IN the previous volume it has been shewn that the Four Books of THE
HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND were written by Knox, between
the years 1559 and 1566; and that these Books have reached us, as
completed by himself, without being either mutilated or interpolated,
except in the common printed editions of the work. But of the Fifth
Book, no manuscript copy has been discovered; and although there may
be sufficient reason to prevent us from ascribing its composition to
the Scotish Reformer, there can be no doubt of the propriety of
annexing it as a Supplement or Continuation of his History.
This Fifth Book relates to the progress of affairs in Scotland, from
September 1564 to August 1567, when Queen Mary having been forced to
abdicate the throne, the Earl of Murray was appointed Regent. It was
first published in folio, in the year 1644, by DAVID BUCHANAN, a
person of literary distinction, of whom some account will be given in
the Appendix to the present volume. The volume has this title:--
"THE HISTORIE OF THE REFORMATION OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND; Containing
five Books: Together with some TREATISES conducing to the History.
Published by Authority. (Jerem. 5. 1.-2 Cor. 13. 8.) LONDON, Printed
by _John Raworth_, for _George Thomason_ and _Octavian Pullen_, and
are to be sold at the Signe of the Rose in _Paul's_ Church-yard.
MDCXLIV."
In the course of the same year, another edition, in quarto, appeared
under a similar title:--"THE HISTORIE, &c. Printed at LONDON for _G.
T._ and _O. P._ And Re-Printed at EDINBURGH by ROBERT BRYSON, and are
to be sold at his Shop at the Signe of JONA. 1644."
It is a mistake to suppose that this Edinburgh edition was a literal
reprint. The greater portion of the volume is in fact so, insomuch
that the words and letters in most of the lines correspond in the two
editions; still there are some changes which it is not improbable were
introduced under Buchanan's immediate inspection. The Preface "To the
Reader," in which the Editor "D. B." says, "I have thought fit in this
place to point at some main occurrences from that time (1567) till
now," remains unaltered. But "The Life of John Knox," which fills
eight pages in the folio edition, is extended as "The Life and Death
of John Knox," in the quarto, to twenty-two pages, including "An
Acrostick" (8 lines), and 16 lines in the shape of an altar, "To the
pretious memorie of John Knox, that worthie Primitive-Reformer in the
Church of Scotland," signed "J. L." The historical "Preface," relating
to the earlier people and religion of Scotland, filling thirty leaves
in the folio, and thirty-two leaves in the quarto edition, contains no
alterations. Neither are there any of importance, until we reach the
close of Book Fourth, where four paragraphs are added, two of them
being transposed from the commencement of Book Fifth. Other additions
occur towards the latter part of Book Fifth. And in the subjoined
Treatises, there is added Knox's "Brief Exhortation," dated from
Geneva, 12th January 1557.
The passage in Buchanan's Life of John Knox, in which he speaks of the
HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION, is worthy of notice. After mentioning
Knox's education and earnest study of the Holy Scriptures, he refers
to his sufferings, and says, "For the cause of the truth, he suffered
very much by sea and land, in minde and body; among forraigners, and
amongst his own countreymen, as ye may see in this History of the
Church, which now here we present unto you: Which History, namely so
much of it, I mean, as formerly was published, hath gone commonly
under his name, because he is the man of whom most is spoken
thorowout the whole History, as being a most earnest and diligent
agent in the businesse of the Reformation in the Church: Next, because
he hath penned with his own hand, or spoken by word of mouth, the most
part of the most remarkable and most usefull things for Posterity in
the History. Thirdly, the whole History is gathered out of his Papers
and Manuscripts: And so ye see why it is generally received to be of
JOHN KNOX. But to return to his Life," &c.
In the Edinburgh edition, this reference to the History is altered as
follows:--after mentioning that Knox "was honoured to be one of the
prime publike actors in that worthy worke of our Primitive
Reformation," Buchanan says, "And because some singular fruit, more
then ordinare, is expected from him who hes some singular enduements,
more then ordinar: Therefore, to shew to the world how farre his
thoughts were bussied upon the good of Posteritie, and how little he
did live to himselfe, he brought out of the intrals of actions many
choise and worthie secrets, as the laudable travels of his pious and
judicious minde, the truth whereof is evidentlie apparent throughout
the whole progresse of this Church-Historie, which may justly bee
published and sent abroad under his name, because the most part
thereof hath either been penned with his owne hand, or spoken and
uttered by the word of his mouth, or gathered and collected out of his
Papers and Manuscripts. His Historicall relations are without
partialitie. Hee hated no man's person, no not the enemie but his sin.
And therefore I hope his unpartiall expressions shall be unseasonable
to no good man, be hee never so great. Wearie not then in reading, but
adventure your patience as he hes done his paines, and I doubt not,
but in each particular, you shall get such a full and satisfactorie
information of the truth, that you shall not afterward need to strike
fire, and light your candle at another man's Torch. But to returne to
his Life," &c.
In regard to the authorship of this Fifth Book, the minute statement
of facts, the occasional modes of expression, and the above
declaration by the Editor, that "the whole History is gathered out of
Knox's Papers and Manuscripts," are quite opposed to the general
notion that it was written or even compiled by David Buchanan. Neither
can we attribute it to Knox's Secretary, Richard Bannatyne, as the
style is altogether unlike that of the "Journal of Transactions" from
1570 to 1573, which has been published under his name; and from which
portions at least ought to be included in a collection of the
Reformer's Works. This will form part of the concluding volume.
On this subject the Editor of 1732, after remarking, "It is not easy
to give any tolerable account of the Fifth Book," says, "It seems
probable that Mr. David Buchanan himself is the author of it: perhaps
he was beholden to Mr. Knox's scrolls, but I wish he had carefully
distinguished Mr. Knox's composure from his own, and forborn his
interpolations in the body of the History, which is a liberty no
person ought to take with any Author.... The Editors, (it is added;)
have given the Fifth Book as Mr. Buchanan has published it, and leave
it to the Reader to value it as he finds cause." But these Editors
have taken an unusual liberty, which they have not specified, in
altering the language to correspond to the more antiquated orthography
of the Glasgow MS. of the Four Books. In the present edition, the text
is given from that of London, 1644.
Although persuaded that the Fifth Book has been chiefly derived from
Knox's papers by some unknown hand, yet, as it has no well-founded
claims to be regarded as A WORK OF ORIGINAL AUTHORITY, like the
previous Books, I have not thought it necessary to devote much time to
its elucidation by encumbering the pages with foot-notes; and the more
so, as the period of three years which it embraces, has been so
fruitful in controversy, and has obtained a much larger share of
literary investigation than perhaps any other period of our National
History.
[Sidenote: There be two Epigrams extant, written by George Buchanan,
of a rich diamond sent from Queen Mary to Queen Elizabeth.[1056]
[1056] The marginal notes in this Book are evidently added by the
original editor, David Buchanan.
* * * * *
IN the next moneth, which was July, the Queen went into Athole to the
hunting; and from thence she made her progress into Murray, and
returned to Fyfe in September.[1057] All this while there was
appearance of love and tender friendship betwixt the two Queens; for
there was many letters full of civility and complements sent from
either of them to the other in signe of amity; besides costly presents
for tokens. And in the meantime the Earl of Lenox[1058] laboured to
come home forth of England; and in the moneth of October he arrived at
Halyrud-House, where he was graciously received by the Queen's
Majestie; namely, when he had presented the Queen of England her
letters, written in his favour: And because he could not be restored
to his lands without Act of Parliament, therefore there was a
Parliament procured to be holden at Edinburgh, the 13. day of
December:[1059] But before the Queen would cause to proclaim a
Parliament, she desired the Earle of Murray, by whose means chiefly
the said Earle of Lenox came into Scotland, That there should no word
be spoken, or at least concluded, that concerned Religion in the
Parliament. But he answered, That he could not promise it. In the mean
time, the Hamiltons and the Earle of Lenox were agreed.[1060]
[1057] On the 25th or 26th September 1564: see note 4, page 420.
[1058] Matthew Stewart, fourth Earl of Lennox. He arrived at Edinburgh
on the 23d September. A letter, addressed by Queen Mary to Queen
Elizabeth, on the 28th of that month, mentions, that he had presented
the letters of Elizabeth, at Holyrood-House, on the previous day.
(Tytler's Hist., vol. vi. p. 297; Keith's Hist., vol. ii. p. 233.)
[1059] The proceedings of this Parliament are not preserved, and the
day of meeting in variously stated. Some Acts passed on the 15th
December are recorded. (Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. p. 545.) In an
abstract of a letter from Randolph to Cecil, marked 3d December 1564,
(an evident error in the date for the 23d,) we read, "Lennox restored
by Parliament called only for that purpose. The Queen made an Oration
in the Parliament, shewing the reason of restoring Lennox; and the
rather, because it was at the request and suit of her sister of
England." (Keith's Hist., vol. ii. p. 259.) On the 15th, Lennox's
restoration was proclaimed with great solemnity at the Cross of
Edinburgh.
[1060] In Buchanan's republication of Knox's History, at Edinburgh,
1644, this and the next paragraph are transposed to the end of Book
Fourth, with two additional paragraphs, for the purpose evidently of
bringing the History down to the close of the year 1564. The first of
these, as follows, occurs nearly _verbatim_ in Calderwood's History,
vol. ii. p. 280: see also the Book of the Kirk, vol. i. p. 47.--
"ARTICLES AND PETITIONS.
"It was thought good by the Church Assembly immediately preceding
[viz. in June 1564,] and conforme to the Acts made before the Queen's
arrivall, and approven since, that Christ's true Religion bee _de
novo_, established, ratified, and approven throughout the whole
Realme; And that all Idolatry, especially the Masse, he abolished
every where, so that no other face of Religion be suffered to be
erected within this Realme. And for this effect, that the Ministrie be
sufficiently provided with maintenance, and sure appointment where
they shall take up thair stipends. In like manner, to desire that the
transgressors of the said Laws bee punished, specially in Aberdeen,
the Karse of Gowry, Seyfield, and other places which shall be
specified. These Articles were appointed to bee presented to the Lords
of the Secret Councel. The Earls of Murray, Argyle, Glencairne, and
the Secretary being present, and sent by the Queene to observe what
things were propounded in the Assembly, thought not good that the
Articles should be propounded after this manner, but drew out two
heads; First, they would declare the good mind and obedience of the
Assembly; Next, they would labour at her G[race's] hands for settling
of Religion according to the order established before her arrivall.
They promised also to deal with her for set stipends. Lethington
returned a gracious answer to these Heads. It was appointed that a
request should be presented to the Queen for obtaining the gift of the
Frier's Kirk of Kirkcudbright, to be holden hereafter the Parish Kirk
of Kirkcudbright."
The second paragraph is entitled,
"AN ANSWER TO PAUL METHVEN'S SUPPLICATION.
"The General Assembly of the Church conveened at Edinburgh the 25. of
December, the exhortation and invocation of the name of God being made
by John Knox. John Ærskin of Dun, Superintendent of Angus and Mearnes,
was chosen Moderator. In this Assembly Paul Methven's supplication
anent his receiving to repentance, &c., was read and considered. The
Brethren were content to receive him, providing he presented himself
personally before them, and shew evident signes of unfained
repentance, and willingness to obey such a forme of repentance as they
should enjoyne. As for deleting the processe out of their Books, they
could no wayes condescend, neither thought they such a Petition could
proceed of the Holy Spirit, seeing David, a notable servant of God,
was not ashamed to leave in register his offence, to God's glory and
his own confusion. Anent his admission and re-entrie to the Ministrie
within this Realme, it was ansuered, That could not be granted till
the memorie of his former offence were more deeply buried, and some
particular Kirks within the Realme made request for him. And, further,
That his entrie in the Ministrie of England, hee being excommunicated
and unreconciled to the Kirk, hath grievously offended them." This
paragraph is copied nearly _verbatim_ from the Acts of Assembly, 27th
December 1564. (Book of the Kirk, vol. i. p. 55.)
