CHAPTER XLVII.

THE FUTURE OF RELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS.--THEIR PRESENT NECESSITY.

When, after having fixed our eyes on the vast and interesting picture

which religious communities present to us, after having called to

mind their origin, their varied forms, their vicissitudes of poverty

and riches, of depression and prosperity, of coldness and of fervor,

of relaxation and strict reform, we see them still subsist and arise

anew on all sides, in spite of the efforts of their enemies, we

naturally ask what will be their future? their past is full of glory;

what influence have they not exerted in society, under a thousand

different aspects, and in the thousand phases of society itself? Yet

what spectacle do they show us in modern times? On one hand they have

been weakened, like an old wall which we see ruined by the effect

of time; on the other we have seen them suddenly disappear, like

weak trees overthrown by the whirlwind. Moreover, they seemed to be

condemned by the spirit of the age without appeal. Matter having become

supreme, extended its empire on all sides, scarcely allowing the

mind a moment for reflection and meditation; industry and commerce,

carrying their turmoil to the remotest parts of the earth, confirmed

the judgment of an irreligious philosophy against a class of men

devoted to prayer, silence, and solitude. Nevertheless, facts every day

belie their conjectures; the hearts of Christians still preserve the

most flattering hopes, and these hopes are strengthened and animated

more and more. The hand of God, who carries out His high designs and

laughs at the vain thoughts of man, shows it more and more wonderful.

Philosophy sees a wide field for meditation open before it; it

anticipates the probable future of religious communities; it may make

conjectures on the influence which is reserved for them in society for

the future.

We have already seen what is the real origin of religious institutions;

we have found that origin in the spirit of the Catholic religion, and

history has told us that they have arisen wherever she is established.

They have varied in form, in rule, in object, but the fact has been

always the same. Thence we have inferred that wherever the Catholic

faith shall be maintained, religious institutions will appear anew

under some form or other. This prognostic may be made with complete

certainty; we do not fear that time will belie it. We live in an

age steeped in voluptuous materialism; interests which are called

positive, or, in plainer terms, gold and pleasure, have acquired such

an ascendency that we might apparently fear to see some societies

lamentably retrograde towards the manners of paganism, towards that

period of disgrace when religion might be summed up in the deification

of matter. But in the midst of this afflicting picture, when the mind,

full of anguish, feels itself on the point of swooning away, the

observer sees that the soul of man is not yet dead, and that lofty

ideas, noble and dignified feelings, are not entirely banished from the

earth. The human mind feels itself too great to be limited to wretched

objects; it comprehends that it is given it to rise higher than an

air-balloon.

Observe what happens with respect to industrial progress. Those

steam-vessels which leave our ports with the rapidity of an arrow to

traverse the immensity of ocean, those burning vehicles which skim

along our plains, and penetrate into the heart of mountains, realizing

under our eyes what would have seemed a dream to our fathers; those

other machines which give movement to gigantic workshops, and as if by

magic set in motion innumerable instruments, and elaborate with the

most wonderful precision the most delicate productions: all this is

great and wonderful. But however great, however wonderful it may be, it

no longer astonishes; these wonders no longer captivate our attention

in a more lively manner than the generality of the objects which

surround us. Man feels that he is still greater than these machines

and masterpieces of art; his heart is an abyss which nothing can fill;

give him the whole world, and the void will be the same. The depth

is immeasurable; the soul, created in the image and likeness of God,

cannot be satisfied without the possession of Him.

The Catholic religion constantly revives these lofty thoughts, and

points out this immense void. In barbarous times she placed herself

among rude and ignorant nations to lead them to civilization; she now

remains among civilized nations to provide against the dissolution

which threatens them. She disregards the coldness and neglect with

which indifference and ingratitude reply to her; she cries out without

ceasing, addresses her warnings to the faithful with indefatigable

constancy, makes her voice resound in the ears of the incredulous,

and remains intact and immovable in the midst of the agitation and

instability of human things. Thus do those wonderful temples which

have been left to us by the remotest antiquity, remain entire amid the

action of time, of revolutions, and of convulsions; around them arise

and disappear the habitations of men, the palaces of the great and the

cottages of the poor, but the time-stained edifice stands like a solemn

and mysterious object in the midst of the smiling fields and showy

structures which surround it; its vast cupola annihilates all that is

near; its summit boldly rises towards the heavens.

