented at

the Generall Assembly of the Church at Edinburgh, the five and

twentieth day of December 1566, where were conveened the

Superintendents, and other Ministers in reasonable number, but very

few Commissioners. The first matter that was there proposed, was

concerning the said writing lately obtained; and the most part of the

Ministers being demanded their opinions in the matter, after advice,

and passing a little aside, they answered very gravely, That it was

their duty to preach to the people the word of God truly and

sincerely, and to crave of the auditors the things that were necessary

for their sustentation, as of duty the Pastour might justly crave of

their flock; and, further, it became them not to have any care.

Nevertheless, the Assembly taking into consideration, that the said

gifts granted by the Queen's Majestie was not to be refused, they

ordained, That certain faithfull men of every Shire should meet, and

do their utmost diligence for gathering and receiving the said corn

and money; and likewise appointed the Superintendent of Lowthian, and

Master John Row,[1133] to waite upon the Bishop of Galloway, and

concurre and assist him for further expedition in the Court, that the

said gift might be dispatched through the Seales.

[1133] The Lairds of Carden (Alexander Forrester) and Keir (James

Stirling) were appointed by the Assembly on the 26th December 1566, to

act along with Bishop Gordon and Spottiswood, the Superintendent in

this matter. Row's name is not mentioned in the Booke of the Kirk.

(vol. i p. 83.)

In the same Assembly, there was presented a remonstrance by writ, by

some gentlemen of Kyle, containing in effect, That inasmuch as the

Tythes ought to be given only to the Ministers of the Word, and

Schools, and for maintenance of the poore, that therefore the Assembly

would statute and ordain, That all the Professors of the Evangell

should keep the same in their own hands, to the effects aforesaid, and

no way permit the Papists to meddle therewith. This writing took no

effect at that time, for there was none else but the gentlemen of Kyle

of that opinion. It was statuted in the said Assembly, That such

publike fornicators, and scandalous livers, as would not confesse

their offences, nor come to declare their repentance, should be

declared by the Minister to be out of the Church, and not of the body

thereof, and their names to be declared publikely upon the Sunday.

[Sidenote: The Queen intending vengeance upon the poor King, and being

in love with the Earl Bothwell, grants to the Protestants their

petitions, that they may be quiet and not trouble her plots.]

After this Assembly, the Bishop of Galloway (with the Superintendent

of Lowthian and Master John Row) passing to Sterlin, obtained their

demands in an ample manner at the Queen's Majesties hand, according to

their desire; and likewise, they obtained for every borough, a gift or

donation of the altarages, annuals, and obites, which before were

given to the Papists, now to be disposed for the maintenance of the

Ministers and Schools within the boroughs, and the rest to the Poor,

or hospitall.

[It was ordained[1134] that humble supplication should be made to the

Lords of Secret Councell concerning the Commission of Jurisdiction

supposed to be granted to the Bishop of Saint Andrews, to the effect

their honours may stay the same, in respect that the causes for the

most part judged by his usurped authoritie, pertaine to the true Kirk;

and also, because in respect of that coloured Commission, he might

assume againe his old usurped authoritie, and the same might be a mean

to oppresse the whole Kirk. The tenour of the Supplication followeth.

[1134] This paragraph, along with the following Supplication of the

Assembly, and Knox's Letter to the Professors, ending on page 514, are

supplied from the Edinburgh edition of the History, 1644, 4to, not

being contained in the London edition of that year, folio.

"THE GENERALL ASSEMBLY OF THE KIRK OF SCOTLAND CONVEENED AT

EDINBURGH THE 25. OF DECEMBER 1566, TO THE NOBILITIE OF THIS

REALME THAT PROFESSE THE LORD JESUS WITH THEM, AND HAVE

RENOUNCED THAT ROMANE ANTICHRIST, DESIRES CONSTANCIE IN

FAITH, AND THE SPIRIT OF RIGHTEOUS JUDGEMENT.

[Sidenote: John Knox his supplication to the Councell, to

recall the commission granted to the Archbishop of Saint

Andrews.]

"SEEING that Satan, by all our negligences, (Right

Honourable,) hath so far prevailed within this Realme of

late dayes that we do stand in extream danger, not onely to

losse our temporall possessions, but also to be deprived of

the glorious Evangell of Jesus Christ, and so we and our

posterity to be left in damnable darknesse; We could no

longer contain our selves, nor keep silence, lest by so

doing we might be accused as guilty of the blood of such as

shall perish for lack of admonition, as the Prophet

threatneth. We therefore, in the fear of our God, and with

grief and anguish of our heart, complain unto your Honours,

(yea, we must complain unto God, and to all his obedient

creatures,) that that conjured enemie of Jesus Christ, and

cruell murtherer of our dear brethren, most falsly styled

Archbishop of Saint Andrews, is reponed and restored, by

signature past, to his former tyrannie: For not only are his

ancient jurisdictions (as they are termed) of the whole

Bishoprick of Saint Andrews granted unto him, but also the

execution of judgement, confirmation of testaments, and

donation of benefices, as more amply in his signature is

expressed. If this be not to cure the head of that venomous

beast, which once within this Realm, by the potent hand of

God, was so broken downe and banished, that by tyranny it

could not have hurt the faithfull, judge ye. His ancient

jurisdiction was, that he with certaine colleagues

collaterals, might have damned of heresie upon probation as

pleased him, and then to take all that were suspected of

heresie. What they have judged to be heresie heretofore, ye

cannot be ignorant of; and whether they remaine in their

former malice or not, their fruits and travels openly

declare. The danger may be feared, say ye. But what remedie?

It is easie, and at hand, (Right Honourable,) if ye will not

betray the cause of God, and leave your brethren, who will

never be more subject to that usurped tyrannie then they

will be to the Devill himselfe. Our Queene belike is not

well informed: She ought not, nor justly may not break the

laws of this Realm; and so consequently, she may not set up

against us, without our consents, that Romane Antichrist

againe: For in a lawfull and the most free Parliament that

ever was in this Realm before, was that odious beast

deprived of all jurisdiction, office and authority within

the Realm. Her Majestie at her first arryvall, and by divers

proclamations sensyne, hath expressly forbidden any other

forme and face of Religion, then that which she found

publikely established at her arryvall: Therefore she may not

bring us (the greatest part of the subjects of this Realm)

back again to bondage, till that as lawfull and free a

Parliament as justly damned that Antichrist and his usurped

tyranny, hath given decision betwixt us and him. If hereof,

and of other things which no lesse concerne your selves then

us, ye plainly and boldly admonish our Soveraigne, and

without tumult only crave justice, the tyrants dare no more

be seen in lawfull judgment, then dare the owles in day

light. Weigh this matter as it is, and ye will finde it more

weighty then it appeareth to many. Farther at this present

we complain not, but humbly crave of your Honours a

reasonable answer what ye will doe, in case such tyrants and

devouring wolves begin to invade the flocke of Jesus Christ

within this Realm, under what title soever it be: For this

we boldly professe, That we will never acknowledge such

either pastors to our soules, or yet judges to our causes.