At the day appointed, the Parliament was held at Edinburgh, where the
said Earle of Lenox was restored, after two and twenty years exile: He
was banished, and forfeited by the Hamiltons, when they had the rule.
There were some Articles given in by the Church, especially for the
abolishing of the Masse universally, and for punishment of vice; but
there was little thing granted, save that it was Statute, That
scandalous livers should be punished first by prison, and then
publikely shewen unto the people with ignominy; but the same was not
put in execution.
In the end of this moneth of December, the Generall Assembly of the
Church was held at Edinburgh:[1061] many things were ordained for
setling of the affairs of the Church.
[1061] The General Assembly met on the 25th December 1564.
In the end of January the Queen past to Fyfe,[1062] and visiting the
Gentlemen's houses, was magnificently banquetted every where, so that
such superfluity was never seen before within this Realme; which
caused the wilde fowl to be so dear, that partridges were sold for a
crown a piece. At this time was granted by an Act of Parliament, the
confirmation of the feues of Church Lands, at the desire of divers
Lords, whereof the Earle of Murray was chief. During the Queen's
absence, the Papists of Edinburgh went down to the Chappell to hear
Masse; and seeing there was no punishment, they waxed more bold: some
of them thinking thereby to please the Queen, upon a certain Sunday in
February, they made an Even-song of their own, setting two Priests on
the one side of the quire, and one or two on the other side, with
Sandy Stevin, Menstrall, (baptizing their children, and making
marriages,) who, within eight days after, convinced of blasphemy,
alleadging, That he would give no more credit to the New Testament
than to a tale of Robin Hood,[1063] except it were confirmed by the
Doctors of the Church. The said superstitious Even-song was the
occasion of a great slander, for many were offended with it; which
being by the Brethren declared to the Lords of the Privy Councell,
especially to the Earle of Murray, who lamented the cause to the
Queen's Majestie, shewing her what inconveniency should come if such
things were suffered unpunished: And, after sharp reasoning, it was
promised, That the like should not be done hereafter: The Queen also
alleadged, That they were a great number; and that she could not
trouble their conscience.
[1062] The Queen left Edinburgh on the 19th January 1564-5. Randolph,
who followed soon after, transmitted to England an interesting account
of his interviews with her at St. Andrews. (Chalmers' Life of Queen
Mary, vol. i. p. 123-127. Keith's Hist., vol. ii. p. 261.) She
afterwards visited Wemyss Castle. where she received Darnley's first
visit, on the 16th February, and returned to the Palace of Holyrood on
the 24th of that month.
[1063] Randolph, in a letter to Cecil, dated 20th March 1564-5, refers
to the excesses of both parties at this time; and in particular, that
"one of the Queen's chappel, a singing man, said, that he believed as
well a tale of Robin Hood as any word is written in the Old Testament
or New." He further adds, the Queen's "own Mass, and the resort into
it; such blasphemies as there unpunished; her will to continue
Papistry, and her desire to have all men live as they list, so
offendeth the godly men's consciences, and so many besides that desire
alteration, that it is continually feared that these matters will
shortly break out to some greater mischief."
About the 20. of this moneth, arrived at Edinburgh, Henry Stewart,
Lord Darnley;[1064] from thence he passed to Fyffe: And in the place
of Weemes he was admitted to kisse the Queen's hand; whom she liked so
well, that she preferred him before all others, as shall hereafter,
God willing, be declared. Soon after, in the moneth of March, the
Earle Bothwell arrived out of France; whereat the Earle of Murray was
highly offended, because of the evil report made to him of the Lord
Bothwell; and passing immediately to the Queen's Majestie, demanded
of her, If it was her will, or by her advice, that he was come home;
and seeing he was his deadly enemy, either he or the other should
leave the countrey, and therefore desired that he might have justice.
Her answer was, That seeing the Earle Bothwell was a nobleman, and had
done her service, she could not hate him: Nevertheless she would do
nothing that might be prejudiciall to the Erle of Murray, but desired
that the matter might be taken away. Within few days she caused summon
the Earle Bothwell to answer to the course of law the 2d of May, for
the conspiracy which the Earle of Arrane had alledged two years
before, and for the breaking of the ward of the Castle. In the
meanwhile there was nothing in the Court but banquetting, balling, and
dancing, and other such pleasures as were meet to provoke the
disordered appetite; and all for the entertainment of the Queen's
cousin from England, the Lord Darnley, to whom she did shew all the
expressions imaginable of love and kindenesse.[1065]
[1064] Henry Lord Darnley, then in the twentieth year of his age,
arrived in Edinburgh, on the 13th February 1564-5. After visiting the
Queen at Wemyss Castle, in Fife, on the 16th, he proceeded to Dunkeld,
where his father the Earl of Lennox was residing; but he hastened back
to Edinburgh to wait the Queen's arrival at Holyrood.--In both edit.
1644, his name is always printed "Darley."
[1065] Within a month of Darnley's arrival in Scotland, Queen Mary had
fixed her affections on him, as her proposed husband, and to
communicate this to Queen Elizabeth, was the main object of
Lethington's mission to the English Court. He had arrived there on the
18th April, and had returned to Edinburgh on the 13th May 1565.
(Chalmers's Life of Queen Mary, vol. iii p. 551.)
Within few days, the Queen being at Sterlin, order was given to
Secretary Lethington to pass to the Queen of England. The chief point
of his message was, to declare to the Queen of England, That the Queen
was minded to marry her cousin the Lord Darnley; and the rather,
because he was so near of blood to both Queens: for by his mother, he
was cousin-german to the Queen of Scotland, also of near kindred, and
of the same name by his father: His mother was cousin-german to the
Queen of England. Here mark God's providence: King James the Fifth
having lost his two sons, did declare his resolution to make the Earle
of Lenox his heir of the Crown; but he prevented by sudden death, that
design ceased. Then came the Earle of Lenox from France, with
intention to marry King James his widow; but that failed also: He
marries Mary[1066] Dowglas, and his son marrieth Mary, King James the
Fifth his daughter. And so the King's desire is fulfilled, to wit, The
Crown continueth in the name and in the family. The Queen of England,
nevertheless, shewed her self nothing pleased therewith, but rather
declared, That she would in no wise suffer her subjects to make such
contracts or alliance that might be prejudiciall to her; and for the
same purpose sent a post to the Queen with letters, wherein she
complained greatly of the mind of our Mistris, seeing the great
affection she bare to her, intending to declare her heretrix of her
Realme of England, providing only that she would use her counsell in
marriage; but she could not approve her Marriage with the Lord
Darnley, although he was their near cousin by birth, since he was
below the rank of the Queen by condition, being but a private subject.
At the same time she wrote to the Earle of Lenox, and to his son,
commanding them to repair both into England. Some write, That all this
was but counterfeit by the Queen of England, and from her heart she
was glad of the marriage, for by that means the Succession of the
Crown of England was secured, the Lord Darnley being the right heir
after the Queen of Scotland: and Queen Elizabeth was not angry to see
her married to one of inferior rank, for by that means she thought the
Scots Queen would be less proud.
[1066] An error in both edit. 1644 for Lady Margaret Douglas: see page
336, note 2.
[Sidenote: At this time an Italian named Davie, entered in great
familiarity with the Queen so that there was nothing done without
him.]
During this time there were certain letters directed to the Brethren
of Edinburgh, to Dundie, Fyfe, Angus, and Mernes, and other places,
from the Brethren of Kyle, and other places in the West Countrey,
desiring the professors of the Evangel in all places, to remember what
the Eternall God had wrought, and how potently he had abolished all
kind of idolatry and superstition, and placed his word in this Realm,
so that no man could say otherwise but it was the work of God, who
also had delivered this countrey from the bondage and tyranny of
strangers: Nevertheless by our slothfulness, we have suffered that
idol the Masse not only to be planted again, but to increase so, that
the maintainers thereof are like, by all appearance, to get the upper
hand, which would be the occasion of our destruction: And for that the
Papists purposed to set up their idol at Easter following, in all
places, which was to be imputed to the slothfulness and want of godly
zeal of the professors. Therefore they admonished the Brethren to
strive to avert the evil in time, and not to suffer such wickedness to
continue and encrease, lest God's heavy wrath come upon us unawares
like a consuming fire. By these letters many Brethren were animated,
and their spirits wakened, minding to provide as God should give them
grace. And first of all, by the advice of the most learned in
Edinburgh, there was a Supplication made, and given to the Queen's
Majestie by the Superintendent of Lowthian, containing, in effect,
That the Church in generall of the Realme, had divers times most
humbly craved of her Majesty, That committers of adultery should be
punished according to the law of God and the Acts of Parliament,
nevertheless they continued in their wickednes; and the Papists, of
obstinate malice, pretended nothing else but to erect and set up their
idolatry and superstition; and at Easter day following, they intended
to put the same in practice, which the Brethren and Professors of the
Evangel could not suffer; therefore wished her Majestie to take heed
of the matter.
This Supplication the Secretary received of the hands of the
Superintendents of Lowthian and Glasgow, and told them, in the Queen's
name, That there should be such provision made as should serve to
their contentment: And for the same purpose, the Queen's Majestie writ
to all such places as were suspected, especially to the Bishop of
Saint Andrewes and Aberdeine, (as was said,) not to use any Masse,
and that they should not do any such thing as was feared by the
Protestants, or convene any Councell, and thereto commanded them. Now
the Communion was administred in Edinburgh, the 1st day of April 1565:
At which time, because it was near Easter, the Papists used to meet at
their Masse; and as some of the Brethren were diligent to search such
things, they having with them one of the Bayliffs, took one Sir James
Carvet, riding hard, as he had now ended the saying of the Masse, and
conveyed him, together with the master of the house, and one or two
more of the assistants, to the Tolbuith, and immediately revested him
with all his garments upon him, and so carried him to the
Market-Crosse, where they set him on high, binding the chalice in his
hand, and himself fast tyed to the said Crosse, where he tarried the
space of one hour; during which time the boyes served him with his
Easter eggs. The next day following, the said Carvet, with his
assistants, were accused and convinced by an assize, according to the
Act of Parliament: And albeit for the same offence he deserved death,
yet for all punishment, he was set upon the Market-Crosse for the
space of three or four hours, the hangman standing by, and keeping
him, the boyes and others were busie with eggs casting; and some
Papists there were that stopped as far as they could: And as the
presse of people encreased about the Crosse, there appeared to have
been some tumult. The Provost, Archibald Dowglas, came with some
Halberdiers, and carried the Priest safe againe to the Tolbuith. The
Queen being advertised, and having received sinister information that
the Priest was dead, suddenly thought to have used and inflicted some
extreme punishment; for she thought that all this was done in contempt
of her, and of her Religion; and it was affirmed, That the Towne
should have been sacked, and a great number executed to death: she
sent to such as she pleassed, commanding them to come to her at
Edinburgh suddenly with their whole forces; and in the mean time she
sent her Advocate, Master Spence of Condie, to Edinburgh, to take a
sure triall of the matter. The Provost and Councell wrote to the Queen
the truth of the matter as it was, desiring her Majestie to take the
same in good part, and not to give credit to false reports, and
therewith sent to her Majestie the processe and enrolment of the Court
of the Priest convict. Thus the Queen's Majestie being informed of the
truth by her said Advocate, sent againe, and stayed the said meeting
of men, and sent to the Town a grave Letter, whereof the copie
followeth:--
_The Queen's Letter to the Provest, Bailiffe, and Councell
of Edinburgh._
"PROVEST, Bayliffe, and Councell of our Citie of Edinburgh,
We received your letter from our Advocate, and understand by
this report what diligence you took to stay the tumult in
the late disorder attempted at Edinburgh; wherein, as you
did your duty in suppressing the tumult, so can We not take
in good part, nor think our self satisfied of so notorious a
thing, without certain seditious persons, who were pleased
to do justice perforce and without the Magistrates
authoritie, be condignly and really punished for their
rashnesse and misbehaviour; for if all private persons
should usurpe to take vengeance at their own hands, what
lies in ours? And to what purpose hath good laws and
statutes been established? Since, therefore, We have never
been obstinate to the due punishment of any offenders,
prescribed by the lawes, but have alwayes maintained justice
in that case without respect of persons, it is our will, and
We command you, as you will answer to us upon your obedience
and allegiance, that you will take before you certane of the
most responsall persons which are declared authors of the
said sedition, and usurpers of our authority, and to
administer justice upon them, in such sort as We may know a
sinceritie on your parts, and our authority no wayes
slighted. But if you faile, perswade your selves, (and that
shortly,) We will not oversee it, but will account this
contempt not only to be in the committers thereof, but in
yourselves, who ought to punish it, and relieve us on our
part, remitting the rest to your diligence and execution,
which We look for so soon as reason will permit.
