CHAPTER LXVII.

POLITICAL LIBERTY AND RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE.

In the sketch I have here drawn, the rigorous accuracy of which no

one can question, we have not discovered any thing like oppression

in Catholicity, nor any alliance between the clergy and the throne

for the destruction of liberty: what we _have_ discovered is merely

the regular and natural order of things,--a successive development of

events contained in each other, as the plant is contained in the germ.

As for the Inquisition, I think I have said enough respecting it in

the chapters that treat of it: in this place I will merely observe,

that it was not a political instrument in the hands of kings, ready

to be used at their beck. Religion was its object; and as we have

seen, far from losing sight of this object to suit the wishes of the

sovereign, it unhesitatingly condemned the doctrines that would have

unjustly extended the powers of the monarch. Shall I be told, that the

Inquisition was in its very nature intolerant, and consequently opposed

to the growth of liberty? I answer, that toleration, as now understood,

had at that time no existence in any European country. Besides, it was

under the direct and full influence of religious intolerance that the

people were emancipated, municipalities organized, the system of large

representative assemblies established, which, under different names,

and more or less directly, interfered in public affairs.

Men's ideas were not yet so far perverted as to lead them to believe

that religion was favorable and conducive to the oppression of the

people; on the contrary, we observe in the hearts of these people a

vehement desire for liberty and progress, whilst at the same time they

clung with enthusiasm to a faith, in the sight of which it appeared to

them just and salutary to refuse toleration to any doctrine at variance

with the teaching of the Church of Rome. Unity of faith does not fetter

the people--does not impede their movements in any direction--as well,

indeed, might it be said, that the mariner is fettered by the compass

that guides him in safety through the wide expanse of waters. Was the

ancient unity of European civilization wanting in grandeur, in variety,

or in beauty? Did Catholic unity, presiding over the destinies of

society, arrest its progress, even in the ages of barbarism? Let us

fix our eyes upon the grand and delightful spectacle exhibited in the

centuries preceding the sixteenth, and pause a moment to reflect; we

shall all the better understand in what manner Protestantism has given

a wrong direction to the course of civilization.

The immense agitation occasioned by the gigantic enterprise of the

Crusades shows in what a state of fermentation were the elements

deposited in the bosom of society. The shock excited them to

activity--union augmented their force--every where, and in every sense,

was to be seen a vigorous and active movement, a sure presage of the

high degree of civilization and refinement which Europe was about to

attain. The arts and sciences, as if called into life by some powerful

voice, reappeared, loudly asserting their claim to protection and an

honorable reception. On the feudal castles, those heirlooms of the

manners of the period of conquest, a ray of light suddenly gleamed,

that illuminated with the rapidity of lightning all climates and all

people. Those masses of men, who had hitherto bent in painful toil

for the benefit of their masters, now lifted up their heads, and,

with bold hearts and enfranchised lips, demanded a share in social

advantages. Addressing each other with a look of intelligence, they

combined together, and insisted in common that the law should be

substituted for caprice. Then towns sprang up, increased in size and

importance, and were surrounded with ramparts; municipal institutions

arose, and began to develop themselves; kings, till then the sport of

the pride, ambition or stubbornness of the feudal lords, seized upon

an opportunity so favorable, and made common cause with the people.

Threatened with destruction, feudalism entered valiantly into the

contest, but in vain; and, restrained by a power even more irresistible

than the weapons of its adversaries, and, as if oppressed by the air

it breathed, it felt its action impeded, its energies enfeebled, and,

despairing of victory, it gave itself up to the enjoyment to be found

in the patronage of the arts.

To the coat of mail now succeeded elegance of dress; to the powerful

shield, the pompous escutcheon; to the bearing and address of the

warrior, the manners of the courtier:--thus was the whole power of

feudalism undermined; the popular element was left completely at

liberty to develop itself; and the powers of monarchs became every

day more extensive. Royalty thus strengthened, municipal institutions

in full vigor, and feudalism undermined, the remnants of barbarism

and oppression still existing in the laws fell one by one beneath

the attacks of so many adversaries; and, for the first time in the

world's history, there was seen a considerable number of great nations

presenting the peaceful spectacle of many millions of men living in

social union, and enjoying together the rights of men and of citizens.