And if [that], for denyall thereof, we suffer either in body

or in goods, we doubt not but we have not only a Judge to

punish them that unjustly trouble us, but also an Advocate

and strong Champion in Heaven to recompense them, who for

his name's sake suffer persecution: Whose Holy Spirit rule

your hearts in his true fear to the end.

"Given in the Generall Assembly and third Session thereof,

at Edinburgh, the 27. of December, 1566."

Besides this Supplication of the Assembly to the Nobility penned (as

appeareth by the style) by John Knox, a Letter was written by John

Knox in particular to the Professors, to advertise them of the danger

of this commission or power granted to the said bastard, Bishop of

Saint Andrews, the tenor whereof doth follow.

"_The Lord cometh, and shall not tarrie; Blessed shall he

be whom he shall finde fighting against impietie._

[Sidenote: John Knox his Letter to the Professors,]

"To deplore the miseries of these our most wicked dayes

(Beloved Brethren) can neither greatly profit us, neither

yet relieve us of our present calamities; and yet utterly to

keep silence, cannot lack the suspicion of apostacie, and

plain defection from God, and from his truth, once by us

publikely professed. For now are matters (that in years

bypast have been denyed) so far discovered, that he who

seeth not the plaine subversion of all true Religion within

this Realm to be concluded, and decreed in the hearts of

some, must either confesse himselfe blinde, or else an

enemie to the Religion which we professe: For besides the

open erecting of Idolatry in divers parts of this Realme,

and besides the extreame povertie wherein our Ministers are

brought, (by reason that idle bellies are fed upon that

which justly appertaineth to such as truely preach Jesus

Christ, and rightly and by order minister his blessed

Sacraments,) that cruell murtherer of our brethren, falsly

called Archbishop of Saint Andrews, most unjustly, and

against all law, hath presumed to his former tyrannie, as a

signature past for his restitution to his ancient

jurisdiction (as it is termed) more fully doth proport. What

end may be looked for of such beginnings, the halfe blinde

may see, as we suppose. And yet, we have heard, that a

certaine summe of money and victuals should be assigned by

the Queen's Majestie for sustentation of our Ministrie. But

how that any such assignation, or any promise made thereof,

can stand in any stable assurance, when that Roman

Antichrist (by just laws once banished from this Realme)

shall be intrused above us, we can no wise understand. Yea,

farther, we cannot see what assurance any within this Realme

that have professed the Lord Jesus can have of life or

inheritance, if the head of that odious beast be cured

amongst us. And therefore we yet again, in the bowels of

Christ Jesus, crave of you to look into this matter, and to

advertise us again, with reasonable expedition of your

judgements, that in the feare of God, and with unitie of

minds, we may proceed to crave justice, and oppone our

selves to such tyrannie, as most unjustly is intended

against us: For, if we think not that this last erecting of

that wicked man, is the very setting up againe of that

Romane Antichrist within this Realme, we are deprived of all

right judgement. And what is that else, but to separate us

and our posteritie from God; yea, and to cut our selves from

the freedome of this Realme. We desire therefore that the

wisest amongst you may consider the weight of this cause,

which long hath been neglected, partly by our slouth, and

partly by believing faire promises, by which to this hour we

have been deceived. And therefore we ought to be the more

vigilant and circumspect, especially seeing a Parliament is

proclaimed.

"We have sent to you the forme of a Supplication and

Articles, which we would have presented to the Queen's

Majestie. If it please you, we would ye should approve it by

your subscriptions; or if you would alter it, we desire you

so to do, and we shall allow whatsoever you shall propound,

not repugnant to God. If it shall be thought expedient that

Commissioners of Countries shall conveene, to reason upon

the most weighty matters that now occurr, the time and place

being appointed by you, and due advertisement being given to

us, by God's grace, there shall no fault be found in us; but

as from the beginning we have neither spared substance nor

life, so minde we not to faint unto the end, to maintaine

the same, so long as we can finde the concurrence of

brethren; of whom (as God forbid) if we be destitute, yet

are we determined never to be subject to that Roman

Antichrist, neither yet to his usurped tyrannie. But when we

can doe no further to suppresse that odious beast, we minde

to scale with our blood to our posteritie, that the bright

knowledge of Jesus Christ hath banished that man of sinne,

and his venomous doctrine, from our hearts and consciences.

Let this our Letter and request beare witnesse before God,

before his angels, before the world, and before our own

consciences, that we require you that have professed the

Lord Jesus within this Realme, as well Nobilitie, as

Gentlemen, Burgesses, and Commons, to deliberate upon the

estate of things present; and specially whether that this

usurped tyrannie of that Romane Antichrist shall be any

longer suffered within this Realme, seeing that by just law

it is already abolished. Secondly, Whether that we shall be

bound to feed idle bellies upon the patrimonie of the Kirk,

which justly appertaineth unto Ministers. Thirdly, Whether

that Idolatrie, and other abominations, which now are more

then evident, shall any longer by us be maintained and

defended. Answer us as ye will answer to God, in whose feare

we send these letters unto you, lest that our silence should

be counted for consent unto such impietie. God take from our

hearts the blinde love of our selves, and all ungodly feare.

Amen. Let us know your mindes with expedition."]

Notwithstanding the domestick troubles that the Church of God had in

Scotland in this turbulent time within the kingdome, yet they were not

unmindfull of the affliction of Jacob every where upon the face of the

earth; namely, they had before their eyes the state and condition of

the Church of God in England: Witnesse this Letter from the Generall

Assembly to the Rulers of the Church of God in England; [wherein they

intreat them to deal gently with the preachers their brethren about

the Surplice and other apparell. John Knox formed the Letter in name

of the Assembly, as follows.][1135]

[1135] The words inclosed within brackets are added in the Edinburgh

edit. 1644.

"THE SUPERINTENDENTS, WITH OTHER MINISTERS AND COMMISSIONERS

OF THE CHURCH OF GOD IN THE KINGDOME OF SCOTLAND, TO THEIR

BRETHREN, THE BISHOPS AND PASTOURS OF GOD'S CHURCH IN

ENGLAND, WHO PROFESS WITH US IN SCOTLAND THE TRUTH OF JESUS

CHRIST.