"Subscribed with our hand at Sterlin, this 24. of April,
Anno 1565."
By this manner of writing and high threatning, may be perceived how
grievously the Queen's Majestie would have been offended if the said
Tarbot[1067] and Messe-monger had been handled according to his
demerite, being not only a Papist idolater, but a manifest
whoremaster, and a common fighter and blasphemer; nevertheless, within
few dayes the Queen charged the Provest and Bailiffs to set him at
libertie, commanding them further, that no man should trouble nor
molest him in any sort for whatsoever cause, and soon after rewarded
him with a benefice, and likewise his assisters, John Low and John
Kennedie, set at libertie in the same manner. At this Easter-tyde, in
Sterlin, the Queen made her domestick servants use Papisticall rites
and ceremonies, and more, she perswaded others by faire means to do
the same, and threatned those that were most constant at the Earle of
Cassels house.
[1067] So in both edit. 1644; but at page 476 the name is "Carvet."
Upon the second day of May 1565, conveened at Edinburgh, the Earl of
Murray with his friends in great numbers, to keepe the day of law
against the Earle of Bothwell; who being called, appeared not, only
the Laird of Rickerton protested, That the personall absence of the
Earle Bothwell should not be prejudiciall to him, by reason, that for
just fear, which might happen in the heart of any man, since he had so
potent an enemy as the Lord of Murray, who, next the Queen's Majesty,
was of greatest estimation and authority of any man within this Realm,
to whom assisted at this present day of law, seven or eight hundred
men, which force he could not resist, and therefore had absented
himself; which protestation being made, those that had been sureties
for his appearance, were outlawed. The said Earle Bothwell, a few
dayes after, past into France, after he had been in Liddesdale, where,
suspecting almost every man, he was not in great assurance of his
life, notwithstanding he was not put to the horne; for the Queen
continually bore a great favour towards him, and kept him to be a
souldier, as appeared within lesse than half a year; for she would not
suffer the Lord Morton, nor my Lord Ariskin, my Lord of Murray's great
friends, to keep the day. There assisted my Lord of Murray, the Earles
of Argyle, Glenearne, and Crawford, with great numbers, and many Lords
and Barons, who for the most part conveened the same afternoon to
treat and consult for the maintaining of Religion; where some articles
were devised, and delivered to the Lord of Murray to be presented to
the Queen's Majestie and Privie Councell; which articles were enlarged
at the Generall Assembly following, as shall be declared.
In the meane time, as they were informed in Court of this great
Assembly of people in Edinburgh, they were affraid, for naturally the
Queen hated and suspected all such Conventions as were not in her own
presence, and devised by her self. The chief Counsellors in the Court
were the Earls of Lenox and Athole. The Queen writ incontinent for all
the Lords to come to Sterlin, so soone as she was advertised that they
had treated in Edinburgh of Religion; she writ likewise for the
Superintendants and other learned men who went thither, and being
there, they caused to keep the ports or gates, and make good watch
about the towne. The speciall cause of this Convention was to give to
the Lord Darnley title of honour, openly and solemnly, with consent of
the Nobles, before the marriage.
The fourth day of May the Earle of Murray came to Sterlin, where he
was well received by the Queen's Majestie, as appeared; and
immediately, as he past with her to my Lord Darnley's chamber, they
presented to him a contract, containing in effect, That forasmuch, as,
or since, the Queen had contracted marriage with the Lord Darnley, and
that therefore sundry Lords of the Nobilitie had under-written,
ratified, and approved the same, and obliged themselves to grant unto
him in full Parliament the Crowne Matrimoniall, (by a new Court
solecisme in policie, the Crowne for the second time is surnamed
Matrimoniall; before, when the Queen was first married, it was so
called also,) to serve and obey him and her as their lawfull
Soveraignes. The Queen desired my Lord Murray to subscribe, as many
others had done before; which hee refused to do, "Because, (said he,)
it is required necessarily that the whole Nobility be present, at
least the principall, and such as he himself was posteriour unto,
before that so grave a matter should be advised and concluded."
The Queen's Majesty no wayes content with this answer, insisted still
upon him, saying, The greatest part of the Nobilitie were there
present and content with the matter, wished him to be so much a
Stewart, as to consent to the keeping of the Crown in the family, and
the surname, according to their Father's will and desire, as was said
of him a little before his death: But he still refused for the causes
above written.
Now as the Lords were assembled, an Ambassadour from England, named
Sir Nicholas Throckmorton,[1068] arrived at Sterlin, and in his
company the Laird of Lethington; the Ambassador was at the Castle gate
or ever they were aware; and as he stood there in the entry, he was
desired to passe to his lodgings. The next day he had audience of the
Queen, and was graciously received according to the dignity of his
message. The whole summe of this his message was, to shew and declare
to the Queen, how highly the Queen his mistris was offended with this
precipitated marriage, and wondered what had moved her to take a man
of inferiour rank and condition to her selfe: and therefore disswaded
her therefrom. And specially desiring her most earnestly to send home
her subjects, the Earle of Lennox and the Lord Darnley: but all in
vaine; for the matter was well farre proceeded. In her heart Queen
Elizabeth was not angry at this marriage; first, because if Queen Mary
had married a foraign Prince, it had been an accesse to her
greatnesse, and consequently she had been more redoubted by the other;
next, both Harry and Mary were alike and in equall degree of
consanguinitie unto her, the father of Mary and the mother of Harry
being children to her Father's sister.
[1068] Throckmorton, in his letter to the Queen of England, on the
20th May 1565, mentions that he reached Edinburgh on the 13th, and
Stirling on the morning of 15th May; when, he says, "At my arrival at
the Castle, the gates were shut against me, whether it proceeded from
fear, or of some other passion, I know not. I thus remaining some time
before the gate, there came unto me the Master of Arskine and the
Justice-Clerk, who desired me, in the Queen their Mistress's behalf,
to retire unto my lodging which was appointed in the town, saying,
that after I had reposed myself, the Queen did mind to give me
audience." (Keith's History, vol. ii. p. 279.)
With many fair words the Queen let the Ambassadour depart, promising
to do all she could to satisfie the Queen of England; and for the same
purpose she would send an Ambassador to her.
[Sidenote: The Earl of Murray seeing the other Nobles consent gave
his, which before he refused.]
In the meane time the Queen's marriage with the Lord Darnley was
prepared and propounded in Councell, and the chief of the Nobilitie,
such as the Duke, the Earles of Argyle, Murray, Glenearne, with the
rest, granted freely to the same, providing that they might have the
Religion established in Parliament, by the Queene, and the idolatrous
Masse and Superstition abolished; shortly it was concluded, that they
should convene again to Saint Johnstoun, where the Queen promised to
take a finall order for Religion. The day was appointed, to wit, the
last of May, at Perth: my Lord of Argile came too late. The Queen's
Majestie communed with the Lords, who were very plain with her,
saying, Except the Masse were abolished, there should be no quietnesse
in the countrey. The twelfth day of May the Lord Darnley was belted,
(that is, created) Earle of Rosse, with great solemnity, a belt or
girdle being tyed about his waist or middle; and albeit all kinde of
provision was made to make him Duke of Rothesay, yet at that time it
came not to effect, albeit the crown and robe-royall were prepared to
him for the same. For the entertainment of this triumph there were
many Knights made, to the number of fourteen.[1069] The next day,
which was the thirteenth of May, the Queen called for the
Superintendants, by name John Willock, John Winram, and John
Spotswood, whom she cherished with faire words, assuring them, that
she desired nothing more earnestly than the glory of God, and
satisfying of men's consciences, and the good of the Commonwealth; and
albeit she was not perswaded in any Religion but in that wherein she
was brought up, yet she promised to them that she would hear
conference and disputation in the Scriptures: And likewise she would
be content to hear publike preaching, but alwayes out of the mouth of
such as pleased her Majestie; and above all others, she said, she
would gladly hear the Superintendant of Angus, (for he was a mild and
sweet natured man,) with true honesty and uprightnesse, John
Ariskin[1070] of Dun.
[1069] According to a memorial transmitted by Sir Nicholas
Throckmorton to Queen Elizabeth, this ceremony took place at Stirling
on the 15th May; and he enumerates the names and titles of the
fourteen Knights. (Keith's History, vol. ii. p. 289.)
[1070] In the Lond. edit. 1644, "Sir Ariskin;" in the Edinb. edit.
"Sir Ærskin."
Soon after the Queen past to Saint Johnston, after that she had
directed Master John Hay,[1071] Prior of Monimusk, to passe to
England, who sped at the Queen of England's hand, even as Sir Nicholas
Throckmorton did in Scotland.
[1071] Mr. John Hay was Master of Requests, a Privy Counsellor, and
Commendator of Balmerinoch. He died on the 3d December 1573. (Register
of Confirmed Testaments.)
Before the day which was appointed for the meeting at Saint Johnston,
my Lord of Murray, most carefull of the maintenance of Religion, sent
to all the principall Churches, advertising them of the matter, and
desiring them to advise, and send the most able men in learning and
reputation, to keep the day; but their craft and dissimulation
appeared, for the Dean of Restalrigge who lately arrived out of
France,[1072] with others, such as Mr. John Lesley, Parson of
Oyne,[1073] afterward Bishop of Rosse, caused the Queen to understand
that thing whereof she was easily perswaded, to wit, That there ought
to be given to all men libertie of conscience, and for this purpose to
shun or put off the first day appointed. The Queen writ to the
Nobility, That because she was informed that there was great meetings
out of every shire and town in great number; and then the other
partie, (so termed she the Papists,) were minded to gether to the said
Convention, which should apparently make trouble or sedition, rather
than any other thing; therefore she thought it expedient, and willed
them to stay the said meetings, and to deferre the same till such a
day that she should appoint with advice of her Councell. At this time
there was a Parliament proclaimed to be held at Edinburgh the
twentieth day of July. By this Letter, some of the Protestants having
best judgement, thought themselves sufficiently warned of the
inconveniences and troubles to come. Now her Councell at this time was
only the Earles of Lenox and Athole, the Lord Ruthven, but chiefely
David Rizio the Italian ruled all; yet the Earle of Rosse[1074] [was]
already in greatest credit and familiarity.