Until this period, public tranquillity, and even the very existence

of society, had to be secured by carefully excluding from the working

of the political machine a great number of individuals by means of

slavery--a system that proved at once the intrinsic inferiority and

weakness of the governments of antiquity. The Christian religion,

with the courage inspired by the consciousness of strength, and with

an ardent love for humanity, had never doubted that she held in her

hands other means of restraining men than a recourse to degradation

and violence, and had, in fact, resolved the problem in a manner the

most noble and generous. She had said to society: "Dost thou dread this

immense multitude, that have no sufficient titles to thy confidence? I

will stand security for them. Thou enslavest them; thou puttest chains

around their necks; I will subdue their hearts. Leave them free; and

this multitude, before which thou tremblest as before a herd of wild

beasts, will become a class of men serviceable to themselves and to

thee." This voice had been heard, and all men were freed from the yoke

of slavery--all entered upon this noble struggle, which was to place

society in equilibrium, without destroying or shaking its foundations.

We have already said above, that there existed powerful adversaries.

Shocks more or less violent were inevitable; but there was no cause for

anticipating any serious catastrophe, unless some fatal combination of

circumstances arose to overthrow the only power capable of moderating

the inflamed, and sometimes exasperated, passions of men--to impose

silence upon that powerful voice, ever ready to say to the combatants,

_That is enough_. That voice--the voice of Christianity--might have

been heard with greater or less docility; but it would always have

sufficed to calm down the fury of the passions, to moderate the

fierceness of their conflicts, and thus to prevent scenes of bloodshed.

If we take a glance at Europe at the end of the fifteenth and beginning

of the sixteenth centuries, with a view to discover the social

elements, whose struggle seemed likely to disturb public tranquillity,

we shall find the power of the throne already far superior to that of

the lords and of the people; we shall see it endeavoring to please its

rivals, lending its aid to one for the subjugation of the others: but

already this power was evidently indestructible. Held more or less

in check by the proud remnants of feudalism, and by the ever-growing

and encroaching power of the people, monarchy nevertheless maintained

its position as a central force for the protection of society against

violence and excess. This tendency was so strong, that we every

where meet with the same phenomenon, manifested with more or less

distinctness, and with characters of greater or less identity. The

nations of Europe were great both in numbers and extent; the abolition

of slavery gave a sanction to the principle, that man ought to live

free in the midst of society, enjoying its most essential advantages,

and with sufficient room to enable him to take a more or less elevated

rank, according to the means he employs to gain it. Thus society had

said to each individual: "I acknowledge thee as a man and a citizen;

from this moment I guarantee to thee the possession of these titles. If

thou desirest to lead a quiet life in the bosom of thy family--labor

and be careful; no one shall wrest from thee the rewards of thy labors,

nor trammel the free exercise of thy faculties. Dost thou aspire to

the possession of wealth--consider how others have acquired it, and

display a similar activity and intelligence. Art thou ambitious of

fame, of rising to an elevated rank, to splendid titles--the sciences

and the military profession are before thee. If thou hast inherited an

illustrious name, thou mayest still increase its lustre; if thou art

not in possession of such a name, thou art free to acquire one."