"BY word and letters it is come to our knowledge, (Reverend

Brethren, Pastors of God's word in the Church of England,)

that divers of our Brethren (of whom some be of the most

learned in England,) are deprived from all Ecclesiasticall

function, namely, are forbidden to preach, and so by you are

stopped to promote the Kingdom of God, because they have a

scruple of conscience to use at the command of Authority

such garments as idolaters in time of greatest darknesse,

did use in their superstitious and idolatrous service; which

report cannot but be very grievous to our hearts,

considering the sentence of the Apostle, 'If ye bite and

devour one another, take heed ye be not consumed one of

another.' We intend not at this present to enter into the

question, which we hear is agitated and handled with greater

vehemency by either partie, then well liketh us, to wit,

Whether such Apparell be accounted amongst things

indifferent or not; wherefore, (through the bowels of Jesus

Christ,) we crave that Christian charitie may so farr

prevaile with you, who are the pastors and guides of

Christ's flock in England, that ye doe one to another, as ye

desire others to do to you. You cannot be ignorant what

tendernesse is in a scrupulous conscience, and all that have

knowledge are not alike perswaded; the consciences of some

of you stirres not, with the wearing of such things; on the

other side, many thousands (both godly and learned) are

otherwayes perswaded, whose consciences are continually

strucken with these sentences, 'What hath Christ to doe with

Beliall?' 'What fellowship is there betwixt light and

darknesse?' If surplice, corner-cap, and tippet, have been

the badges of idolaters in the very act of their idolatry,

what hath the preachers of Christian libertie, and the

rebukers of superstition to do with the dregs of that Romish

Beast? Yea, what is he that ought not to fear, either to

take in his hand, or on his forehead, the prints and mark of

that odious Beast? The brethren that refuse such

unprofitable apparell, do neither condemn nor molest you who

use such trifles. On the other side, if ye that use these

things will do the like to your brethren, we doubt not but

therein you shall please God, and comfort the hearts of

many, which are wounded to see extremitie used against these

godly brethren. Humane arguments or coloured rhetorick, we

use none to perswade you, only in charity we desire you to

mind the sentence of Peter, 'Feed the flock of Christ which

is committed to your charge, caring for it, not by

constraint, but willingly; not being as lords of God's

heritages, but being examples to the flock.' We further

desire you to meditate upon that sentence of Paul, 'Give no

offence, neither to Jews, nor Gentiles, nor to the church of

God.' In what condition you and we both travell, at least

are bound to travell for the promoting of Christ's kingdom,

you are not ignorant; therefore we are the more bold to

exhort you to deal more wisely, then to trouble the godly

for such vanities; for all things which seem lawfull, edifie

not. If Authority urge you farther than your consciences can

bear, we pray you remember, that the Ministers of the Church

are called the 'Light of the world,' and 'Salt of the

earth;' all civill authority hath not alwayes the light of

God shining before their eyes, in statutes and commands, for

their affections savour too much of the earth and worldly

wisdom: therefore we tell you, that ye ought to oppose your

selves boldly, not only to all power that dare extoll it

self against God, but also against all such as dare burthen

the consciences of the faithfull, farther than God chargeth

them in his own word. But we hope you will excuse our

freedom in that we have entered in reasoning farther than we

intended in the beginning. Now, again we return to our

former request, which is, That the brethren among you, who

refuse the Romish rags, may find of you, who use and urge

them, such favour as our Head and Master commandeth each one

of his members to shew to another, which we look to receive

of your courtesie, not only because you will not offend God

in troubling your brethren for such vain trifles, but also

because you will not refuse the earnest request of us your

Brethren, and fellow Ministers; in whom, although there

appear no worldly pomp, yet we are assured, you will esteem

us as God's servants, travelling to set forth his glory

against the Roman Antichrist. The dayes are evill, iniquitie

aboundeth, and charitie (alas) waxeth cold; wherefore we

ought to walk diligently, for the hour is uncertain when the

Lord shall come, before whom we must all give an account of

our administration. In conclusion, yet once more we desire

you to be favourable one to another; the Lord Jesus rule

your hearts in his fear unto the end, and give to you and us

victorie over that conjured enemy of true Religion, (the

Pope,) whose wounded head Sathan by all means strives to

cure again; but to destruction shall he go, and all his

maintainers, by the power of our Lord Jesus, to whose mighty

protection we commit you.

"From our Generall Assembly, Decemb. 27. 1566."

[When John Knox, the penner of this letter wrote thus of the

superstitious Apparell as a supplicant for the afflicted Brethren,

what would he have written, think you, in another case. It is to be

observed, that at the same time our worthy Brethren in England made

their state known to Master Beza, who, upon their complaint, wrote a

letter in their behalf at the same time to Doctor Grindall, Bishop of

London, wherein he findeth fault with the manner of Apparrell

appointed for Ministers with kneeling at the communion, and all

significant ceremonies; which letter is the eight in order, among his

Epistles. But obtaining no favour, he wrote the year following, (which

was in Anno 1567,) another letter to this purpose, which is the

twelfth in order amongst his Epistles, wherein he giveth his beloved

brethren this advice; that rather then they should give their consents

to the order of ordaining their Ministers to use the cope and

surplice, and to the manner of excommunication that was used in the

Church of England, that they should give place to manifest violence,

and live as privat men. It is also to be observed, that the sincerer

sort of the Ministrie in England had not yet assaulted the

jurisdiction and Church government, (which they did not till the year

1572, at which time they published their first and second Admonition

to the Parliament,) but only had excepted against superstitious

apparell, and some other faults in the Service Booke. By the former

Assembly, the Reader of Bathgate was censured for baptizing of

infants, and solemnizing of marriage, he being but a simple Reader,

and for taking silver for the same from such as were without the

parish. Hear you may see that they acknowledge not Reading Ministers,

that is, that any administer the Sacraments, but he that was able to

preach the word.][1136]

[1136] The above paragraph is not contained in the London edition

1614, but was added to the Edinburgh republication in that year.

[Sidenote: As she had lately gratified the Protestants by granting

their Petition, so at this time she yeelds unto the Papists their

demands also, that she might be stopped by neither of them in her

designe of vengeance and new love.]

At the same time, the Bishop of Saint Andrews, by means of the Earl

Bothwell, procured a writing from the Queen's Majesty, to be obeyed

within the diocese of his jurisdiction, in all such causes as before

in time of Popery were used in the Consistory, and therefore to

discharge the new Commissioners; and for the same purpose came to

Edinburgh in January, having a company of one hundred horses, or more,

intending to take possession, according to his gift lately obtained.

The Provest being advertised thereof by the Earl of Murray, they sent

to the Bishop three or four of the Councell, desiring him to desist

from the said matter, for fear of trouble and sedition that might

rise thereupon; whereby he was perswaded to desist at that time.