[1072] Queen Mary applied for a safe conduct to "Maister John
Sinclair, Deane of Restalrig, being from the partes of France, and
willing to returne hameward," 18th September 1561. (Labanoff, Recueil,
vol. i. p. 227)
[1073] In both edit. 1644, Lesley is called "Parson of Vune," an error
for Une, or Oyne, in Aberdeenshire: see the Appendix to this volume.
[1074] Henry Lord Darnley: see page 495.
These Letters were sent out to the Lords about the eight and
twentieth day of May; and within twelve dayes thereafter, she directed
new missives to the chief of the Nobility, desiring, or commanding
them, to come to Saint Johnston the three and twentieth day of June
following, to consult upon such things as concerned Religion, and
other things, as her Majesty should propose; Which day was even the
day before that the Generall Assembly should have been held in
Edinburgh. This last Letter uttered the effect of the former; so that
the Protestants thought themselves sufficiently warned. Always as the
Earle of Murray was passing to Saint Johnston to have kept the said
day, he chanced to fall sick of the fluxes in Lochleven, where he
remained till the Queen came forth of Saint Johnston to Edinburgh,
where the Generall Assembly of the whole Church of Scotland was held
the four and twentieth day of July.[1075] The Earles of Argyle and
Glencarne assisted the Church, with a great company of Lods, Barons,
and others: It was there ordered and concluded, That certain
Gentlemen, as Commissioners from the Church National, should passe to
the Queen's Majestie, with certain Articles, to the number of six,
desiring her most humbly to ratifie and approve the same in
Parliament.
[1075] The General Assembly met at Edinburgh, on the 25th June 1565.
And because the said ARTICLES are of great weight, and worthy of
memory, I thought good to insert the same word by word.[1076]
[1076] The Articles here inserted were drawn up by John Erskine of
Dun, John Willock, Christopher Goodman, and John Row; and, on the
following day, they received the Assembly's approbation.
_Imprimis_, That the Papisticall and blasphemous Masse, with
all Papisticall idolatry, and Papall jurisdiction, be
universally supprest and abolisht thorowout this Realme, not
only in the subjects, but also in the Queen's own person,
with punishment against all persons that should be
deprehended to transgresse and offend in the same: And that
the sincere word of God, and Christ's true Religion, now at
this present received, be established, approved, and
ratified, thorowout the whole Realme, as well in the Queen's
own person as in the subjects: And that the people be
[astricted] to resort upon the Sundays at the least, to the
prayers and preaching of God's word, even as they were
before to the idolatrous Masse: And these Heads to be
provided by Act of Parliament, and ratified by the Queen's
Majesty.
_Secondly_, That [sure] provision be made for sustentation
of the Ministry, as well for the time present, as the time
to come: And that such persons as are presently admitted to
the Ministry, may have their livings assigned unto them, in
places where they travell in their calling, or at least next
adjacent thereto: And that the Benefices now vacant, or hath
been vacant since the month of March 1558, or that hereafter
shall happen to be vacant, be disponed to qualified and
learned persons, able to preach God's Word, and discharge
the vocation concerning the Ministry, by tryall and
admission of the Superintendents and Overseers: And that no
Benefice or Living, having many Churches annexed thereunto,
be disponed altogether in any time to come, to any [one]
man, but at the least the Churches thereof be severally
disponed, and that to severall persons; so that every man
having charge may serve at his own church according to his
vocation: And to that effect, likewise the Gleebs and the
Manses be given to the Ministers, that they may make
residency at their Churches, whereby they may discharge
their consciences according to their vocation; and also,
that the Kirks may be repaired accordingly; and that a law
be made and established hereupon by Act of Parliament, as
said is.
_Thirdly_, That none be permitted to have charge of Souls,
[Schools,] Colledges, or Universities, neither privately or
publickly to teach and instruct the youth, but such as shall
be tried by the Superintendents or Visitors of churches,
and found sound and able in doctrine, and admitted by them
to their charges.
_Fourthly_, For the Sustentation of the Poor, That all lands
founded for hospitality of old be restored again to the same
use; and that all lands, annual-rents, or any other
emoluments, pertaining any ways sometimes to the Friers, of
whatsoever Order they had been of; as likewise the
annuities, alterages, obits, and other duties pertaining to
Priests, to be applied to the sustentation of the poor, and
uphold of the town-schools in towns, and other places where
they lie.
_Fifthly_, That such horrible crimes as now abound within
this Realme, without any correction, to the great contempt
of God and his Word; such as Idolatry, blasphemie of God's
name, manifest breaking of the Sabbath-day, witchcraft,
sorcery, inchantment, adultery, manifest whoredome,
maintenance of bordals, murther, slaughter, oppression, with
many other detestable crimes, may be severely punished; and
Judges appointed in every province and diocesse, for
execution thereof, with power to do the same, and that by
Act of Parliament.
_Lastly_, That some order be devised and established for
ease of the poor labourers of the ground, concerning the
[un]reasonable payment of the tythes, who are oppressed by
the leasers of the tythes set over their heads, without
their own consent and advice.
The persons who were appointed by the Church to carry these Articles,
and present them to the Queen's Majestie, were the Lairds of
Cunninghamhead, Lundie, Spot, and Grange of Angus, and James Baron for
the Broughs:[1077] These five past from Edinburgh to Saint Johnston,
where they presented the said Articles to the Queen's Majestie,
desiring and requiring her Highnesse most humbly to advise therewith,
and to give them answer. The next day, ere they were aware, the Queen
departed to Dunkeld, and immediately they followed; and after they had
gotten audience, they desired the Queen's Majestie most humbly to give
their dispatch. She answered, That her Councell was not there present,
but she intended to be in Edinburgh within eight dayes, and there they
should receive their answer.
[1077] These five Commissioners were, Walter Lundie of Lundie, in
Fife; William Cunningham of Cunninghamhead, in Ayrshire; William
Durham of Grange, in Forfarshire; George Hume of Spot, in
Berwickshire, and James Barron, merchant-burgess of Edinburgh.
At the same time, as the Generall Assembly was holden in Edinburgh,
the Brethren perceiving the Papists to brag, and trouble like to be,
they assembled themselves at Saint Leonard's Craig,[1078] where they
concluded they would defend themselves; and for the same purpose,
elected eight persons of the most able, two of every quarter, to see
that the Brethren should be ready armed.
[1078] The district of St. Leonard's is now included in the suburbs of
Edinburgh. It is on the south side of the city, immediately in front
of Salisbury Crags.
And when the five Commissioners above named had waited upon the Court
four or five days after her Majesties coming to Edinburgh, there the
matter was proposed in Councell: And after long and earnest reasoning
upon these Articles, at length it was answered to the Commissioners by
the Secretary, That the Queen's Majesties command was, That the matter
should be reasoned in her presence; which for the gravitie of the
same, there could nothing be concluded at that time, albeit the
Queen's Majestie had heard more in that matter then ever she did
before: But within eight days thereafter, she understood that a great
part of the Nobilitie should be present in Edinburgh, where they
should have a final answer.
At length, the one and twentieth of August, they received the answer
in writing in her presence, according to the tenour hereof, as
followeth:--
THE QUEEN'S MAJESTIES ANSWER TO THE ARTICLES PRESENTED TO
HER HIGHNESSE, BY CERTAIN GENTLEMEN, IN THE NAME OF THE
WHOLE ASSEMBLIE OF THE CHURCH.
To the first, Desiring the Masse to be suppressed and
abolished, as well in the head as in the members, with
punishment against the contraveners; as also, the Religion
professed to be Established by Act of Parliament: It was
answered first, for her Majesties part, That her Highness is
no way yet perswaded in the said Religion, nor yet that any
impiety is in the Masse; and therefore believeth, that her
loving subjects will not press her to receive any Religion
against her conscience, which should be unto her a
continuall trouble by remorse of conscience, and therewith a
perpetuall unquietness. And to deal plainly with her
subjects, her Majesty neither will nor may leave the
Religion wherein she hath been nourished and brought up, and
believeth the same to be well-grounded; knowing, besides the
grudge of conscience that she should receive, upon the
change of her own Religion, that she should lose the
friendship of the King of France, the married Allia of this
Realme, and of other great Princes her friends and
confederates, who would take the same in evil part, and of
whom she may look for their great support in all her
necessities. And having no assured consideration that may
countervail the same, she will be loth to put in hazard all
her friends at an instant; praying all her loving subjects,
seeing they have had experience of her goodness, that she
hath neither in times past, not yet intends hereafter, to
press the conscience of any [man,] but that they may worship
God in such sort, as they are preswaded in their conscience
to be best, that they will also not presse her conscience.
As to the establishing of Religion in the body of the
Realme, they themselves know, as appears by their Articles,
that the same cannot be done only by consent of her
Majestie, but requires necessarily the consent of the
[three] States in Parliament; and therefore so soon as the
Parliament holds, those things which the [three] States
agree upon amongst themselves, her Majestie shall consent
unto the same; and in the mean time shall make sure, that no
man be troubled for using [themselves in] religion according
to conscience; so that no man shall have cause to doubt,
that for religion's sake men's lives and heritage shall be
in any hazard.
To the second Article, it is answered, That her Majestie
thinks it no wayes reasonable, that she should defraud her
self of so great a part of the patrimony of the Crowne, as
to put the Patronage of Benefices forth of her own hands;
for her owne necessity in bearing of her port and common
charges will require the retention thereof, and that in a
good part, in her owne hands: Neverthelesse her Majestie is
well pleased, that consideration being bad of her owne
necessity, and what may be sufficient for [her, and for] the
reasonable sustentation of the Ministers, a speciall
assignation he made to them in places most commodious and
meet: with which her Majesty shall not meddle, but suffer
the same to come to them.
To the third Article, it is answered, That her Majestie
shall do therein as shall be agreed by the States in
Parliament.
To the fourth Article, Her Majesties liberality towards the
poore shall alwayes be so far extended, as can be reasonably
required at her hands.
To the fifth and sixth Articles, Her Majesty will refer the
taking order therein unto the States assembled in
Parliament.[1079]
[1079] The Queen's Answers to the Articles were presented by the
Commissioners at the next meeting of the General Assembly, on the 25th
December 1565. They were declared to be unsatisfactory to the Kirk,
and Mr. John Row was directed "to put in wryte, Answers to the
Answers." These Answers are inserted in the Book of the Universall
Kirk, vol. i. p. 69; and also the Supplication, which the Assembly on
the 26th December prepared "to be presented to the Queen and Counsell,
by the Lord Lindesay, and David Murray, brother to the Laird of
Balvaird." (Book of the Univ. Kirk, vol. i. p. 71.)
As the Queen's Majestie came from Saint Johnston, over Forth to the
Callender, she was conveyed to the water side of Forth with two
hundred spears: For at that time it was bruted, that there was some
lying in wait at the Path of Dron.[1080] In the mean time the Earle of
Murray was in Lochlevin, and the Earle of Argyle with him. Now in the
Callender[1081] the Lord Levingston had desired the Queen's Majestie
to be witnesse to the christning of a child; for his Lady was lately
delivered and brought to bed: And when the Minister made the sermon
and exhortation concerning baptisme, the Queen's Majestie came in the
end, and said to the Lord Levingston, "That she would shew him that
favour that she had not done to any other before;" that is, that she
would give her presence to the Protestant sermon, which was reckoned a
great matter.