The labors of religion do not remain without fruit; penetrating

minds acknowledge her truths; even those who refuse their submission

to the faith confess the beauty, utility, and necessity of this

divine religion; they regard it as an historical fact of the highest

importance, and agree that the good order and prosperity of families

and states depend upon it. But God, who watches over the safety of

the church, is not content with these avowals of philosophy; torrents

of all-powerful grace descend from on high, and the Divine Spirit

is diffused and renewed on the face of the earth. Even from the

whirlwind of the world, corrupt and indifferent as it is, privileged

men frequently come forth, whose foreheads have been touched with the

flame of inspiration, and whose hearts are on fire with heavenly love.

In retreat, in solitude, in meditation on the eternal truths, they

have acquired that disposition of mind which is necessary to perform

arduous tasks; in spite of raillery and ingratitude, they devote

themselves to console the unfortunate, to educate the young, and to

convert idolatrous nations. The Catholic religion will last till the

end of time, and so long will there be these privileged men separated

by God from the rest, to be called to extraordinary sanctity, or to

console their brethren in their misfortunes. Now these men will seek

each other, will unite to pray, will associate to aid each other in

their enterprise, will ask for the apostolical benediction of the Vicar

of Jesus Christ, and will found religious institutions. Whether they

be old orders only modified, or entirely new ones; whatever be their

forms, rules of life or dress, all this is of little importance; the

origin, the nature, and the object will be the same. It is vain for men

to oppose the miracles of grace.

Even the present condition of society will require the existence of

religious institutions. When the organization of modern nations shall

have been more profoundly examined, when time by its bitter lessons and

terrible experience shall have thrown more light on the real state of

things, it will be evident that errors greater than men have imagined,

have been committed in the social as well as in the political order.

Sad experience has corrected ideas to a great extent, but this does not

suffice.

It is evident that present societies want the necessary means to

supply the necessities which press upon them. Property is divided

and subdivided more and more; every day it becomes more feeble and

inconstant, industry multiplies productions in an alarming manner,

commerce extends itself indefinitely; that is to say, society,

approaching the term of pretended social perfection, is on the point

of attaining the wishes of that materialistic school, in whose eyes

men are only machines, and which has not imagined that society

can undertake any grander or more useful object than the immense

development of material interests. Misery has increased in proportion

to the augmentation of production; to the eyes of all provident

men it is as clear as the light of day that things are pursuing a

wrong course, and that if a remedy cannot be applied in time, the

_dénouement_ will be fatal; the vessel which we see advancing so

rapidly, with all her sails set and a favorable wind, is about to

strike upon a rock. The accumulation of riches, brought about by the

rapidity of the industrial and commercial movement, tends towards the

establishment of a system which would devote the sweat and the lives of

all to the profit of the few; but this tendency finds its counterpoise

in levelling ideas which agitate very many heads, and which, moulded

into different theories, more or less openly attack property, the

present organization of labor, and the distribution of productions.

Immense multitudes, overwhelmed with misery and in want of moral

instruction and education, are disposed to promote the realization

of projects not less criminal than foolish, whenever an unhappy

concurrence of circumstances shall render the attempt possible. It is

superfluous to support the melancholy assertions which we have just

made with facts; the experience of every day confirms them but too much.