Soon after, the Queen came to Edinburgh, where she remained a few

days. In the moneth of January she was informed that the King was

recovered of the poyson given him at Sterlin, and therefore she past

to Glasgow to visit him, and there tarried with him six days, using

him wonderfully kindely, with many gracious and good words; and

likewise his father, the Earl of Lenox, insomuch that all men

marvelled whereto it should turn, considering the great contempt and

drynesse that had been before so long together. The Queen,

notwithstanding all the contempt that was given him, with a known

design to take away his life, yet by her sweet words gains so far upon

the uxorious husband, and his facile father, that he went in company

with her to Edinburgh, where she had caused to lodge him at the Church

of Field,[1137] in a lodging, lately bought by Master James Balfour,

Clerk Register, truely very unmeet for a King. The Queen resorted

often to visit him, and lay in the house two nights by him, (although

her lodging was in the Palace of Halyrud-house.) Every man marvelled

at this reconciliation and sudden change. The ninth of February, the

King was murthered, and the house where he lay burned with powder,

about twelve of the clock in the night: his body was cast forth in a

yard, without the town wall, adjoining close by. There was a servant

likewise murthered beside him, who had been also in the chamber with

him. The people ran to behold this spectacle; and wondering thereat

some judged one thing, some another.

[1137] Kirk of Field: see this volume, page 131, note 1.

Shortly thereafter, Bothwell came from the Abbey with a company of men

of war, and caused the body of the King to be carryed to the next

house; where, after a little, the chirurgions being convened at the

Queen's command to view and consider the manner of his death; most

part gave out, to please the Queen, that he was blown in the ayre,

albeit he had no mark of fire; and truly he was strangled. Soon

after,[1138] he was carryed to the Abbey, and there buryed.

[1138] These words, "Soon after, he was carryed to the Abbey, and

there buryed," are omitted in the 4to edit. 1644, and the two

following paragraphs, enclosed within brackets, are interpolated. Both

of these paragraphs are given verbatim in Calderwood's History, vol.

ii. pp. 346, 347.

[When many of the common people had gazed long upon the King's corpse,

the Queen caused it to be brought down to the Pallace by some pioners.

She behold the corpse without any outward shew or signe of joy or

sorrow. When the Lords had concluded amongst themselves that he should

be honourablie buried, the Queen caused his corpse to be carried by

some pioners in the night without solemnitie, and to be layed beside

the sepulchre of David Rizio. If there had been any solemn buriall,

Buchanan had wanted wit to relate otherwise, seeing there would have

been so many witnesses to testifie the contrair. Therefore the

contriver of the late Historie of Queen Marie[1139] wanted policie

here to convoy a lee.

[1139] This paragraph is an evident interpolation, like some of these

by David Buchanan in the former Books. George Buchanan's History was

first published in the year 1582; and the reference to the more recent

work, may have been to "The Historie of the Life and Death of Mary

Stuart, Queene of Scotland." London 1636, 12mo, and dedicated to

Charles the First, by "W. Vdall;" as some remarks on George Buchanan's

writings occur at page 55.

The Queen, according to the ancient custom should have keeped herself

40. days within, and the doores and windowes should have been closed

in token of mourning; but the windowes were opened, to let in light,

the fourth day. Before the twelfth day, she went out to Scatoun,

Bothwell never parting from her side. There she went out to the fields

to behold games and pastimes. The King's armour, horse, and household

stuffe, were bestowed upon the murtherers. A certain taylour, when he

was to reforme the King's apparel to Bothwell, said jestingly, He

acknowledged here the custom of the country, by which the clothes of

the dead fall to the hangman.][1140]

[1140] See this page, note 1.

This tragicall end had Henry Steward, after he had been King eighteen

moneths. A Prince of great linage, both by mother and father: He was

of a comely stature, and none was like unto him within this island; he

died under the age of one and twenty years; prompt and ready for all

games and sports; much given to hawking and hunting, and running of

horses, and likewise to playing on the lute, and also to Venus

chamber: He was liberall enough: He could write and dictate well; but

he was somewhat given to wine, and much feeding, and likewise to

inconstancy; and proud beyond measure, and therefore contemned all

others: He had learned to dissemble well enough, being from his youth

misled up in Popery. Thus, within two years after his arriving in this

Realm, he was highly by the Queen alone extolled; and, finally, had

this infortunate end by her procurement and consent. To lay all other

proofs aside, her marriage with Bothwell, who was the main executioner

of the King, notwithstanding all the advices and counsells that the

King of France, and the Queen of England, did earnestly and carefully

give her, as other friends did likewise, witness anent their guilt.

Those that laid hands on the King to kill him, by Bothwell's

direction, was Sir James Balfour, Gilbert Balfour, David Chalmers,

black John Spense, Francis, Sebastien, Jo. de Bourdeau, and Joseph,

the brother of David Rizio: These last four were the Queen's

domesticks, and strangers. The reason why the King's death was so

hastened, because the affection or passion of the Earl Bothwell could

not bear so long a delay, as the procurement of a bill of divorce

required, although the Romish clergie offered their service willingly

to the business, namely, Bishop Hamilton, and so he came great again

at Court; and he for the advancement of the business, did good offices

to increase the hatred betwixt the King and Queen; yea, some that had

been the chief instruments of the marriage of the King and Queen,

offered the service for the divorce, seeing how the Queen's

inclination lay: So unhappy are Princes, that men, for their own

ends, further them in all their inclinations and undertakings, be they

never so bad or destructive to themselves.

The Earl of Lenox, in the mean time, wrote to the Queen, to cause

punish Bothwell, with his other complices, for murthering the King.

The Queen, not daring openly to reject the Earl of Lenox his

solicitation, did appoint a day for the triall of Bothwell, by an

assize;[1141] the members whereof was the Earl of Cathnes, President,

the Earl of Cassels, (who at the first refused, but thereafter, being

threatened to be put in prison, and under the pain of treason, was

present by the Queen's command,) John Hamilton, Commendator of

Aberbrothok, Lord Rosse, Lord Semple, Lord Boyd, Lord Hereis, Lord

Olyphant; the Master of Forbes, the Lairds of Lochinvar, Langton,

Cambusnetham,[1142] Barnbougel, and Boyne: They, to please the Queen,

and for fear, did pronounce Bothwell not guilty, notwithstanding the

manifest evidences of the cruell fact committed by Bothwell, who,

before the tryall, did make himself strong by divers means; namely, by

the possession of the Castle of Edinburgh, so that the accusers durst

not appear, not being strong enough. The Earl of Marr did retire to

Sterlin, and had committed to his charge the young Prince. All this

was done in February.

[1141] The names and designations of the assize on Bothwell's trial,

before the Court of Justicary at Edinburgh, 12th April 1567, are given

by Keith, with the proceedings, extracted from the Books of Adjournal.

(Hist. vol. ii. pp. 541-548.)