[1080] Dron, the name of a small parish in Perthshire, at the foot of
the Ochil hills.
[1081] Callender, near Falkirk, the seat of William fifth Lord
Livingstone of Callender, in the shire of Stirling.
The Queen being in the Callender, was informed both by word and
letters by false brethren, That a great part of the Protestants of
Edinburgh had lately convened upon Saint Leonard's Craigs, and there
made a conspiration against her; and had chosen for the same purpose
certain Captains to governe the rest: And without any tryall, or
perfect notice taken in the case, she sent to the Provest and Bayliffs
of Edinburgh, commanding them to take and apprehend Alexander Guthrie,
Alexander Clerke, Gilbert Lawder, and Andrew Sclater, and put them in
prison in the Castle.[1082]
[1082] On the 10th July 1565, a messenger was sent "within Edinburgh,
to Summond Alexander Guthrie, Alexander Clerk, Gilbert Lauder, and
Andro Sklater, burgesses of the said burgh, to compeir before the
Justice and his deputis in the Tolbuith of Edinburgh, on the 26th
July," &c. (Treasurer's Accounts.) The office of Town-Clerk being held
by Guthrie, was disposed of at this time to David Chalmers of Ormond,
who, in January preceeding, had been appointed one of the Lords of
Session. He was an adherent of Bothwell, and was openly accused as
having been accessary to the murder of Darnley, but was never brought
to trial.
This new and unaccustomed fashion of proceeding seemed to be very
strange: And because the said four persons were not apprehended, she
sent the next day a charge to the Provest and Bayliffs, and to her
owne great Treasurer, to passe to the houses of the said foure men,
and likewise to their booths or shops, and there to take inventory of
all their goods and chattells; and commanded the said Treasurer to
take the keyes of the said houses and booths, together with the said
inventory; which was executed in effect, especially upon the said
Alexander Guthrie his wife, he being then common Clerke, and one of
the greatest in estimation within the towne: his wife and children
were shut out of their house, and compelled to seek some other lodging
in the town.
By this manner of proceeding, the hearts of all men of spirit and
judgement were wonderfully abashed and wounded, seeing and perceiving
these things so furiously handled upon sinister and wrong information,
men never called to their answer, nor heard, nor any triall taken
therein. Immediately thereafter, as she came to Edinburgh, she called
to counsell such as pleased her Majestie, and there complains of the
said matter, alleadging it to be a conspiracy and manifest treason.
And another matter likewise was complained upon, that the Earle of
Argile (as the Queen was surely informed,) was riding with a great
army to invade the Earle of Athole and his lands. For the first matter
it was concluded by the Councell, that diligent inquisition should be
made in the matter, and to that purpose appointed the Queen's
Advocates, Master John Spence of Condie,[1083] and Master Robert
Crichton, to examine such as they would; and when the said Advocates
had called before them, and examined a sufficient number, and their
depositions subscribed and delivered to the Queen, there was nothing
found worthy of death nor treason: At length the said four persons
were summoned to answer at law.
[1083] Spens of Condie (see page 101,) had been appointed joint
Advocate with Henry Lauder, 21st October 1555. On the 8th February
1560, Robert Crichton of Elliock was conjoined with Spens in place of
Lauder. Crichton died in June 1581. He was the father of James, "the
Admirable Crichton." See Tytler's Life of Crichton, and Senators of
the College of Justice, p. 176.
For the [other] matter, That the Queen's Majestie should send to the
Earles of Argyle and Athole some of her Councell or familiar servants
to take order touching it.[1084] And when the Secretary, the Justice
Clarke, and Lord of Saint Colme[1085] had past to the said Earl of
Argyle, they found no such thing; but in Athole there was great fear
come of a sudden fray; for after many proclamations, the Fire-crosse
(which they made use of in lieu of beacons) was raised in Athole.
[1084] On the 6th July 1565, £8, 10s. was paid "to Johne Paterson,
Snawdon herald, and John Brand, messinger, passand of Edinburgh with
letters of the Quenis Grace, to charge Archibald Erle of Argile and
Johne Earle of Athole, to desist and ceiss fra ony convocation of our
Souerane Ladeis liegis; being in cumpany with William Maitland,
Secretar, and Sir Johne Bellenden, thair Hienes Justice Clerk."
[1085] James Stewart, Commendator of St. Colme: see page 88, note 7.
Now as the day of Parliament approached, the Lords pretending to
consult before what should be done, as well in Religion, as for the
Commonwealth, the fifteenth day of July there convened at Sterlin the
Duke, the Earles of Argyle, and Murray, Rothes, and other Lords and
Barons; and as they were devising and consulting, the Queen's Majesty
taking their meeting in evill part, sent her Advocates, Master John
Spence and Master [Robert] Crichton, to them at Sterlin, requiring the
cause of their meeting. They answered, That the speciall occasion of
their meeting was for the cause of Religion and the assurance thereof,
according as they had lately written to the Queen's Majesty in Seaton
from the town of Edinburgh, they desiring then to prorogate the day.
Finally, when the said Advocates could by no means perswade them to
come to Edinburgh, they returned again to Edinburgh, and declared to
the Queen's Majestie according as they had found.
In the mean time the Parliament was prorogated at the Queen's
Majesties command to the first of September next after following; for
it was thought, that the least part and principall of the chief
Nobility being absent, there could no Parliament be holden: at the
same time the Queen's Majestie perceiving that the matter was already
come to a maturity and ripenesse, so that the minds and secrecy of
men's hearts must needs be disclosed, she wrote to a great number of
Lords, Barons, Gentlemen, and others that were nearest in Fife, Angus,
Lowthian, Mers, Tevidale, Perth, Lithgow, Clidsdall, and others to
resort to her, in this form of words hereafter following:--
_The Queen's Letter._
"TRUST FRIEND, We greet you well: We are grieved indeed by
the evill bruite spread amongst our lieges, as that we
should have molested any man in the using of his Religion
and conscience freely, a thing which never entred into our
minde; yet since we perceive the too easie beleeving such
reports hath made them carelesse, and so we think it becomes
us to be carefull for the safety and preservation of our
State; wherefore we pray you most affectionately, that with
all possible haste, (after the receipt of this our Letter,)
you with your kindred, friends, and whole force, well
furnished with armes for warre, be provided for, fifteen
dayes after your coming, addresse you to come to us, to
write and attend upon us, according to our expectation and
trust in you, as you will thereby declare the good affection
you bear to the maintenance of our authoritie, and will do
us therein acceptable service.
Subscribed with Our hand at Edinburgh, the seventeenth
day of July, 1565."
There was likewise Proclamation made in Edinburgh, That the Queen
minded not to trouble nor alter the Religion; and also Proclamations
made in the Shires above mentioned, for the same purpose, That all
freeholders and other gentlemen should resort, (in the aforesaid
manner,) to Edinburgh, where the Earl of Rosse was made Duke of
Rothesay, with great triumph, the 23rd day of July. The same afternoon
the Queen complained grievously upon the Earl of Murray, in open
audience of all the Lords and Barons; and the same day the bans of the
Earl of Rosse and Duke of Rothesay and the Queen's marriage were
proclaimed. About this time the Lord Arskin was made Earl of Marre. In
the mean time there were divers messages sent from the Queen's
Majestie to the Lord of Murray, first, Master Robert Crichton, to
perswade him by all means possible to come and resort to the Queen's
Majestie: His answer was, That he would be glad to come to her self,
according to his bounden duty; yet for as much as such persons as were
most privie in her company were his capitall enemies, who also had
conspired his death, he could no wayes come so long as they were in
Court.
Soon after my Lord Erskin, and the Master Maxwell, past to him to St.
Andrews, rather suffered and permitted by the Queen, then sent by her
Highness; after them the Laird of Dun, who was sent by the means of
the Earl of Mar; but all this did not prevail with him; and when all
hope of his coming was past, an herald was sent to him, charging him
to come to the Queen's Majesty, and answer to such things as should be
laid to his charge, within eight and fourty hours next after the
charge, under pain of rebellion; and because he appeared not the next
day after the eight and fourty hours, he was denounced rebell, and put
to the horne. The same order they used against the Earl of Argyle; for
the Queen said she would serve him and the rest with the same measure
they had mete to others, meaning the said Argyle.
In the mean while, as the fire was well kindled and enflamed, all
means and ways were sought to stir up enemies against the chief
Protestants that had been lately at Sterlin; for the Earl of Athole
was ready bent against the Earl of Argyle: the Lord Lindesay against
the Earl Rothesse in Fyfe, they both being Protestants; for they had
contended now a long time for the heir ship of Fyfe: And that no such
thing should be left undone, the Lord Gordon,[1086] who now had
remained neer three yeers in prison in Dumbar, was, after some little
travell of his friends, received by the Queen; and being thus received
into favour, was restored first to the Lordship of Gordon, and soon
after to the Erldom of Huntley, and to all his lands, honours, and
dignities, that he might be a bar and a party in the North to the Earl
of Murray.
[1086] George Lord Gordon fifth Earl of Huntley: see page 360, note 1.
His restoration to his forfeited titles was proclaimed at the Cross of
Edinburgh, on the 26th August 1565 (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 810)
[Sidenote: The Dispensation being come from Rome for the Marriage:
Before which, according to the Romish law, it was unlawful to marry,
being Cousin-Germans, brother and sister's children, and so the degree
of consanguinity forbidden.]
The 28. of July,[1087] late in the evening, neer an hour after the
sun's going down, there was a Proclamation made at the Market-Cross of
Edinburgh, containing in effect:
"THAT forasmuch as at the will and pleasure of Almighty God, the Queen
had taken to her husband a right excellent illustrious Prince, Harry
Duke of Rothesay, Earl of Rosse, Lord Darnley, Therefore it was her
will, that he should be holden and obeyed, and reverenced as King:
Commanding all letters and proclamations to be made in the names of
Henry and Mary in times coming."
[1087] In both edit. 1611, "The 18," an error for the 28th of July.
The next day following, at six hours in the morning, they were
married[1088] in the Chappell Royall of Halyrud-House, by the Dean of
Restalrig; the Queen being all clothed in mourning: But immediately,
as the Queen went to Masse, the King not with her, but to his pastime.
During the space of three or four days, there was nothing but balling,
and dancing, and banquetting.
[1088] On Sunday, the 29th July 1565, "the said Henrie King, and Marie
Quene of Scottis, wes marijt in the Chapel o f Halyrudhous, at sex
houris in the mornyng, be Mr. Johne Sinclare, Deane of Restalrig, wilh
greit magnificence, accompanyit with the haill Nobilitie of this
Realme." (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 80.)]
In the mean time, the Earl Rothesse, the Laird of Grange, the Tutor of
Pitcur, with some gentlemen of Fyfe, were put to the horne, for
non-appearance; and immediately the swash, tabron, and drums were
stricken or beaten, for men of war to serve the King and Queen's
Majestie, and to take their pay. This sudden alteration and hasty
creation of Kings, moved the hearts of a great number.
Now, amongst the people there were divers bruits; for some alleadged,
That the cause of this alteration was not for Religion, but rather for
hatred, envie of sudden promotion or dignity, or such worldly causes:
But they that considered the progress of the matter, according as is
heretofore declared, thought the principall cause to be only for
Religion.