Such was the condition of the social problem at the end of the

fifteenth century. Every thing was made public, all the great means

of action were openly developing themselves with rapidity; the art

of printing already transmitted men's thoughts from one end of the

world to the other with the speed of lightning, and insured their

preservation for the benefit of future generations. The frequent

intercourse between nations, the revival of literature and the arts,

the cultivation of the sciences, the inclination for travelling and

commerce, the discovery of a new passage to the East Indies, the

discovery of America, the preference given to political negotiations

for effecting the arrangements of international relations,--every thing

combined to give to the minds of men that strong impulse, that shock

which at once arouses and develops all their faculties, and gives new

life. It is difficult to understand by what process of reasoning,

in the face of facts so positive and certain,--facts that stand so

prominently forward in every page of history, any man could ever

seriously maintain that Protestantism aided human progress. If previous

to Luther's reform society had been found stationary, and still

submerged in the chaos into which it had been plunged by the irruptions

of the barbarians; if the people had not succeeded, previously to that

reform, in forming themselves into great nations, and in providing

themselves with systems of government more or less perfectly organized,

but all unquestionably superior to any that had hitherto existed,--the

assertion might carry with it a degree of plausibility, or, at all

events, it would not stand, as it unfortunately does, in direct

opposition to the most authentic and notorious facts. But what, on

the contrary, was the actual state of Europe at the time of Luther's

appearance? The administration of justice, exercised with more or less

perfection, already possessed a highly moral, rational, and equitable

system of legislation for the guidance of its decisions; the people

had in great part shaken off the yoke of feudalism, and had acquired

abundant resources for the preservation and defence of their liberties;

the executive had made immense progress, owing to the establishment,

extension, and amelioration of municipalities; the royal authority,

enlarged, fortified, and consolidated, formed in the midst of society

a central force powerful to work good, to prevent evil, to restrain

the passions, to preserve the balance of interests, to prevent ruinous

social contests, and to watch over the general welfare of society by

constant protection and effectual encouragement; in fine, at that

period, nations were seen to fix a look of great foresight and sagacity

on the rock upon which the vessel of society is in danger of being

wrecked, whenever the power of royalty is left without any sort of

counterpoise. Such was already the condition of Europe before the

religious revolution of the sixteenth century.

I promptly concede that great progress has been made since that period

in all matters of a social, political and administrative nature;

but does it follow that this progress is owing to the Protestant

Reformation? To prove that it is, it would be necessary to produce

two societies absolutely similar in position and circumstances, but

separated by a long space of time, that would render all reciprocal

influence between them impossible, and subjected, one to the influence

of the Catholic, the other to the Protestant principle; then each of

the two religions might come forward and say to the world, "This is my

work." But it is absurd to compare, as is often done, times so widely

different, circumstances so utterly dissimilar and exceptional with

ordinary cases; it should also be remembered, that, in every thing,

the first step is always the most difficult, and the greatest merit

is always due to invention; in a word, after so many other violations

of the rules of logic, our opponents should not obstinately persist

in deducing from one single fact all other facts, simply because the

latter happen to be posterior to the former, otherwise they will fall

under suspicion of insincerity in their search after truth, and of a

wish to falsify history.

The organization of European society, such as Protestantism found it,

was, assuredly not perfect, but it was, at all events, as perfect as

was possible. Unless Providence had vouchsafed to govern the world

by prodigies, Europe, at this period, could not have attained to a

more advantageous position. The elements of progress, of happiness,

of civilization and refinement, were in her bosom; they were numerous

and powerful; time was developing them by degrees in a manner truly

wonderful; and as mournful experience is every day lessening the

prestige and credit of destructive doctrines, the time is perhaps not

far distant, when philosophers, examining dispassionately this period

of history, will agree that society had even then received the most

fortunate impulse. It will be seen that Protestantism, by giving a

wrong direction to the march of society, only precipitated it upon

a perilous route, where it has been on the brink of ruin; and would

perhaps have been ruined altogether, had not the hand of the Most

High been stronger than the feeble arm of man. Protestants boast of

having rendered great service to society by having destroyed in some

countries, and impaired in others, the power of the Popes. As regards

the Papal supremacy in relation to matters of faith, what I have

elsewhere said will suffice to demonstrate the disastrous consequences

of the exercise of private judgment; as to discipline, I am unwilling

to enter upon questions that would indefinitely extend the limits of

this work. I will merely ask my opponents, whether they deem it prudent

to leave a society co-extensive with the world without a legislator,

without a judge, without an arbitrator, without a counsellor, without a

chief?