Such being the case, may we be allowed to inquire of society, what

means there are, either of improving the state of the masses, or of

guiding and restraining them? It is clear that, for the first of these,

neither the inspirations of private interests, nor the instinct of

preservation which animates the favored classes, are sufficient. These

classes, properly speaking, as they exist, have not the character

which constitutes a class: they are only a collection of families just

emerged from poverty and obscurity, and who rapidly advance towards the

abyss whence they came, leaving their place to other families who will

run the same course. We find nothing fixed or stable about them. They

live from day to day, without thinking of the morrow: far different

from the old nobility, whose origin was lost in the obscurity of the

remotest antiquity, and whose strength and organization promised long

centuries of existence. These men could and did follow a system;

for what existed to-day was sure of existence to-morrow; now all

is changeable and inconstant. Individuals, like families, labor to

accumulate, to lay by riches, not in order to sustain for ages the

power and splendor of an illustrious house, but to enjoy to-day what

has been but just acquired. The presentiment of the short duration

which things must have, augments still more the giddiness and frenzy

of dissipation. The times are past when opulent families were desirous

of founding some enduring establishment to evince their generosity and

perpetuate the splendor of their names: hospitals, and other houses of

beneficence, do not come from the coffers of the bankers, as they did

from those of the old castles. We must acknowledge, however painful may

be the avowal, that the opulent classes of society do not fulfil the

duty which belongs to them: the poor should respect the property of the

rich; but the rich should, in their turn, respect the condition of the

poor: such is the will of God.

It follows from what I have stated, that the resource of beneficence

is wanting in the social organization; and observe well, that

administration does not constitute society. Administration supposes

society to be already existing and entirely formed; when we expect

the salvation of society from means purely administrative, we attempt

a thing which is out of the laws of nature. In vain shall we imagine

new expedients; in vain shall we form ingenious plans, and make new

experiments; society has need of a more powerful agent. It is essential

that the world should submit to the law of love or that of force,

to charity or servitude. All the nations who have not had charity,

have found no other means of solving the social problem, than that

of subjecting the greatest number to slavery. Reason teaches, and

history proves, that neither public order, property, nor even society

itself, can exist, unless one of these is chosen; modern society

will not be exempted from the general law; the symptoms which now

present themselves to our eyes clearly indicate the events whereof the

generations which are to succeed us will be the witnesses.

Happily, the fire of charity still burns on the earth; but the

indifference and prejudices of the wicked compel it to remain under

the embers. They are alarmed at the least spark of it which escapes,

as if it would enkindle a fatal conflagration. If the development

of institutions which are exclusively based upon the principle of

charity was favored, their salutary results and the superiority which

they possess over all that are founded on other principles would

soon be evident. It is impossible to supply the wants which I have

just pointed out, without organizing, on a vast scale, systems of

beneficence directed by charity: now this organization cannot be made

without religious institutions. It cannot be denied that Christians

who live in the world may form associations by which this object

will be accomplished more or less completely; but there are always a

multitude of cases which absolutely require the co-operation of men

exclusively devoted to them. It is necessary, moreover, to have a

nucleus to serve as the centre of all efforts, which presents, by its

own nature, a guarantee for preservation, and which provides against

the interruptions and oscillations which are inevitable in a large

concourse of agents, who are not bound together by any tie strong

enough to preserve them from differences, from separation, and even

from intestine contests.

This vast system which we speak of ought to extend not only to

beneficence, but also to the education and instruction of the many.

The establishment of schools will remain sterile, if not mischievous,

as long as they are not founded upon religion; and they will be thus

founded only in appearance and name, while the direction of these

schools does not belong to the ministers of religion. The secular

clergy may fulfil a portion of this charge, but they are not enough

for the task; on the one hand, their limited number, and on the other,

their other duties, prevent their acting on a scale sufficiently large

to supply all the necessities of the times: hence it follows, that

the propagation of religious institutions in our days has a social

importance, which cannot be mistaken without shutting one's eyes to the

evidence of facts.