In this mean time, the Lords past to Argyle, taking, apparently,
little care of the trouble that was to come: Howbeit they sent into
England Master Nicolas Elphinston for support, who brought some moneys
in this countrey, to the sum of ten thousand pounds sterlin. There
came one forth of England to the Queen, who got presence the seventh
of August in Halyrud-House. He was not well, &c.[1089]
[1089] In both edit. 1611, the paragraph ends in this abrupt manner.
The addition of the word "received" might supply the "&c.," as it
refers to a message from England, which was sent by John Tamworth; but
not being duly accredited, in order to avoid acknowledging Darnley as
King, he consequently "was not well received." See Keith's History,
vol. ii. p. 351.
[Sidenote: Note this for our time.]
About the fifteenth of August, the Lords met at Aire, to wit, the Duke
of Hamilton, the Earls Argyle, Murray, Glencarne, Rothesse, the Lord
Boyd and Ochiltrie, with divers Barons and Gentlemen of Fyfe and Kyle,
where they concluded to be in readiness with their whole forces the
four and twentieth day of August. But the King and Queen with great
celerity prevented them; for their Majesties sent thorow Lowthian,
Fife, Angus, Strathern, Tividaile, and Cliddisdaile, and other shires,
making their Proclamations in this manner, "That forasmuch as certain
Rebels, who, (under colour of Religion,) intended nothing but the
trouble and subversion of the Commonwealth, were to convene with such
as they might perswade to assist them; therefore they charged all
manner of men, under pain of life, lands, and goods, to resort and
meet their Majesties at Linlithgow, the 24. day of August."
[Sidenote: The King, to make himself more popular, and to take from
the Lords of the Congregation the pretext of Religion, he went to the
Kirk to hear John Knox preach.]
This Proclamation was made in Lowthian the third day of the said
month. Upon Sunday, the nineteenth of August,[1090] the King came to
the High Kirk of Edinburgh, where John Knox made the Sermon: his text
was taken out of the six and twentieth chapter of Esayas his
Prophesie, about the thirteenth verse, where, in the words of the
Prophet, he said, "O Lord our God, other lords then thou have ruled
over us." Whereupon he took occasion to speak of the government of
wicked Princes, who, for the sins of the people, are sent as tyrants
and scourges to plague them: And amongst other things, he said, "That
God sets in that room, (for the offences and ingratitude of the
people,) boys and women." And some other words which appeared bitter
in the King's ears, as, "That God justly punished Ahab and his
posterity, because he would not take order with that harlot Jezabel."
And because he had tarried an hour and more longer than the time
appointed, the King, (sitting in a throne made for that purpose,) was
so moved at this Sermon, that he would not dine; and being troubled,
with great fury he past in the afternoon to the hawking.
[1090] "Upoun the xix day of August, the King cam to Sanctgelis Kirk
to the preitching, and Johne Knox preachit; quhairat he was crabbit,
and causit discharge the said Johne of his preitching." (Diurnal of
Occurrents, p. 81.) The Sermon was afterwards published by Knox, in
order, as he says, "to let such as Satan hes not altogether blinded,
see upon how small occasions great offence is now conceived."
Immediately John Knox was commanded to come to the Councell, where, in
the Secretaries chamber, were convened the Earl of Athole, the Lord
Ruthven, the Secretary, the Justice Clark, with the Advocate. There
passed along with the Minister a great number of the most apparent
men of the Towne. When he was called, the Secretary declared, "That
the King's Majestie was offended with some words spoken in the Sermon,
(especially such as are above rehearsed,) desiring him to abstain from
preaching for fifteen or twenty days, and let Master Craig supply the
place."
[Sidenote: In answering he said more than he had preached, for he
added, That as the King had (to pleasure the Queen) gone to Masse, and
dishonoured the Lord God, so should God in his justice make her an
instrument of his ruin; and so it fell out in a very short time; but
the Queen being incensed with these words, fell out in tears, and to
please her, John Knox must abstain from preaching for a time.]
He answered, "That he had spoken nothing but according to his text;
and if the Church would command him either to speak or abstain, he
would obey, so far as the Word of God would permit him."
Within four days after, the King and Queen sent to the Councell of
Edinburgh, commanding them to depose Archibald Douglas,[1091] and to
receive the Laird [of] Craigmiller for their Provest, which was
presently obeyed.
[1091] On the 23d August 1565, the Queen commanded the "Baillies and
Counsell of Edinburgh to depois and displace (Archibald Douglas of
Kilspindie) the present Provest of oure said Burgh, and in his place
that you elect, ressave, and admit our lovit Symon Preston of that
Ilk, as Provest thairof." See the Queen's Letter in Maitland's Hist.
of Edinb., p. 26.
The five and twentieth of August, the King and Queen's Majesties past
from Edinburgh to Linlithgow, and from thence to Sterlin, and from
Sterlin to Glasgow. At their [first] arrival their whole people were
not come. The next day after their arrivall to Glasgow, the Lords came
to Paisley, where they remained that night, being in company about one
thousand horses. On the morrow they came to Hamilton, keeping the high
passage from Paisley hard by Glasgow, where the King and Queen easily
might behold them. The night following, which was the penult of
August, they remained in Hamilton with their company; but for divers
respects moving them, they thought it not expedient to tarry;
especially, because the Earl of Argyle was not come: for his diet was
not afore the second of September following, to have been at Hamilton.
Finally, They took purpose to come to Edinburgh, the which they did
the next day.[1092] And albeit Alexander Areskin,[1093] Captain under
the Lord his brother, caused to shoot forth of the Castle two shot of
cannon, they being near the town; and likewise that the Laird [of]
Craigmiller, Provest, did his endeavour to hold the Lords forth of the
town, in causing the common bells to be rung, for the convening of the
town to the effect aforesaid; yet they entred easily at the West-Port
or Gate, without any molestation or impediment, being in number, as
they esteemed themselves, one thousand three hundred horses.
Immediately they dispatched messengers southward and northward to
assist them; but all in vain: And immediately after they were in their
lodgings, they caused to strike or beat the drum, desiring all such
men as would receive wages for the defence of the glory of God, that
they should resort the day following to the Church, where they should
receive good pay: But they profited little that way; neither could
they in Edinburgh get any comfort or support, for none or few resorted
unto them; yet, they got more rest and sleep when they were at
Edinburgh then they had done in five or six nights before.
[1092] The 31st of August.
[1093] In the Edinburgh edit. 1644, the name is changed to "Ærskin."
Alexander Erskine of Gogar, was the younger brother of John Lord
Erskin, and was afterwards knighted. His grandson was created Earl of
Kellie in 1619.
The Noblemen of this company were, the Duke, the Earls Murray,
Glencarne, and Rothesse; the Lords Boyd and Uchiltrie; the Lairds of
Grange, Cunninghamhead, Balcomie, and Lawers; the Tutor of Pitcur; the
Lairds of Barr, Carnell,[1094] and Dreghorn; and the Laird of
Pittarow, Comptroller, went with them. Some said merrily, That they
were come to keep the Parliament; for the Parliament was continued
till the first day of September: Upon the which day they wrote to the
King and Queen's Majesties a letter, containing in effect, That albeit
they were persecuted most unjustly, which they understood proceeded
not of the King and Queen's Majesties own nature, but only by evil
counsell, yet notwithstanding they were willing and content to suffer
according to the laws of the Realme, providing that the true Religion
of God might be established, and the dependants thereupon be likewise
reformed: beseeching their Majesties most humbly to grant these
things; but otherwise, if their enemies would seek their blood, they
should understand it should be dear bought. They had written twice,
almost to the same effect, to the King and Queen's Majesties, after
their passing from Edinburgh; for the Laird of Preston presented a
letter to the King and Queen's Majestie, and was therefore imprisoned,
but soon after released; nevertheless they got no answer.
[1094] In both edit. 1644, "Carmell."
The same day that they departed out of Hamilton, the King and Queen's
Majesties issued out of Glasgow in the morning betimes, and passing
towards Hamilton, the army met their Majesties near the Bridge of
Cadder. As they mustered, the Master of Maxwell sat down upon his
knees, and made a long oration to the Queen, declaring what pleasure
she had done to them, and ever laid the whole burden upon the Earl
Murray. Soon after, they marched forward in battell array: The Earl of
Lenox took the vanguard, the Earl of Mortoun the middle battell, and
the King and Queen the rear: The whole number were about five thousand
men, whereof the greatest part were in the vanguard.
As the King and Queen's Majesties were within three miles of Hamilton,
they were advertised that the Lords were departed in the morning; but
where they pretended to be that night, it was uncertain. Always, soon
after their return to Glasgow, the King and Queen were certainly
advertised that they were past to Edinburgh; and therefore caused
immediately to warn the whole army to pass with them to Edinburgh the
next day, who, early in the morning, long before the sun was risen,
began to march: But there arose such a vehement tempest of wind and
rain from the west, as the like had not been seen before in a long
time; so that a little brook turned incontinent into a great river;
and the raging storm being in their face,[1095] with great difficulty
went they forward: And albeit the most part waxed weary, yet the
Queen's courage encreased man-like so much, that she was ever with the
foremost. There was divers persons drowned that day in the water of
Carron; and amongst others, the King's master, a notable Papist, who,
for the zeal he bare to the Masse, carried about his neck a round god
of bread, well closed in a case, which always could not serve [save]
him.
[1095] It is an obvious mistake to say that "the raging storm from the
west" was "in the face" of the army marching from Hamilton to
Edinburgh.
Before the end of August, there came a post to the Queen's Majestie,
sent by Alexander Areskin, who declared, That the Lords were in the
town of Edinburgh, where there was a multitude of innocent persons,
and therefore desired to know if he should shoot. She commanded
incontinent, that he should return again to the said Alexander, and
command him, in her name, That he should shoot so long as he had
either powder or bullet, and not spare for any body.
At night, the King and Queen came well wet to the Callender, where
they remained that night. And about eight hours at night, the first of
September, the post came again to the Castle, and reported the Queen's
command to Alexander Areskin, who incontinently caused to shoot six or
seven shot of cannon, whereof the marks appeared, having respect to no
reason, but only to the Queen's command.
The Lords perceiving that they could get no support in Edinburgh, nor
souldiers for money, albeit they had travelled all that they could;
and being advertised of the Queen's returning with her whole company,
they took purpose to depart. And so the next day betimes, long before
day, they departed with their whole company, and came to Laurik,[1096]
and from thence to Hamilton, where the Master of Maxwell came to
them, with his uncle, the Laird of Dumlanrick. And after consultation,
the said Master wrote to the Queen's Majestie, that being required by
the Lords as he was passing homeward, he could not refuse to come to
them; and after that he had given them counsell to disperse their
army, they thought it expedient to pass to Dumfreis to repose them,
where they would consult and make their offers,[1097] and send to
their Majesties; and thus beseeching their Majesties to take this in
good part. The town of Edinburgh sent two of the Councell of the town
to make their excuse.
[1096] According to the Diurnal of Occorents, "the Lordis" departed
from Edinburgh "at 12 hours at evin or thairby," of the 1st September
1565, and rode first to Lanark, and thence to Dumfries. (p. 82.)
[1097] In both editions 1644, misprinted "officers."
The next day the King and Queen past to Sterlin, and sent to
Edinburgh, and caused a Proclamation to be made, commanding all men to
return to Glasgow, where, having remained three or four days, and
understanding that the Lords were past to Dumfries, they returned to
Sterlin, and from thence to Fyfe; and in their passage, caused to take
in Castle Campbell, which was delivered without impediment to the Lord
of Sanquhar.