_Temporal power._--This term has long been the bugbear of kings--the

watchword of the anti-Catholic party--a snare into which many upright

men have fallen--a butt for the shafts of discontented statesmen,

disappointed writers, and snarling canonists; and nothing more natural,

seeing that the subject afforded them an opportunity of pouring

out their resentments, and of giving currency to their suspicious

doctrines, well assured that, by affecting zeal for the power of the

monarch, they would find, in case of danger, a ready asylum in the

palaces of kings. The present is not the place for the discussion of

a question that has been the subject of so many vehement and learned

disputes; and it would be the more inopportune, as, in the existing

state of things, assuredly no power apprehends the least temporal

usurpation on the part of the Holy See, which, whatever its enemies

may say, has evinced at all times, and even humanly speaking, more

prudence, tact, patience, and wisdom than any other power upon earth;

and amidst the extreme difficulties of modern times, has taken up a

position that enables it to yield to the various exigencies of the

times without any compromise of its high dignity, without any deviation

from its sublime obligations. It is certain that the temporal power of

the Popes had risen in the course of time to such a height, that the

successor of St. Peter had become a universal counsellor, arbitrator,

and judge, from whose sentence it was dangerous to appeal, even in

purely political matters. The general movement throughout Europe had

somewhat weakened this power; but yet, at the moment when Protestantism

made its appearance, it still had such an ascendency over the minds of

men, it commanded so much veneration and respect, and was possessed of

such vast means for defending its rights, enforcing its pretensions,

supporting its decisions, and making its counsels respected, that the

most powerful monarchs of Europe considered it a very serious matter

to have the Court of Rome opposed to them in any affair whatever; and

consequently they eagerly sought on all occasions, to secure its favor

and friendship. Rome had thus become a general centre of negotiation,

and no affair of importance could escape its influence.

Such have been the outcries raised against the colossal power, against

this pretended usurpation of rights, that one might suppose the

Popes to have been a succession of deep conspirators, who, by their

intrigues and artifices, aimed at nothing short of universal monarchy.

As our opponents plume themselves on their spirit of observation

and historical analysis, I felt it necessary to observe, that the

temporal power of the Popes was strengthened and extended at a time

when no other power was as yet really constituted. To call that

power usurpation therefore, is not merely an inaccuracy--it is an

anachronism. In the general confusion brought upon all European society

by the irruptions of the barbarians, in that strange medley of races,

laws, manners, and traditions, there remained only one solid foundation

for the structure of the edifice of civilization and refinement,

only one luminous body to shine upon the chaos, only one element

capable of giving life to the germ of regeneration that lay buried in

blood-stained ruins--Christianity, predominant over and annihilating

the remains of other religions, arose, in this age of desolation, like

a solitary column in the center of a ruined city, or like a bright

beacon amid darkness.

Barbarians, and proud of their triumphs as they were, the conquering

people bowed their heads beneath the pastoral staff that governs the

flock of Jesus Christ. The spiritual pastors, a body of men quite new

to these barbarians, and speaking a lofty and divine language, obtained

over the chiefs of the ferocious hordes from the north a complete

and permanent ascendency, which the course of ages could not destroy.

Such was the foundation of the temporal power in the Church; and it

will be easily conceived that as the Pope towered above all the other

pastors in the ecclesiastical edifice, like a superb cupola above the

other parts of a magnificent temple, his temporal power must have risen

far higher than that of ordinary bishops; and must also have had a

deeper, more solid, and more lasting foundation. All the principles

of legislation, all the foundations of society, all the elements of

intellectual culture, all that remained of the arts and sciences, all

was in the hands of religion; and all very naturally sought protection

from the pontifical throne, the only power acting with order, concert,

and regularity, and the only one that offered any guarantee for

stability and permanence. Wars succeeded to wars, convulsions to

convulsions, the forms of society were continually changing; but the

one great, general, and dominant fact, the stability and influence of

religion, remained still the same: and it is ridiculous in any man to

declaim against a phenomenon so natural, so inevitable, and, above

all, so advantageous, designating it, "A succession of usurpations of

temporal power."