If you reflect on the organization of European nations, you will

understand that their real advance has been prevented by some fatal

cause. Indeed, their situation is so singular, that it cannot be the

result of the principles whence these nations have drawn their origin,

and which have given them their increase. It is evident that the

countless multitude which one sees in society, making use of all its

faculties with complete liberty, could not, in the state in which it

now is, have been comprised in the primitive design--in the plan of

true civilization. When we create forces, we should know what we shall

do with them, by what means we shall move and direct them; without

this we only prepare violent shocks, endless agitation, disorder, and

destruction. The mechanician who cannot introduce a force into his

machine without breaking the harmony of the other movers, takes care

not to introduce it; and he sacrifices acceleration of movement and

the greatest strength of impulse to the fundamental necessity of the

preservation of the machine and the order and utility of its functions.

In the present state of society, we observe that power which is not in

harmony with the others; and the men who are charged with directing

the machine pay but little attention to gaining the required harmony.

Nothing acts upon the mass of the people but the ardent desire of

ameliorating their condition, of placing themselves in comfort, and of

obtaining the enjoyments of which the rich are in possession; nothing

to induce them to be resigned to the rigors of their lot; nothing to

console them in their misfortunes; nothing to render the present evils

more supportable by the hopes of a better future; nothing to inspire

them with respect for property, obedience to the laws, submission to

government; nothing to produce in their minds gratitude towards the

powerful classes; nothing to temper their hatreds, diminish their envy,

and mollify their anger; nothing to raise their ideas above earthly

things, their desires from sensual pleasures; nothing to form in their

hearts a solid morality capable of restraining them from vice and crime.

If we pay attention, we shall see that the men of this age have only

three means of restraining the masses, and they regard these as enough;

but reason and experience show that these expedients are not only not

efficacious, but even dangerous; they are these,--private interests

well understood, public force well employed, and enervation of body,

followed by feebleness of mind, which restrains the populace from

violent means.

"Let us make the poor man understand," says the philosopher, "that he

has an interest in respecting the property of the rich; that his powers

and his labor are also real property, which require to be respected

in their turn; let us maintain an imposing public force, always

ready to act on the menaced point, in order to stifle any attempts

at disorder at their birth; let us organize a police, extending over

society like an immense net, and allowing nothing to escape its sight;

let us satisfy the people with cheap enjoyments of all kinds; let us

furnish them with the means of imitating, in their grosser orgies, the

refined pleasures of our saloons and theatres, thereby their manners

will be softened--that is to say, they will be enervated; the people

will become impotent to make great revolutions, their arms being weak,

and their hearts cowardly." This is the system of those who attempt

to govern society and control disturbing passions without the aid of

religion.

Let us pause for a moment to examine these means. It is, no doubt, easy

to say, in fine language, that the poor man is interested in respecting

the property of the rich; and that from this consideration alone he

ought to submit to the established order of things; and this without

even saying a word of the principles of morality, and leaving out all

that is removed from mere material interests. It is easy to write

books to explain such doctrines; but the difficulty consists in making

them understood in the same way by the wretched father of a family,

who, confined all the day to hard labor, plunged into an unwholesome

atmosphere, or buried in the bowels of the earth to work in a

coal-mine, can scarcely earn the subsistence of himself and his family;

and who, returning in the evening to his squalid abode, instead of

repose and consolation, finds only the complaints of his wife and the

tears of his children, asking him for a mouthful of bread. In truth,

is it strange that such a doctrine should not be graciously received

by those wretched beings, whose minds cannot perfectly understand the

parity between the poor and the rich with respect to the interests of

all, and the respect due to property? We will say plainly, that if you

banish from the world the moral principles, and desire to found the

respect due to property exclusively on private interest, the words here

addressed to the poor man are only a solemn imposture: it is false that

his private interest is in accordance with the interests of the rich.