[1142] In the folio edit. 1644, "Cambusidentham;" in the 4to edit.,

"Cambuskinneth." The person referred to was James Somerville of

Cambusnethen in Lanarkshire.

In April, Bothwell called together sundry of the Lords, who had come

to Edinburgh, to a meeting that was there; and having gained some

before, made them all, what by fear, what by fair promises, first of

their private state, and then of advancing the Papist's Religion, to

consent by their subscriptions to the marriage with the Queen. Then

the Queen goes to Sterlin, to see her son: Bothwell makes a shew as

if he were going to the Borders to suppresse robbers, and so he

raiseth some men of war; which, when he had done, he turneth towards

the way to Sterlin, where he meets the Queen, according to appointment

betwixt them, and carrieth her to Dumbar, as it had been by force,

although every one knew it was with the Queen's liking. The prime

Nobility convened at Sterlin, and from thence sent to her, to know

whether or not she was taken against her will: She answered, That it

was true she was taken against her will, but since her taking, she had

no occasion to complain; yea, the courteous entertainment she had,

made her forget and forgive all former offences. Those expressions

were used by way of preface to the pardon, which was granted

immediately thereafter to Bothwell; for, by Letters Patents, he was

pardoned by the Queen, for laying violently hands upon her Majestie,

and for all other crimes. So by this, &c.,[1143] the murther of the

King was pardoned. During the Queen's abode in Dunbar, there was

letters of divorce demanded and granted unto Bothwell from his Lady,

(who afterward was married to the Earl Sutherland,) she was sister to

the Earl of Huntley. The ground of divorce was, the parties being

within the degrees prohibited, could not be lawfully joyned: Next,

because Bothwell was an adulterer, the marriage was voyd. The bill of

divorce was granted by the Papisticall Court of the Archbishop of

Saint Androis. And here mark how they juggle in sacred things; for

when it pleaseth them, they untie the bond of marriage, as now, and as

we have seen in the First Book of this History. When the Queen fell in

distaste of the late King her husband, it was proposed unto her to

have divorce upon the same ground from the King: To which, first ear

was given, but after second thoughts, a bill of divorce was too

tedious, (as we have now said,) and could not be stayed for, therefore

the King must be dispatched.

[1143] "So by this, &c." This sentence is so printed in both edit.

1644, probably owing to some word in the M.S. being illegible. We

might substitute, for instance, "So by this procedure, the murther of

the King was pardoned."

[Sidenote: Note.]

The Queen, when Bothwell had obtained by the Archbishop a letter of

divorce from his lawfull wife, sent a letter signed with her own hand

to Master John Craig, minister of Edinburgh, commanding him to publish

the band of matrimony betwixt her and Bothwell. Master John Craig, the

next sermon day thereafter, declared in full congregation, that he had

received such a command, but in conscience he could not obey it; the

marriage was altogether unlawfull; and of that he would declare the

reasons to the parties, if he had audience of them, otherwise he would

make known his just reasons in the hearing of the people. Immediately

thereafter, Bothwell sends for Master Craig to the Councell, where

Master Craig told, first, That by an Act of the Assembly, it was

forbidden to allow the marriage of any divorced for adultery: The

divorce of Bothwell from his lawfull wife, was by collusion, witnesse

the quick dispatch thereof; for it was sought and had within ten days,

and his contracting with the Queen instantly thereafter; then his rapt

of the Queen, and the guilt of the King's death, which was confirmed

by this marriage: withall, he desired the Lords to stop the

Queen[1144] from that infamous marriage. The Sunday after, he told

publikely to the people, what he had said to the Councell; and he took

heaven and earth to witnesse, that he detested that scandalous and

infamous marriage; and that he discharged his conscience unto the

Lords, who seemed unto him, as so many slaves, what by flattery, what

by silence, to give way to that abomination. Upon this, he was called

to the Councell again, and was reproved, as if he had exceeded the

bounds of his calling. Whereunto he answered, That the bounds of his

commission was the word of God, right reason, and good laws, against

which he had said nothing; and by all these, offered to prove this

marriage to be scandalous and infamous. At this he was stopped by

Bothwell, and sent from the Councell. Notwithstanding all this done

and said by Master Craig, and the opposition of many that wished well

to the Queen, and were jealous of her honour, the marriage went on,

and they were married the 15. of May. This makes good the Latino

proverb, _Mala nubunt mense Maio_; and a Bishop must bless the

marriage: The good Prelat was Bishop of Orkney:[1145] If there be a

good work to be done, a Bishop must do it. Here mark the difference

betwixt this worthy minister Master Craig, and this base Bishop.

[1144] It is impossible to vindicate the Queen's conduct in "this

infamous marriage," even when acquitted of being in any way accessory

to Darnley's murder. That event occurred on the 9th February 1566-7.

Bothwell, who was denounced as his murderer, submitted to a mock trial

on the 12th April; and on the 19th, he obtained from the Queen in

Parliament a ratification of several lands, &c., as Keeper of the

Castle of Dunbar. On the 24th of the same month, the Queen was

way-laid, and forcibly carried off to Dunbar, where she was coerced to

agree to an alliance with a man who was then married. To accomplish

this, Bothwell brought the Queen to the Castle of Edinburgh on the

29th April. He obtained a sentence of divorce from his first wife on

the 7th May; his marriage with the Queen was proclaimed on the 12th of

that month; and having created him Duke of Orkney, on the 15th their

marriage was celebrated. Thus within the period of three months all

these events happened. One month later, the Queen surrendered on

Carberry-hill, and Bothwell made his escape: they never met after that

day.

[1145] Adam Bothwell became successor to Bishop Reid, in the See of

Orkney, and was admitted to the temporalities of the Bishopric, 14th

October 1559. He was one of four Prelates who joined the Reformers. In

1564 he was appointed an Extraordinary Lord of Session; and an

Ordinary Lord, 13th November 1565. He celebrated the marriage of Queen

Mary and Bothwell, but afterwards took an active part in opposing him.

He also officiated at the baptism of James the Sixth. His conduct was

viewed with suspicion by the Kirk, and various articles were alleged

against him in the General Assembly, 25th December 1567; but having

submitted, and made a public confession of his offence, he was

restored to his ministry. He exchanged the temporalities of his

Bishopric with Lord Robert Stewart for the Abbey of Holyrood-House,

which was ratified by a charter under the Great Seal, 25th September

1569. He died on the 23d August 1593, in the sixty-seventh year of his

age, according to an inscription which still exists in the Abbey

Church of Holyrood, with some Latin verses, by M. H. R., (Mr. Hercules

Rollock.)