Power, ere it can be usurped, must exist; and where, I pray, did

temporal power then exist? Was it in kings?--the sport, and frequently

the victims of the haughty barons? In the feudal lords?--continually

engaged in contests amongst themselves, with kings, and with the

people? In fine, was it in the people?--a troop of slaves, who, thanks

to the efforts of religion, were slowly working out their freedom?

The people, it is true, united against the lords--they raised their

voices to demand protection from the monarch, or to solicit the aid

of the Church against the vexations and outrages inflicted on them by

both; still, however, they as yet formed but an unorganized embryo of

society, without any fixed rule, without government, and without laws.

Could we honestly compare modern times with these? Could we apply to

these bygone ages restrictions and distinctions of authority that are

admissible only in a state of society in which the elements of life

and civilization have been developed, in which solid and permanent

foundations have been laid, in which, consequently, the functions of

social authority could be, and have in effect been, regulated, after

a minute analysis of the limits of their respective jurisdictions? To

reason otherwise, would be to seek order in chaos, smoothness on the

surface of a tempest-tossed ocean. We should not forget, either, a

general and unvarying fact, founded on the very nature of things,--a

fact, moreover, to which the history of all times and all countries is

continually calling our attention, and which has received a striking

confirmation from the revolutions of modern times,--viz. that whenever

society is deeply diseased, there is always at hand a principle of life

to stay the progress of the malady. A contest takes place--collisions

occur one after another--they become more frequent and more violent;

but ultimately the principle of order prevails over that of disorder,

and continues long afterwards to predominate in society. This principle

may be more or less just, more or less rational, more or less violent,

more or less adequate to attain its object; but whatever it be in these

respects, it always prevails in the end, unless, during the struggle,

another, a better and more powerful principle takes its place.

Now, in the middle ages, this principle was the Christian Church. She

alone could be this principle, for she had truth in her doctrines,

justice in her laws, and regularity and prudence in her government.

She was the only element of life that existed at this period--the only

depository of the grand idea upon which the reorganization of society

depended; and this idea was not vague and abstract, but positive and

practicable, for it proceeded from the lips of Him whose word calls

forth worlds out of nothing, and makes light to shine forth in the

midst of darkness. When once the sublime doctrines of the Church

had penetrated into the heart of society, her pure, fraternal, and

consoling morality necessarily influenced its manners. Forms of

government also, and systems of legislation were, in like manner,

more or less affected by her mild and powerful influence. These are

facts--undeniable facts. Now, the Roman Pontiffs were the center of

this happy preponderance which religion so legitimately obtained and so

justly deserved; hence it is clear that the power of the Holy See very

naturally rose above all other powers.

After having contemplated this sublime picture, drawn from the plain

and authentic records of history, why dwell on the defects or the vices

of some few individuals? Why drag to light the excesses, the errors,

the disorders ever incident to humanity? Why maliciously seek out facts

through a long succession of obscure ages, collecting them together

and placing them in a light most calculated to make an impression, and

to mislead the ignorant? Why, in fine, urge, exaggerate, disfigure,

and paint these facts in the darkest possible colors? To do so, is

to betray a very shallow understanding of the philosophy of history,

a spirit of great partiality, low views, grovelling sentiments,

and miserable spleen. It should be loudly proclaimed to the whole

world, and a thousand times repeated, that it may never be forgotten,

that limits which have no existence cannot be respected--that to

create power is not to usurp it--that to make laws is not to violate

them--that to reduce to order the chaos in which society is overwhelmed

is not to disturb society. Now this was the work of the Church--this is

what was done by the Popes.[40]

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