Let us suppose the most fearful revolution, let us imagine that the

established order is radically upset, that authority gives way, that

all institutions are swallowed up, that laws disappear, that properties

are divided, or remain abandoned to the first who shall seize them,

there is no doubt that the rich man loses; let us see what can happen

to the poor. Will he be robbed of his wretched possessions? no one will

dream of doing so; misery tempts not cupidity. You will tell me that he

will find no work, and that hunger will therefore be his lot. That is

true; but do you not see that in this case the poor man is a gambler

at a high stake, for whom the chance of loss, arising from the want

of work, is compensated by the probabilities of obtaining a share of

the rich booty? You add that he will not be allowed to keep that part;

but observe that, if his poverty becomes changed into riches, he will

soon imagine a new order of things, a new arrangement, a government

which will guarantee acquired rights, and prevent the destruction of

established things. Will he be without an example to follow in such

circumstances? Have recent examples been so easily forgotten? The poor

man sees clearly that a great number of his fellows will suffer evils

without end or compensation; he is not ignorant that he himself may,

perhaps, be of the number of the unfortunate; but, supposing that he

has no other guide than interest, supposing that new misfortunes, in

the last excess, can bring him only hunger and nakedness--things to

which he is so well accustomed, whether owing to the small return

for his labor, or to the frequent interruptions of work and the

vicissitudes of industry--you cannot charge with rashness the boldness

with which he comes forward, at the risk of increasing his privations

in some degree, and with the hope of being delivered from them, perhaps

for ever. This is a matter of calculation; and when private interest is

in question, we cannot grant to philosophy the right of regulating the

calculations of the poor.

The public power, and the vigilance of the police, are the two

resources in which the best hopes are founded; and certainly not

without reason; for, at the present time, if the world is not

revolutionized, it is owing to them. We no longer see, as in ancient

times, troops of slaves bound together with chains, but we see whole

armies, with arms in their hands, guarding capitals. If you observe

closely, after so many discussions, so many trials, so many reforms,

so many changes, questions of government and public order have, in the

end, resolved themselves into questions of force. The rich class is

armed against the poor; and above both, there are armies to maintain

tranquillity with cannon, if necessary. Assuredly, the picture which

is exhibited to us in this respect, among modern nations, is worthy

of our attention. Since the fall of Napoleon, the great powers have

enjoyed an Augustan peace; for it is not worth while to speak of the

small events which, from time to time, have disturbed this universal

peace; neither the occupation of Ancona, nor the siege of Antwerp, nor

the war in Poland, can be considered as European wars; as to Spain,

limited, as she is by nature, to a narrow theatre, she can neither

traverse the seas, nor pass the Pyrenean mountains. Well, in spite of

this, the statistics of Europe show us enormous armies; the budgets

which are necessary to support them exhaust and overwhelm the nations.

What is the use of this military preparation? Do you believe that such

gigantic forces are kept on foot only that governments may not be taken

unawares by a general war; that war, which always threatens and never

breaks out; that war, which is feared neither by the government nor by

the people? No! they have another object: these armies are intended to

compensate for the moral means, the want of which is deplorably felt

on all sides, and nowhere more keenly than where the words justice and

liberty have been proclaimed with the most ostentation.

The enervation of the numerous classes, by means of monotonous,

effortless labor, and a complete abandonment to pleasure, may be

considered by some as an element of order; as their power of striking

is thereby taken away, or at least diminished. We allow that the

workmen of our age are not capable of displaying the terrible energy

of ancient champions of the Commons; of those men who, throwing off

the yoke of the feudal lords, struggled hand to hand with formidable

warriors, whose names were immortalized on the plains of Palestine.