Before the King and Queen went out of Sterlin, there came from
Edinburgh two ensignes of footmen, to convey them into Fyfe. In the
meantime, the Burroughs were taxed in great sums unaccustomed, for the
payment of the souldiers: Farther, there was raised divers troops of
horsemen, to the number of five or six hundred horse. The souldiers
had taken two poor men that had received the Lords wages; which two
men being accused and convinced of, at the Queen's command, were
hanged at Edinburgh, the third day after the Lords departing. At this
time, Master James Balfour, Parson of Flesk,[1098] had gotten all the
guiding in the Court.
[1098] Balfour took his seat on the Bench, 12th November 1561, as
"Parson of Flisk." He was knighted in 1566, and is best known by his
subsequent title, Sir James Balfour of Pittendreich.
The third day after the Queen's coming to Fyfe, the whole Barons and
Lairds of Fyfe convoyed her Majestie, till she came to Saint Andrews,
where the said Lairds and Barons, especially the Protestants, were
commanded to subscribe to a Band, containing in effect, That they
obliged themselves to defend the King and Queen's persons, against
Englishmen and rebells: and in case they should come to Fyfe, they
should resist them to their utmost power; which charge every man
obeyed.
The second night after the Queen's coming to Saint Andrews, she sent a
band, or troop of horsemen, and another of foot, to Lundie, and at
midnight took out the Laird, being a man of eighty years old; then
they past to Fawside, and took likewise Thomas Scot, and brought him
to Saint Andrews; where they, with the Laird of Bavard,[1099] and some
others, were commanded to prison. This manner of handling and usage
being onkend and strange, were heavily spoken of, and a great terrour
to others, who thought themselves warned of greater severity to come.
[1099] The persons here mentioned were, Walter Lundie of Lundie,
Thomas Scot of Hanyng, and Andrew Murray of Balvaird.
In the meantime the houses of the Earls of Murray, Rothesse, and the
houses of divers gentlemen, were given in keeping to such as the Queen
pleased, after that their children and servants had been cast out.
At the same time the Duke, the Earls of Glencairn and Argyle, the
Lords Boyd and Uchiltrie, with the Laird of Cunninghamhead, and the
rest, were charged to come and present themselves in Saint Andrews,
before the King and Queen's Majesties, to answer to such things as
should be laid to their charge, within six days, under the pain of
rebellion: And the day being expired, and they not appearing, were
denounced rebells, and put to the horn.
As the Queen remained in Saint Andrews, the inhabitants of Dundie,
being sore afraid, because of some evil report made of them to the
Queen, as if they had troubled the Queen, in seeking men of war, and
suffered some to be raised in their town for the Lords; for there was
nothing done in Dundie, but it was revealed to the Queen; especially
that the Minister[1100] had received a letter from the Lords, and
delivered the same to the Brethren, perswading them to assist the
Lords; which being granted by the Minister, the Queen remitted it [for
trial.] After great travell and supplication made by some Noblemen, at
length, the King and Queen being in the town, they agreed for two
thousand marks, five or six of the principall left out, with some
others, that were put to their shift. After the King and Queen had
remained two nights in the town of Dundie, they came to Saint
Andrews;[1101] and soon after they came over Forth, and so to
Edinburgh. During this time the Master of Maxwell wrote to the King
and Queen, making offers for, and in the name of the Lords.
[1100] William Christison was minister of Dundee.
[1101] On the 13th and 14th September. The Queen returned to Edinburgh
on the 19th, not by the way of St. Andrews, as here stated, but by
Perth, Dunfermline, and the Queensferry. (Chalmers's Life of Mary,
vol. i. p. 219.)
The next day after the King and Queen's coming to Edinburgh, there was
a Proclamation made at the Market Cross: And because the same is very
notable, I thought good to insert it here word by word, albeit it be
somewhat long.
"HENRY and MARY, by the Grace of God, King and Queen of
Scots; To all and sundry, our Lieges and Subjects whom it
may concern, and to whose knowledge these letters shall
come, greeting.
[Sidenote: Note how this agrees with our times.]
[Sidenote: Let this be conferred with our times.]
[Sidenote: Note diligently.]
"Forasmuch as in this uproar lately raised up against us, by
certain rebels and their assistants, the authors thereof,
(to blind the eyes of the simple people,) have given them to
understand, that the quarrell they have in hand is only
Religion, thinking with that cloke to cover their ungodly
designs, and so, under that plausible argument, to draw
after them a large train of ignorant persons, easy to be
seduced. Now, for the preservation of our good subjects,
whose case were to be pitied, if they blindly should suffer
themselves to be induced and trapped in so dangerous a
snare, it hath pleased the goodness of God, by the utterance
of their own mouths and writings to us, to discover the
poison that before lay hid in their hearts, albeit to all
persons of clear judgment the same was evident enough
before: For what other thing[1102] might move the principal
raisers of this tumult to put themselves in arms against us
so unnaturally, upon whom We had bestowed so many benefits;
but that the great honour We did them, they being thereof
unworthy, made them misknow themselves; and their ambition
could not be satisfied with heaping riches upon riches, and
honour upon honour, unless they retain in their hands us and
our whole Realme, to be led, used, and disposed at their
pleasure. But this could not the multitude have perceived,
if God, (for disclosing their hypocrisy,) had not compelled
them to utter their unreasonable desire to govern; for now
by letters, sent from themselves to us, which make plain
profession, that the establishing of Religion will not
content them, but We must be forced to govern by Councell,
such as it shall please them to appoint us; a thing so farre
beyond all measure, that We think the only mention of so
unreasonable a demand is sufficient to make their nearest
kinsfolks their most mortall enemies, and all men to run on
them without further scruple, that are zealous to have their
native country to remain still in the state of a kingdom:
For what other thing is this, but to dissolve the whole
policie; and, (in a manner,) to invert the very order of
nature, to make the Prince obey, and subjects command. The
like was never demanded by [of] any of our most noble
progenitors heretofore, yea, not of Governors and Regents;
but the Prince, and such as have filled their place, chose
their Councell of such as they thought most fit for the
purpose. When We ourselves were of less age, and at our
first returning into this our Realme, We had free choice of
our Councell at our pleasure, and now when We are at our
full maturity, shall We be brought back to the state of
pupills, and be put under tutory? So long as some of them
bore the whole sway with us, this matter was never called in
question; but now when they cannot be longer permitted to do
and undoe all at their pleasure, they will put a bridle into
our mouthes, and give us a Councell chosen after their
fantasie. This is the quarrell of Religion they made you
beleeve they had in hand: This is the quarrell for which
they would have you hazard your lands, lives, and goods, in
the company of a certain number of rebels against your
naturall Prince. To speak in good language, they would be
Kings themselves, or at the least leaving to us the bare
name and title, and take to themselves the credit and whole
administration of the kingdome.
"We have thought good to make publication hereof, to shew,
that you suffer not yourselves to be deceived under pretence
of Religion, to follow them, who prefering their particular
advancement to the publike tranquilitie, and having no care
of you, in respect of themselves, would (if you would
hearken to their voice) draw you after them, to your utter
destruction. Assuring you, that you have heretofore good
experience of our clemency, and under our wings enjoyed in
peace the possession of your goods, and lived at liberty of
your conscience, so may you be in full assurance of the like
hereafter, and have us alwayes your good and loving Princes,
to so many as shall continue your selves in due obedience,
and do the office of faithfull and naturall subjects.
"Given under our Signet at Saint Andrews, the tenth of
December [September], and of our Reigns the first
and twentie three years, 1565."
[1102] In both edit. 1614, the following words, (which occur
twenty-one lines lower down,) viz., "is this, but to
dissolve the whole policy, and in a manner to invert the
very order," are here inserted, inclosed within brackets,
and printed in italic type, rendering the whole passage
unintelligible.
Now, the Lords desired, next the establishing of Religion, that the
Queens Majesty, in all the affairs of the Realme and Commonwealth,
should use the counsell and advice of the Nobility, and ancient blood
of the same; whereas in the mean time the councell of David, and
Francisco, the Italians,[1103] with Fowler the Englishman, and Master
James Balfour, parson of Flisk, was preferred before all others, save
only the Earle of Athole, who was thought to be a man of grosse
jugement, but neverthelesse in all things given to please the Queen.
It was now finally come to this point, that instead of law, justice,
and equity, only will ruled in all things.
[1103] Of these Italians the one was David Riccio, the other was
Seinzeour Francis de Bisso, or Busso, whose name occurs in the
Treasurer's Accounts as receiving a pension of £100 paid half-yearly
from Whitsunday 1561. In the Register of Signatures in the Office of
the Comptroller, 28th May 1562, Queen Mary mentions that "the
Seigneour Francisque has done long service unto the Quene our Mother,"
and directs that he receive "gude and thankfull payment of his wages
of Master Household," since the day of the Queen Regent's death, which
was the 11th June 1560. Immediately after whose death, he had received
£120. (Treasurer's Accounts.) In the same Register, last September
1563, we find that "Seigneour Francis de Busso, Knycht of the Order of
Sanct James of the Sword, one of our Maisters of Household," was
appointed by the Queen "Superintendant and Ourseare Generall of her
Hienes biggingis, reparationis, warkis, policies, &c.," with a salary
of £300.--"John Francisco de Busso knycht," died in April 1576.
(Register of Confirmed Testaments.)
There was thorow all the countrie set out a Proclamation in the King
and Queen's names, commanding all persons to come and meet them at
Sterlin, the first day of October following, with twenty dayes
provision, under pain of life, lands, and goods. It was uncertain
whether their Majesties intended to passe from Sterlin or not, and I
beleeve the principall men knew not well at that time; for a report
was, that by reason the Castles of Hamilton and Draffen were kept
fortified and victualled at the Duke's command, that they would passe
to siege the said houses, and give them some shot of a canon: others
said, they would passe towards my Lord of Argile, who had his people
alwayes armed, whereof his neighbours were afraid, especially the
inhabitants of Athole and Lenox; but at length it was concluded that
they should passe to Dumfries, as shall be declared.
During this time there were propositions made continually to the King
and Queen by the Lords, desiring alwayes their Majesties most humbly
to receive them into their hands. Their Articles tended continually to
these two heads, viz., To abolish the Masse, root out Idolatry, and
establish the true Religion: And that they and the affaires of the
Realm should be governed by the advice and counsell of the true
Nobility of the same; offering themselves, and their cause, to be
tried by the lawes of the countrey. Yet nothing could be accepted nor
taken in good part, albeit the Master of Maxwell laboured by all means
to redresse the matter, who also entertained the Lords most honourably
in Dumfreis, for he had the goverment of all that country. But he
himself incurred the Queen's wrath so, that he was summoned to present
himself, and appear before the King and Queens Majesties, after the
same form that the rest of the Lords were charged with; and also
commanded to give over the house of Lochmaben, and the Castle, which
he had in keeping for the Queen. And albeit he obeyed not, yet was he
not put to the horn, as the rest. Nevertheless there was no man that
doubted of his good will and partaking with the Lords, who in the mean
time sent Robert Melvin to the Queen of England, and declared their
state to her Majesty, desiring support.