The Earl of Athole, immediately after the murther of the King, had

retired home, waiting for the occasion to revenge the King's death:

But seeing this abominable marriage, he went to Sterlin, where other

honest Lords with him had a meeting, and made a bond, to defend the

young Prince from the murtherers of his father; as already they had

had one plot to cut him off, which God in his mercy did prevent. The

Nobles that entred in this bond, were the Earls of Argyle, Athole,

Morton, Marr, and Glencarne; the Lords Lindsey and Boyd. Argyle

thereafter, seduced by some fair words, fell off; and Boyd became a

great factionary for Bothwell in all things. The Queen, soon after the

marriage, was advised to send abroad an Ambassadour to acquaint her

forraigne friends and kindred; and this must be a Bishop: It is pity

that any good work should be done without a Bishop: was not this a

worthy employment for a pastor in God's Church.[1146]

[1146] The Bishop here referred to, was William Chisholm, Bishop of

Dunblane. His instructions concerning the Queen's motives to take her

husband, the Duke of Orkney, to be declared to the King of France, the

Cardinal of Lorraine and others, in May 1567, are printed by Keith.

(History, vol. ii. p. 592.) But Calderwood asserts they "are forged,

and full of lies."

Bothwell seeing the bond made at Sterlin, causeth the Queen to write

to sundry of the Nobility. Divers repaired unto her, where they found

a bond tendred unto them, by which they were to bind themselves to

defend the Queen and Bothwell. Some that were corrupt, did willingly

subscribe; others for fear did the same: and there was not one that

went to Court that did refuse, but the Earl of Murray; who refusing

absolutely to enter into a bond with Bothwell, said, It was not the

part of a good subject; yet since he had been made friends with him

some time before, he would keep his promise unto the Queen; and to

enter into a bond with the Queen, it was needlesse and unfit, since he

was to obey her in all lawfull and just things. Upon this, he gat

leave, although with great difficulty, to go into France.

The Queen receives now Hamilton Archbishop of Saint Androis into

favour since these changes; who was no less a faithfull Councellor to

her, then he was a good pastor of Christ's flock; that is, he betrayed

her, and disobeyed God. With this a Proclamation comes out in favour

of the poor Protestants, whereby the Queen declares, That she will

keep and confirm all that she had promised at her arrivall into

Scotland: This was done to stop the people's mouthes; but all in vain,

for the people were universally against the abomination of the Court.

Within few dayes, Bothwell and the Queen were raising men, under

pretext to go to the Borders to represse the robbers there; but in

effect to go to Sterlin, to have the Prince in their custody, that

they might dispose of him according to their mind. Then a new

Proclamation came out, That the Queen hereafter would rule only by the

advice of the Nobles of the land, as her best predecessors had done.

The Lords at Sterlin, hearing of this plot, strives to prevent it, and

to this purpose they appointed with the Lord Hume, to besiege the

Castle of Borthwicke, where the Queen and Bothwell was: But because

the Earle of Athole did not come at the houre appointed, they had not

men enough to environ and compass the Castle; so that Bothwell having

notice given him of the business, escaped to Dumbar, and the Queen

after him, in man's cloths. The Lords, failing of their designe at

Borthwike Castle, went to Edinburgh, whereof they made themselves

masters easily, having the affections of the people, notwithstanding

the Earl Huntley and the Archbishop of Saint Androis perswasion to the

contrary. These two, with their associates, were constrained to retire

to the Castle, where they were received by Sir James Balfour, left

there by Bothwell.

The twelfth of June, which was the next day following, the Lords at

Edinburgh caused to publish a proclamation, whereby they declared,

That the Earle Bothwell, who had been the principall author, deviser,

and actor of the cruell murther of the late King, had since laid hand

upon the Queen's person, and had her for the present in Dumbar in his

power; and finding her utterly destitute of all good counsell, had

seduced her to a dishonest and unlawfull marriage with himselfe; yea,

that now he was gathering forces, and stirring himself to get the

young Prince in his hands, that he might murther the child, as he had

murthered the father. This wicked man the Nobles of the land resolved

to withstand, and deliver the Queen out of his bondage; wherefore they

did charge all lieges within the kingdom that could come to them, to

be in readiness at three hours warning to assist them (the Nobles) for

the freeing of the Queen from captivity, and bringing the said Earle

Bothwell to a legall triall, and condigne punishment for the aforesaid

murther and other crimes. All such that would not side with the Lords

were by this Proclamation commanded to depart from Edinburgh within

four hours, under the pain of being accounted enemies, &c.

Notwithstanding this Proclamation, the people did not joyn unto these

Lords as was expected, for sundry of the Nobles were adversaries to

the business, others stood as neuters; and withall, those that were

convened together were not well provided of armes and munition for

exploits of warr; so that they were even thinking to dissolve and

leave off their enterprize till another time, and had absolutely done

so; but God had ordained other wayes, as the event did shew, (if the

Queen and Bothwell could have had patience to stay at Dumbar for three

or four dayes without any stir;) but the Queen and Bothwell, having

gathered together about four or five thousand men, trusting in their

force, (the Queen being puft up by flatterers,) set forth and marched

towards Leith: Being come forward as far as Glaidsmure, she caused

publike Proclamation against the aforesaid Lords, calling them a

number of conspirators, and that she now discerned their inward malice

against her and her husband, the Duke of Orkney, (for so now they

called Bothwell.) After they had endeavoured to apprehend her and her

husband at Borthwick, and had made a seditious Proclamation, under

pretence of seeking the revenge of the King her late husband, and to

free her from captivity; giving out, that the Duke her husband had a

minde to invade the Prince her sonne; all which was false, for the

Duke her husband had used all means to clear himself, both by a legall

way and by the offer of a combate to any that did accuse him, as they

knew well enough: As touching her captivity, she was in none, but was

in company with her husband, unto whom she was publikely married in

the view of the world, and many of the Nobles had given their consent

unto this her marriage: As for the Prince her sonne, it was but a

specious pretence to the treason and rebellion against her their

naturall Sovereign and her posteritie, which they intended to

overthrow; wherefore she declared her self necessitated to take armes,

hoping that all her faithfull subjects would adhere unto her, and that

those who were already assembled with her, would with good hearts and

hands stand to her defence; and for the recompence of their valour

they should have the lands and goods of these unnaturall rebels. After

this Proclamation, the army went on, and the Queen that night came to

Seaton, where she lay.

About midnight the Lords of Edinburgh were advertised of the Queen's

approach, presently they took armes, and at the sun rising they were

at Musselburgh, where they refreshed themselves with meat and rest.