The new revolutionists want, also, that courage and that enthusiasm

which are communicated to the soul by great and generous ideas. The man

who fights only to procure enjoyments will never be capable of making

heroic sacrifices. Sacrifices demand self-denial; they are incompatible

with egotism: now the thirst for pleasure is egotism, carried to the

last degree of refinement. Nevertheless, it must be observed that a

mode of life purely material, and deprived of the stimulus of the moral

principles, ends by extinguishing the feelings, and plunges the soul

into a sort of stupidity, into a forgetfulness of self, which may, in

certain cases, supply the place of valor. The soldier who marches with

tranquillity to death, when leaving a brutal _orgy_, and the man who

commits suicide with imperturbable calmness, without anxiety for the

future, are precisely in the same position. The boldness of the one,

and the firmness of the other, show contempt of life. So, if we suppose

their passions to be excited by the trouble of the times, the numerous

class may display an energy of which they are supposed to be incapable;

the sight of their numbers may raise their courage; bold and cunning

leaders, putting themselves at their head, may succeed in rendering

them terrible.

However this may be, it is at least certain that society cannot

continue its career without the aid and influence of moral means;

these means cannot suffice, shut up within the narrow circle in which

they are confined; consequently, it is indispensable to encourage the

development of institutions adapted to exercise moral influence in a

practical and efficacious manner. Books are not enough; the extension

of instruction is but an inefficient means, which may even become

fatal, unless based upon solid religious ideas. The propagation of

a vague religious feeling, undefined, without rules, without dogmas

or worship, will only serve to propagate gross superstitions among

the masses, and to form a religion of poetry and romance among the

cultivated classes; they are vain remedies, which do not stop the

progress of the disease; but, by augmenting the delirium of the

patient, precipitate his death.

The education, the instruction, the improvement of the moral condition

of the people, these words, which are in the mouth of everybody, prove

how keenly and generally the wound in the social body is felt, and

how urgent is the necessity of the timely application of a remedy, in

order to prevent incalculable evils. This is the reason why projects

of beneficence ferment in so many minds; why it is attempted, under so

many different forms, to establish schools for children and adults, and

other similar institutions; but all will be useless, unless the work be

confided to Christian charity. Let us profit by the knowledge acquired

by experience in this matter; let us take advantage of administrative

improvements, the better to attain our end; let the establishments

be accommodated to present wants and exigences; let charity never

embarrass the action of power, and power, on its side, never oppose the

action of charity: all this will be well; but nothing of all this is

inconsistent with a system, in which the Catholic religion will recover

the influence which belongs to her; of her it may be said, with perfect

truth, _that she makes herself all to all, to gain the whole world_.

The little minds which do not carry their views beyond a limited

horizon; bad hearts, which nourish only hatred, and delight only in

exciting rancor and in calling forth the evil passions; the fanatics of

a mechanical civilization, who see no other agent than steam, no other

power than gold and silver, no other object than production, no other

end than pleasure; all these men, assuredly, will attach but little

importance to the observations which I have made; for them, the moral

development of individuals and society is of little importance; they do

not even perceive what passes under their eyes; for them, history is

mute, experience barren, and the future a mere nothing. Happily there

is a great number of men who believe that their minds are nobler than

metal, more powerful than steam, and too grand and too sublime to be

satisfied with momentary pleasure.

Man, in their eyes, is not a being who lives by chance, given up to the

current of time and the mercy of circumstances, who is not called upon

to think of the destinies which attend him, or to prepare for them,

by making a worthy use of the moral and intellectual qualifications

wherewith the Author of nature has favored him. If the physical world

is subject to the laws of the Creator, the moral world is not less

so; if matter can be used in a thousand ways for the profit of man,

the mind, created to the image and likeness of God, is also endowed

with valuable powers; a vast sphere opens before him; he feels himself

called to work for the good of humanity, without confining himself

to combinations and modifications of matter, like an instrument or a

slave of the material element, whereof the empire and control have been

granted to him by God. Let faith in another life, and charity, which

have come down from God, fertilize these noble feelings, and enlighten

and direct these sublime thoughts; you will then clearly see that

matter has no claim to be the ruler of the world; and that the King of

the creation has not yet abdicated his rights. But if you attempt to

build on any other foundation than that which has been established by

God, do not indulge flattering hopes, your edifice will be like the

house built upon sand; the rain came, the wind blew, and the edifice

was overturned with violence.[27]

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