Now, the chief care and solicitude that was in the Court, was, by what
means they might come to have money; for notwithstanding this great
preparation for war, and eminent appearance of trouble, yet were they
destitute of the sinewes of war:[1104] Albeit the Treasurer, and now
Comptroller,[1105] to wit, the Laird of Tillibardin, had disbursed
many thousands; yet there was no appearance of payment of souldiers,
nor scarcely how the King and Queen's houses and pompous trains should
be upholden:[1106] there was about 600 horsemen, besides the guard and
three ensignes of footmen. The charge of the whole would amount to
£1000 sterling, every month; a thing surpassing the usuall manner of
Scotland.
[1104] In place of 200 men which the town of Edinburgh were ordered to
levy, as they voted on the 24th August the sum of £1000 Scottish
money, an exemption in the Town's favour was passed on the 26th.
(Maitland's Hist. of Edinburgh, p. 26.)
[1105] Robert Richardson, Prior of St. Mary's Isle, was Treasurer, and
William Murray of Tullibardine, Comptroller.
[1106] In the Treasurer's Accounts, 16th January 1564-5, the balance
due on the previous year's accounts was £32,696, 16s. 1d.; and in June
1566, this sum was augmented to £42,937, 19s. 4d.
[Sidenote: So was the Citie of London, for warre against Scotland,
vexed for the leavie money.]
At this time arrived the Earl of Bothwell,[1107] who was welcome, and
graciously received by the Queen, and immediately placed in Councell,
and made Lieutenant of the West and Middle Marches. Now as every one
of the Burrows[1108] compounded to be exempted from this meeting; the
Earl of Athole demanded of Edinburgh £200 sterling, but they refused
to pay it; notwithstanding, October 27th, there was a certain number
of the principall and rich persons of the town warned by a Macer to
pass to the Palace of Hallyrudhouse to the King and Queen, who
declared to them by their own mouth's speaking that they had use for
money, and therefore knowing them to be honest men, and the
inhabitants of the best citie in their countrey, they must needs
charge them; and for security they should have other men bound for
pledges, or any hand therefore. The sum that they desired was £1000
sterling, and no less. They being astonished, made no answer; but
Parson Flisk standing by, said, that seeing the King and Queens
Majesties desired them so civilly, in a thing most lawfull in their
necessitie, they did shew themselves not honest to keep silence and
give no answer to their Majesties, for that must needs be had of them
which was required; and if they would not, they should be constrained
by the laws, which they would not abide; for some of them had deserved
hanging, (said he,) because they had lent large sums of money to the
King and Queen's enemies and rebels; and therefore, they must shortly
suffer great punishment.
[1107] Bothwell arrived from France on the 17th September 1565.
(Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 83.)
[1108] In both editions 1644, misprinted, "Barons."
Soon after they were called in one by one, and demanded how much they
would lend? Some made this excuse, and some that, by reason there were
that offered to lend money; amongst whom there was one offered to lend
£20. To him the Earle of Athole said, thou art worthy to be hanged
that speakest of £20, seeing the Princes charge thee so easily.
Finally, they were all imprisoned, and souldiers set over them, having
their muskets ready charged, and their match lighted, even in the
house with them, where they remained all that night, and the next day
till night; and then being changed from one prison to another, there
were six chosen out and sent in the night to the Castle of Edinburgh,
convoyed with musketteers round about them, as if they had been
murtherers or most vile persons. At length, (the third day,[1109]) by
means of the Laird of Craigmiller, Provest, and some others, the summe
was made more easie, to wit, a 1000 marks sterling, to be paid
immediately, and to have the superioritie of Leith in pledge, (to
wit,) upon condition of redemption.[1110] And besides the said sum of
1000 marks sterling, they paid £1000 sterling for the meeting at
Dumfries. At the day appointed, for electing the officers, the Queen
sent in a ticket, such as she would have them chuse for Provest,
Bailiffs, and Councell, whereof there was a number of Papists, the
rest not worthy. Of the number given in by the Queen, they named such
as should rule for that year; notwithstanding, without free election,
the Laird [of] Craigmiller remained Provest,[1111] who shewed himself
most willing to set forward Religion, to punish vice, and to maintain
the Commonwealth. All this time the Ministers cried out against the
Masse, and such idolatry; for it was more advanced by the Queen then
before.
[1109] They were summoned on the 27th, and on the 29th September, "the
six" were taken to the Castle of Edinburgh. The agreement for the
Superiority of Leith was made on the 6th October. (Diurnal of
Occurrents, p. 84.)
[1110] This kind of compulsory assessment, terminating however in an
advantageous bargain for the Town of Edinburgh, is partly confirmed by
the Council Records. The Town's revenues being exhausted, the
inhabitants contributed the sum of 10,000 marks Scotish money. This
sum was advanced by way of loan by 381 persons, whose names, and the
amount of their contributions, appear in the Records--the larger sums
being furnished by twenty-five persons, "men of law;" and the Town of
Edinburgh received a charter of the Superiority of Leith, dated 14th
November 1565. In April following, the Queen having repented of this
bargain, wrote to the Magistrates of Edinburgh to delay taking
possession of the town of Leith; but this request it stated, "they
obstinately ganestude." This Superiority has been retained for nearly
three centuries, to the prejudice of the one, and with perhaps less
advantage to the other than might have been anticipated. (Council
Register, vol. iii. fol. 136; Maitland's Hist. of Edinburgh, p. 27;
Campbell's Hist. of Leith, p. 92.)
[1111] Douglas was discharged from the office of Provost on the 24th,
(see page 498,) and Preston elected on the 25th August 1565. (Diurnal
of Occurrents, p. 81.) He was knighted, and Sir Symon Preston of
Craigmillar continued as Provost of Edinburgh for four successive
years, from 1565 to 1568.
The first day of October, met in Edinburgh the Superintendant of
Lothian, with all the Ministers under his charge, according to their
ordinary custom; for every Superintendant used to convene the whole
Ministry, and there it was complained on, that they could get no
payment of their stipends, not only about the city, but thorow the
whole Realm. Therefore, after reasoning and consultation taken, they
framed a Supplication, directed to the King and Queen, and immediately
presented the same to their Majesties, by Master John Spottswood,
Superintendant of Lothian, and Master David Lindsey, Minister of
Leith: It contained in effect, that forasmuch as it had pleased the
King and Queen's Majesties, (with advice of the Privy Councell,) to
grant unto the Ministers of the Word their Stipends, to be taken of
the Thirds of the Benefices, which Stipends are now detained from the
said Ministers by reason of the troubles, and changing of the
Comptroller, whereby they are not able to live; and therefore most
humbly craved the King and Queen's Majesty to cause them to be paid.
Their answer was, That they would cause order to be taken therein to
their contentment.
Soon after the Lord Gordon came to Edinburgh, and left the most part
of his people at Sterlin with his carriage; the King and Queen, for
hope of his good service to be done, restored him to his father's
place, to the Earldom of Huntley, the lands and heritage thereof.
October 8. the King and Queen marched forth of Edinburgh towards
Dumfries, and as they passed from the Palace of Hallyrud-house, all
men were warned with jack and spear. The first night they came to
Sterlin, and the next to Craford. The day after, the Lairds of
Drumlanrick and Lochinvar met the Queen, albeit they had been with the
Lords familiar enough.
The Lords perceiving that all hope of reconciliation was past, they
rode to Ednam [Annan], where they remained till the Queen came to
Dumfries, and then they past to Carlile. Now the Master of Maxwell,
who had entertained the Lords familiarly, and subscribed with them,
and had spoken as highly against their enemies as any of themselves,
and had received large money by that means, to wit, £1000, to raise a
band or troup of horsemen; and that the same day the King and Queen
came to Dumfries; the third day after their coming, he came to them,
conveyed by the Earl Bothwell, with divers other Noblemen. At length
the Earls of Athole and Huntley were sureties for him, and all things
past remitted, upon condition that he should be a faithfull and
obedient subject hereafter. The same day they made musters; the next
day the army was dispersed, being about 18,000 men: the King and Queen
past to Lochmaben, where the Master of Maxwell gave a banquet, and
then forthwith marched to Tweddall, so to Peblis, and then to
Edinburgh.
[Sidenote: Note diligently.]
[Sidenote: Note diligently Queen Elizabeth.]
[Sidenote: Here mark either deep dissimulation, or a great
inconstancy.]
The best and chief part of the Nobility of this Realm, who also were
the principal instruments of the Reformation of Religion, and
therefore were called the Lords of the Congregation, in manner above
rehearsed, were banished and chased into England: they were
courteously received and entertained by the Earl of Bedford,
Lieutenant, upon the Borders of England. Soon after the Earle of
Murray took post towards London, leaving the rest of the Lords at
Newcastle; every man supposed that the Earl of Murray should have been
graciously received of the Queen of England, and that he should have
gotten support according to his heart's desire; but far beyond his
expectation, he could get no audience of the Queen of England: But by
means of the French Ambassadour, called Monsieur De Four, his true
friend, he obtained audience. The Queen, with a fair countenance,
demanded, "How he, being a rebel to her Sister of Scotland, durst take
the boldness upon him to come within her Realm?" These, and the like
words got he, instead of the good and courteous entertainment
expected. Finally, after private discourse, the Ambassadour being
absent, she refused to give the Lords any support, denying plainly
that ever she had promised any such thing as to support them, saying,
"She never meant any such thing in that way;" albeit her greatest
familiars knew the contrary. In the end, the Earl of Murray said to
her, "Madam, whatsoever thing your Majesty meant in your heart, we are
thereof ignorant; but thus much we know assuredly, that we had lately
faithfull promises of aid and support by your Ambassadour, and
familiar servants, in your name: and further, we have your own
hand-writting, confirming the said promises." And afterward he took
his leave, and came northward from London, towards Newcastle. After
the Earl of Murray his departure from the Court, the Queen sent them
some aid, and writ unto the Queen of Scotland in their favour: Whether
[it was] she had promised it in private to the Earl of Murray, or
whether she repented her of the harsh reception of the Earl of Murray.
At this time David Rizio, Italian, began to be higher exalted,
insomuch as there was no matter or thing of importance done without
his advice. And during this time, the faithfull within this Realm were
in great fear, looking for nothing but great trouble and persecution
to be shortly. Yet supplications and intercessions were made thorowout
all the congregations, especially for such as were afflicted and
banished, that it would please God to give them patience, comfort, and
constancy; and this especially was done at Edinburgh, where John Knox
used to call them that were banished, the best part of the Nobility,
Chief members of the Congregation: Whereof the Courtiers being
advertised, they took occasion to revile and bewray his sayings,
alledging, He prayed for the rebels, and desired the people to pray
for them likewise. The Laird of Lethington, chief Secretary, in
presence of the King and Queen's Majesties and Councell, confessed
that he heard the sermons, and said, There was nothing at that time
spoken by the minister, whereat any man need to be offended: and
further, declared plainly, That by the Scripture it was lawfull to
pray for all men.
In the end of November, the Lords, with their complices, were summoned
to appear the fourth day of February, for treason, and _Loese-majestie_:
But in the mean time, such of the Nobility as had professed the
evangell of Christ, and had communicate with the Brethren at the
Lord's Table, were ever longer the more suspected by the Queen, who
began to declare her self, in the months of November and December, to
be maintainer of the Papists; for at her pleasure the Earls of Lennox,
Athole, and Cassels, with divers others, without any dissimulation
known, went to the Masse openly in her chappell: Yet, nevertheless,
the Earls of Huntley and Bothwell went not to Masse, albeit they were
in great favour with the Queen. As for the King, he past his time in
hunting and hawking, and such other pleasures as were agreeable to his
appetite, having in his company gentlemen willing to satisfy his will
and affections.