The Queen's camp was not yet stirring. About mid-day the scouts that

the Lords had sent out, brought word that the enemie was marching

towards them; presently they put themselves in two batallias; the

first was conducted by the Earle Morton and the Lord Hume; the second

by the Earls Athole, Glencarne, the Lords Lindsay, Ruthven, Semple,

and Sanchar, with the Lairds Drumlanrick, Tullibarden, Cesfoord, and

Graunge, with divers others: their number was almost as great as the

Queen's, their men better, being many of them expert men, that I say

nothing of the cause. The Queen had gained a hill called

Carbarry,[1147] which the Lords (by reason of the steepness of the

ascent) could not well come at; wherefore they wheeled about to get a

more convenient place to go to the hill, where the enemie was, and to

have the sunne behind them in the time of the fight. At the first the

Queen, seeing their thus going about, did imagine they were fleeing

away to Dalkeith, but when she saw them come directly towards her, she

found her self deceived.

[1147] Carberry-hill, in the parish of Inveresk, about two miles to

the south-east of Musselburgh, and seven miles from Edinburgh.

The French Ambassador, seeing them ready to fight, strived to take up

the business, and having spoken with the Queen, went to the Lords,

telling them, that the Queen was disposed to peace, and to forgive and

pardon this insurrection: wherefore it was very fit to spare blood, to

agree in a peaceable way The Earle of Morton (in the name of all the

rest) answered, That they had taken up armes, not against the Queen,

but against the murtherer of the King; whom if she would deliver to be

punished, or at least put from her company, she should find a

continuation of dutifull obedience by them, and all other good

subjects; otherwise no peace: besides, we are not to ask pardon for

any offence done by us. The Ambassador, seeing their resolution to

stand to the right of their cause, withdrew, and went to Edinburgh.

[Sidenote: Note how God changeth things in a moment.]

While the French Ambassadour was thus labouring for accommodation,

Bothwell came out of the camp (which was in the trench that the

Englishmen had left at their last being in these places, as we have

said in the former Books,) well mounted, with a defie to any that

would fight with him. James Murray, brother to the Laird of

Tullibardin, who before had accepted of Bothwell's challenge, when he

made the rodomontade at Edinburgh, immediately after the King's death;

but then James Murray did not make known his name. Bothwell refused

to fight with James Murray,[1148] alleadging he was not his equall.

Upon this the elder brother, William Murray, Laird of Tullibardin,

answered, That he would fight with him, as being his better in estate,

and in antiquitie of house many degrees above him; yet Bothwell

refused him, saying, That he was not a Peer of the Kingdom, as he was;

then sundry Lords would have gone to fight with Bothwell; but the Lord

Lindsey namely, who said to the rest of the Lords and Gentlemen, That

he would take it as a singular favour of them, and as a recompence of

his service done to the State, if they would suffer him to fight with

the braggadocio. Bothwell seeing that there was no more subterfuge nor

excuse, under-hand made the Queen to forbid him. After this challenge

and answers, Bothwell's complices and followers were very earnest to

fight, but others that had come only for the Queen's sake, became

little cold, saying, That Bothwell would do well to fight himself, and

spare the blood of divers gentlemen that were there. Some counselled

to delay the battell till the Hamiltons came, whom they did expect.

All this the Queen heard with anger; and riding up and downe, burst

out in teares, and said, They were all cowards and traytors that would

not fight. Immediately after thus vapouring, the Queen, perceiving

sundry to leave her, she advised Bothwell to look unto himself, for

she said to him, she would render her selfe unto the Noble-men.[1149]

Upon this she sent for James Kirkaldie of Grange,[1150] with whom she

kept discourse for a while, till that she was assured that Bothwell

was out of danger. Then she went to the Lords, whom she did entertain

with many fair words, telling them, That it was neither fear, nor want

of hope of victorie, that made her come unto them, but a meer desire

to spare shedding of innocent blood: withall she promised to be ruled

and advised by them. With this she was received with all respect: But

shortly after, declaring that she would go to the Hamiltons, with

promise to returne, they restrained her liberty, and brought her along

with them to Edinburgh at night: She was very slow in marching,

looking to be rescued by the Hamiltons; but in vain. She lay that

night in the Provest his house. The next day, the Lords sent the Queen

to the Castle that is within an Isle of Lochlevin. Sir James Balfour,

seeing the Queen committed, and Bothwell consequently defeated, he

capitulated with the Lords for the deliverie of the Castle. Bothwell,

finding himselfe thus in disorder, sent a servant to Sir James

Balfour, to save a little silver cabinet which the Queen had given

him. Sir James Balfour delivers the cabinet to the messenger, and

under-hand giveth advice of it to the Lords. In this cabinet had

Bothwell kept the letters of privacy he had from the Queen: Thus he

kept her letters, to be an awe-bond upon her, in case her affection

should change. By the taking of this cabinet, many particulars betwixt

the Queen and Bothwell were clearly discovered. These letters were

after printed:[1151] They were in French, with some sonnets of her

owne making.

[1148] "James Murray, son of umquhill William Murray of Tullibardine,"

is mentioned in a letter of Queen Mary, in Aug. 1564. (Recueil, &c.,

vol. i. p. 221.)

[1149] Queen Mary surrendered at Carberry-hill, on Sunday the 15th

June: She was brought that night to Edinburgh, and on the following

day was sent prisoner to Lochleven Castle.

[1150] See page 322, note 7.

[1151] In Buchanan's Detection, &c., 1572.

[About this time the Earle Bothwell was declared by open Proclamation

not only the murtherer of the King, but also the committer of it with

his owne hand; and a thousand crownes were offered to any man that

would bring him in.][1152]

[1152] This sentence is inserted in the 4to edit. 1644, at the close

of the preceding paragraph.

Few dayes after the commitment of the Queen, the Earl of Glencarne

with his domesticks went to the Chappell of Halyrud-house, where he

brake down the altars and the images: which fact, as it did content

the zealous Protestants, so it did highly offend the Popishly

affected. The Nobles, who had so proceeded against Bothwell, and dealt

so with the Queen, hearing that the Hamiltons had a great number of

men, and had drawn the Earls of Argyle and Huntley to their side,

sent to Hamilton, desiring those that were there to joyn with them,

for the redress of the disorders of the Kirk and State: But the

Hamiltons, thinking now they had a faire occasion fallen unto them to

have all again in their hands, and to dispose of all according to

their own mind, did refuse audience to the message sent by the Lords.

Upon this, the Lords moved the Generall Assembly then met in

Edinburgh,[1153] in the moneth of June, to write to the Lords that

either were actually declared for the Hamiltons or were neuters: And

so severall letters were directed to the Earls of Argyle, Huntley,

Cathnes, Rothesse, Crauford, and Menteith; to the Lords Boyd,

Drummond, Graham,[1154] Cathcart, Yester, Fleming, Levingston, Seaton,

Glams, Uchiltry, Gray, Olyphant, Methven, Innermeth,[1154] and

Somervile, as also to divers other men of note. Besides the letters of

the Assembly, Commissioners were sent from the Assembly to the Lords

above-named; to wit, John Knox, John Dowglas, John Row, and John

Craig, who had instructions conforme to the tenour of the letters, to

desire these Lords and others, to come to Edinburgh, and joyne with

the Lords there, for the setling of God's true worship in the Church,

and Policie reformed according to God's Word, a maintenance for the

Ministers, and support for the Poor: But neither the Commissioners nor

the letters did prevaile with these men; they excused, that they could

not repair to Edinburgh with freedom, where there was so many armed

men, and a garrison so strong: But for the Church affairs they would

not be any wayes wanting, to do what lay in them.

[1153] The General Assembly met on the 25th June, and Mr. George

Buchanan was chosen Moderator. The Book of the Universall Kirk

contains the letter signed by Knox, Row, Craig, Erskine, Spottiswood,

and Douglas, dated 26th June 1567; and also the names of the several

persons to whom copies of it were addressed. After appointing a

General Fast to be observed on Sunday the 13th and the 20th of July,

the Assembly adjourned to the 21st of that month.

[1154] In the Edinburgh editions 1644, "Ghram" and "Inderneth."

The Lords at Edinburgh, seeing this, joyneth absolutely with the

Assembly, (which had been prorogated to the 20. of July,[1155] upon

the occasion of these Letters and Commissioners aforesaid,) and

promiseth to make good all the Articles they thought fit to resolve

upon in the Assembly: But how they performed their promises, God

knows. Alwayes the Articles they agreed upon were these:[1156]

[1155] At the Assembly in July 1567, "Letters of Excusation," from the

Earl of Argyle, the Commendator of Aberbrothok, (Lord John Hamilton,)

and Thomas Menzies, provost of Aberdeen, were read; and copies of them

are contained in the Book of the Universall Kirk, (vol. i. pages

101-103.)

[1156] These Articles are here given only in a condensed or abridged

form. See Book of the Universall Kirk, vol. i., pages 106-110.

1. That the Acts of Parliament holden at Edinburgh the 24. of August

1560, touching Religion, and abolishing the Pope's authoritie, should

have the force of a publike law; and consequently this Parliament

defended as a lawfull Parliament, and confirmed by the first

Parliament that should be kept next.

2. That the Thirds of the Tythes, or any more reasonable proportion of

Benefices, should be allowed towards the maintenance of the Ministery;

and that there should be a charitable course taken concerning the

exacting of the tythes of the poor labourers. [Moreover, that nothing

should pass in Parliament till the affaires of the Kirk be first

considered, approven, and established.]

3. That none should be received in the Universities, Colledges, or

Schooles, for instruction of the youth, but after due tryall both of

capacitie and probitie.

4. That all crimes and offences against God, should be punished

according to God's word; and that there should be a law made there

anent, at the first Parliament to be holden.

5. As for the horrible murther of the late King, husband to the Queen,

which was so haynous before God and man, all true professors, in

whatsoever rank or condition, did promise to strive that all persons

should be brought to condigne punishment, who are found guilty of the

same crime.

6. They all promised to protect the young Prince against all violence,

lest he should be murthered as his father was; and that the Prince

should be committed to the care of four wise and godly men, that by a

good education, he might be fitted for that high calling he was to

execute one day.

7. The Nobles, Barons, and others, doth promise to beat down and

abolish Popery, Idolatry, and Superstition, with any thing that may

contribute unto it; as also to set up and further the true worship of

God, his government, the Church, and all that may concern the purity

of Religion and life; and for this to convene and take arms, if need

require.

8. That all Princes and Kings hereafter in this Realm, before their

Coronation, shall take oath to maintain the true Religion now

professed in the Church of Scotland, and suppress all things contrary

to it, and that are not agreeing with it.

* * * * *

To these Articles[1157] subscribed the Earls of Morton, Glencarne, and

Marr, the Lords Hume, Ruthven, Sanchar, Lindsey, Grame, Innermeth, and

Uchiltrie, with many other Barons, besides the Commissioners of the

Burroughs.

[1157] The names of the Subscribers to these Articles, amounting in

all to 79 persons, are inserted in the Book of the Universall Kirk,

(vol. i. p. 110.)

This being agreed upon, the Assembly dissolved. Thereafter the Lords

Lindsay and Ruthven were sent to Lochlevin to the Queen, to present

unto her two writs; the one contained a renunciation of the Crowne and

Royall dignitie in favour of the Prince her son; with a Commission to

invest him into the Kingdome, according to the manner accustomed:

which after some reluctancy, with tears, she subscribed[1158] by the

advice of the Earle of Athole, who had sent to her; and of Secretary

Lethington, who had sent to her Robert Melvill[1159] for that

purpose: So there was a procuration given to the Lords Lindsey and

Ruthven, by the Queen, to give up and resign the rule of the Realm, in

presence of the States.

[1158] The three Instruments signed at Lochlevin, by Queen Mary, on

the 24th July 1567, were published with other documents connected with

them in Anderson's Collections, vol. ii. Edinb. 1727, 4to: see also

Keith's History, vol. ii. p. 706, &c.

[1159] See page 361, note 2.

The second writ was, To ordain the Earle of Murray Regent during the

Prince's minority, if he would accept the charge: And in case he

refused [to accept the said office upon his single person, that he

with] the Duke Chattelarault, the Earles of Lenox, Argyle, Athole,

Morton, Glencarne, and Marr, should govern conjunctly.

These writs were published the 29. of July 1567, at the Market Crosse

of Edinburgh. Then at Sterlin was the Prince crowned King, where John

Knox made the sermon. The Earle Morton and the Lord Hume took the oath

for the King, that he should constantly live in the profession of the

true Religion, and maintain it; and that he should govern the Kingdom

according to [the] law thereof, and doe justice equally to all.

In the beginning of August, the Earle Murray being sent for, cometh

home;[1160] in all haste he visits the Queen at Lochlevin, strives to

draw the Lords that had taken part with the Hamiltons, or were

neuters, to joyne with those that had bound themselves to stand for

the King's authoritie: He was very earnest with divers, by reason of

their old friendship, but to little purpose. The twentie of August, he

received his Regency, after mature and ripe deliberation, at the

desire of the Queen, and Lords that were for the King, and so was

publikely proclaimed Regent, and obedience showed unto him by all that

stood for the young King.

[1160] At the time of Queen Mary's renunciation of the Crown, the Earl

of Murray was in France. After his return to Edinburgh, the 11th

August, he had an interview with the Queen at Lochleven. He was

solemnly inaugurated as Regent in the Council Chamber of the Tolbooth,

or Parliament House, and publicly proclaimed at the Cross of

Edinburgh, 22d August 1567.

THE END OF THE HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, TILL

THE YEAR 1567, AND MONETH OF AUGUST.

[Illustration: decoration]

About this time, in the beginning of[1112] [the year 1565-6,] as the